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Peronismo Without Perón Ten Years After the Fall (1955-1965)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 January 2018

Peter Ranis
Peter Ranis*
Affiliation:
Department of Government, University of New Mexico
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Extract

The persistence of peronista political power remains the essential political concern of post-Perón Argentina. This dilemma has never been resolved and its presence affects any approximation of social and political integration. As contemporary peronismo responds to an apparent psycho-social void that has not been filled by any other party or movement, the alternatives today are as they were ten years ago: to allow the peronistas legal political status, to integrate them into existing political parties, or to permanently isolate them. The astounding peronista successes in the March 1965 Congressional elections favor the first solution to this now historical problem.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of Inter-American Studies , Volume 8 , Issue 1 , January 1966 , pp. 112 - 128
Copyright
Copyright © University of Miami 1966

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References

1 Ciria, Alberto, Partidos y poder en la Argentina moderna 1930-46 (Buenos Aires: Jorge Alvarez, 1964), pp. 312-20Google Scholar.

2 Di Telia, Torcuato S., Germani, Gino, Graciarena, Jorge, et al, Argentina, sociedad de masas (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1965), p. 281 Google Scholar.

3 See the effects of peronista legislation on social life in the well documented El Libro Negro de la segunda tiranía (Buenos Aires, 1958). These documents were published under the auspices of the Office of the Vice President during the Aramburu Provisional Government.

4 Antonio Cafiero, Cinco años después (Buenos Aires, 1961). The author concentrates on the distribution of income as well as on the heightened consumption levels of basic goods.

5 Sebreli, Juan Jose, Buenos Aires, vida cotidiana y alienación (Buenos Aires: Siglo Veinte, 1964), p. 183 Google Scholar.

6 Merchensky, Marcos, Las corrientes ideológicas en la historia argentina (Buenos Aires: Concordia, 1961), pp. 226-27Google Scholar.

7 Ibid., p. 230.

8 For fuller treatment of the pcrontoa-Frondizi alliance see Alfredo Galletti, La política y los partidos (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1961), pp. 241 ff.

9 The Partido Justicialista (the name of Perón's movement), which has continually attempted to co-ordinate all pero«£s/a-oriented parties, has failed to be recognized by any post-Perón government, including that of Illia.

10 La Nación (Buenos Aires), December 5, 1960, p. 6.

11 Buenos Aires Herald, December 29, 1962, p. 6.

12 “Lucha por el poder y desviaciones doctrinarias,” Comentarios, I, No. 2 (November 1, 1963), 6.

13 See, for example, the poems of sociologist Dario Canton, La saga del peronismo (Buenos Aires: Ancora, 1964).

14 See Irving L. Horowitz's paper on Party Charisma: A Comparative Analysis of Political Practices and Principles in Third World Nations (Buenos Aires: Instituto Di Telia, 1964), p. 6.

15 Gino Germani. Política y sociedad en una época de transición: de la sociedad tradicional a la sociedad de masas (Buenos Aires: Editorial Paidos, 1963), p. 252.

16 Torcuato S. Di Telia, “La situación argentina,” Cuadernos Americanos, CXXTV, No. 5 (September/October 1962), 55.

17 On December 2, 1964, Perón made an attempt to reach Argentine soil via Iberia Airlines but was held up and returned by Brazilian authorities 48 hours after landing in Rio de Janeiro. When Perón's abortive return became public knowledge, the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) staged a two-day general strike on December 17 and 18. The response was less than 50% successful, one of the least happy examples of peronista-v/oikei solidarity in a decade.

18 Although in the Chamber of Deputies the various groups have acted as one bloc, the 1965 elections gave evidence of the interesting phenomenon in several rural provinces of a neo-peranista - peronista competition at the polls.

19 Frondizi's newly-formed (1964) party Movimiento de Integración y Desarrollo.

20 General and former President Pedro Aramburu's own party vehicle founded originally for the 1963 election.

21 That part of Frondizi's own original UCRI which refused to join in his support of the 1963 perom'ífa-inclusive Frente Nacional y Popular.

22 Much Argentine political literature is devoted to conjecturing about what constitutes peronismo, how to give the peronistas a socialist content, how to capture the laboring masses, how to infiltrate the General Confederation of Labor, etc. See Torcuato S. Di Telia's Socialismo en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Jorge Alvarez, 1965) and El sistema político argentino y la clase obrera (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1964).

23 Confirmado, I, No. 6 (Buenos Aires, June 11, 1965), 7.

24 The CGT puts out an annual report which describes its leadership, membership and program, identifying thereby its peronista strength, affiliations and goals. Memoria y Balance 1963-64 (Buenos Aires: CGT, 1964).

25 José S. Campobassi et al, Los partidos políticos (Buenos Aires, 1963), p. 101.

26 Primera Plana, III, No. 134 (June 1, 1965), 16.

27 For an excellent analysis of the army, church, unions, industrialists, land-owners and politicians as historical and contemporary Argentine elites see José Luis de Imaz's important study Los que mandan (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1964).