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The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Extract

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize and concientizar1 rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

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References

1 Concientizar is to raise social consciousness.

2 See especially Phillip, Berryman, The Religious Roots of Rebellion: Christians in Central American Revolutions (London, 1984),Google Scholar Chs. 4 and 8; Michael, Dodson and Tommie, Sue Montgomery, ‘Churches in the Nicaraguan Revolution’, in Thomas, Walker, ed., Nicaragua in Revolution (New York, 1982);Google Scholar and Pablo, Richard and Guillermo, Meléndez, La Iglesia de los Pobres en América Central, (San José, 1982).Google Scholar

3 During the colonial period the purpose behind the concentration of the indigenous population in nucleated settlements was twofold: firstly, to aid encomenderos in the extraction of tithes and labour from the Indians, and secondly, to facilitate the Church in its religious conversion of the Indians.

4 Booth, John A., The End and the Beginning: The Nicaraguan Revolution (Boulder, 1982), p. 13.Google Scholar

5 ibid., p. 12.

6 The national right of presentation gave the government the power to nominate ecclesiastical authorities.

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20 A Dominican priest in Leon, Luis Suárez, described in a letter dated 23.1.61 to Luis Somoza his struggle to combat communism in the University of León. He organized some 80 Catholic students to infiltrate communist groups at the university, and he himself spoke to parents of communist students, convincing them to send their children abroad. In this way, he succeeded in stamping out leftist ideas, supplanting them with ‘catholic inspired social doctrine’. He concluded the letter saying, ‘today no one is sympathizing with Fidel.’ See Archivo Nacional de Nicaragua, Secretaría de la Presidencia, Serie, B, Caja, no. 40 (29) Clero, 1961.Google Scholar

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22 It is not inconsequential that the new Archbishop of Managua in 1970 served as the outspoken Mons. Calderón y Padilla's auxiliary bishop in Matagalpa.

23 Looking through various years of correspondence between the Somoza governments and clergy, one can find numerous instances of priests and bishops being granted pesonal ‘favours’. These ranged from free airline passes for travel abroad, to gifts of automobiles, to outright cash advancements. In May 1965, for example, the Archbishop Mons. González y Robleto was sent a ‘special contribution’ of $1500.00 towards his expenses while he was in New York for a week to have an eye operation. Of course, his airfare had already been covered. See Archivo Nacional de Nicaragua, Secretaría de la Presidencia, Serie B, Caja no. 7 (33a) Clero, 1965.

24 In this sense, then, it was a defensive response on the part of the Church which led it to promote social change. For many it was either that or communism.

25 Renato, Poblete SJ, ‘From Medellín to Puebla’, in Daniel, Levine, ed., Churches and Politics in Latin America (Beverly Hills, 1980), p. 45.Google Scholar

27 Concientización is a Latin American concept without a literal translation. The nearest translation would be ‘consciousness raising’ or a lifting of social awareness.

28 Consejo, Episcopal Latinoamericano (CELAM), ‘La lglesia en la Actual Transformación de América Latina a la Luz del Concilio’, Conclusiones (Bogotá, 1968), pp. 5861, 70–1, 93–5, 161–4, 208–10.Google Scholar

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30 Comunidades eclesiales de base are small groups of people from the same barrio who gather to discuss daily problems in the light of the Bible. Included under this heading are groups for Bible study, catechism, pre-confirmation, and pre-marriage counseling.

31 Departamento Ecuménico de investigaciones (DEI), ‘Apuntes para una Teología Nicaragüense’ (San José, 1981), p. 42.Google Scholar

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34 Primer Encuentro Pastoral en Managua, ‘De Cara al Futuro de la Iglesia en Nicaragua’, Documentos (Managua, , 1969), pp. 38–9, 100–22.Google Scholar

35 Booth, , op. cit., p. 73.Google Scholar

36 La Prensa, 8 05 1971.Google Scholar

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39 The Episcopal Conference includes all the bishops of Nicaragua, who meet several times in the year to discuss national pastoral strategy and to draft pastoral letters and communiqués. The bishops elect a president and secretary every two to four years.

40 Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua (CEN), ‘Sobre el Deber del Testimonio y de la Acció Cristiana en el Orden Politico’ (Managua, 29.6.71).

41 CEN, ‘Sobre los Principios que Rigen la Actividad Politica de Toda la Iglesia Como Tal’ (Managua, 19.3.72), p. 11.

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47 CEN, ‘Declaración de La Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua Reunida en Sesión Extraordinaria’ (Managua, 27.5.74); CEN, ‘El Hombre, la Iglesia y la Socicdad’, (Granada, 6.8.74).

48 In fact, the timing of the August 1974 pastoral clearly demonstrated that the bishops' position already resembled that of moderate opposition groups. In late June, twenty- seven opposition leaders had issued a statement concerning the upcoming elections entitled, ‘No hay quien por votar’ (There's no one to vote for). The day after the August pastoral was published, the bishops met with the opposition leaders to discuss the problem of Somoza's re-election, an indirect endorsement of their position. See Berryman, , op. cit., pp. 68–9 On this point.Google Scholar

49 Alejandro, Bendaña, ‘Crisis in Nicaragua’, NACLA Report on the Americas (1112 1978), pp. 1314.Google Scholar

50 The FSLN, founded in 1961 and inspired by the nationalist hero Augusto C. Sandino, was dedicated to a programme of social revolution. During the 1960s most of its efforts were concentrated in northern rural areas.

51 UDEL was composed of the Nicaraguan Socialist Party (PSN), a faction of the Social Christian Party (PSCN), labour groupings (CGT and CTN), Conservatives, and the Independent Liberal Party (PLI).

52 Bendaña, , op. cit, p. 15.Google Scholar

53 See Amnesty International Report on Nicaragua for 1977.

54 CEN, ‘Mensaje de la Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua Renovando la Esperanza Cristiana al iniciarse el Año 1917’ (Managua, 8.1.77).

55 DrAmando, López and DrArrién, Juan B., ‘El Papel de la Iglesia en la Coyuntura Nacional’, Encuentro, no. 14 (0712 1978), p. 133.Google Scholar

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57 ‘Los Doce’included several respected professionals and two priests, Fernando Cardenal SJ and Miguel D'Escoto.

58 Servicio de Información y Documentación (SID) (1112 1977), p. 6.Google Scholar

59 La Prensa, 23 10 1977.Google Scholar

60 La Prensa, 26 10 1977.Google Scholar

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63 La Prensa, 17 01 1978.Google Scholar

64 La Prensa, 9 02 1978.Google Scholar

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66 Booth, , op. cit., p. 160.Google Scholar

67 CEN, ‘Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua a los Hombres de Buena Voluntad’, in Encuentro, no. 14 (0712 1978), p. 109.Google Scholar

68 ibid., pp. 108–11.

69 Encuentro, no. 14 (0712 1978), PP. 112–14.Google Scholar

70 George, Black, Triumph of the People: The Sandinist Revolution in Nicaragua (London, 1981), p. 319.Google Scholar

71 La Prensa, 29 09 1978.Google Scholar

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73 ibid., p. 166.

74 La Prensa, 29 11 1978.Google Scholar

75 La Prensa, 23 11 1978.Google Scholar

76 La Prensa, 30 03 1979.Google Scholar

77 La Prensa, 26 04 1979.Google Scholar

78 CEN, , ‘Mensaje al Pueblo Nicaragüense: Momento Insurreccional’, Presencia Crisliana en la Revoución (Managua, 1979), p. 4.Google Scholar

79 Four priests currently hold positions in the government: Ernesto Cardenal as Minister of Culture; Miguel D'Escoto as Foreign Minister; Fernando Cardenal SJ as Minister of Education; and Edgar Parrales as Nicaragua's representative to the Organization of American States (OAS).

80 Within the Episcopal Conference we can point to two basic tendencies: those bishops who favour a strategy of dialogue vis-à-vis the government and those who prefer to pursue a strategy of confrontation. The former is based on the assumption that the Sandinistas are here to stay; the latter, that they will eventually be overthrown.

81 Interview with Ernesto, Cardenal, 15 01 1985, Managua;Google Scholar press interview with Fernando, Cardenal, 24 01 1985, Managua.Google Scholar

82 Interview with Mons. Pablo, Antonio Vega, 14 07 1983, Juigalpa, and 18 12 1984, Managua.Google Scholar

83 Envio, No. 30 (12 1983), p. 9b.Google Scholar

84 CEN, ‘Mensaje de la Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua’, (Managua, 18.2.82).

85 The majority of Miskitos in Nicaragua – figures vary from 60% to 80% – pertain to the Moravian Church, a Protestant Church founded in Saxony in the 18th century by emigrants from Moravia.

86 CEN, ‘Consideraciones Generales de la Conferencia Episcopal de Nicaragua Sobre el Servicio Militar’ (Managua, 29.8.83).

87 CEN, ‘Carta Pastoral del Episcopado Nicaragüense Sobre la Reconciliación’ (Managua, 22.4.84).

88 The CDN is made up of the Social Christian Party (PSC), the Social Democratic Party (PSD), the Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC), the Conservative Party of Nicaragua (PCN), labour groupings (CTN and CUS), and COSEP.

89 Centro, Juvenil ‘Don Bosco’, Juan Pablo II: Viaje Pastoral a Centroamérica, Discursos, Homilias y Mensajes (Managua, 1983), p. 57.Google Scholar

90 New York Times, 5 03 1983; Washington Post, 5 03 1983; The Times, 5 03 1983.Google Scholar

91 Interview with Mons. Pablo, Antonio Vega, 18 12 1984, Managua.Google Scholar