¹ Wainwright, in J.E.A., xvii (1931), pp. 26–43Google Scholar.

² Wainwright, , ‘The Keftiu-people of the Egyptian Monuments,’ published in the Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology (Liverpool), VI (1913), pp. 24–83Google Scholar. Reference to this article is made as L.A.

³ L.A., pp. 34–37, 45, 75.

⁴ The new Keftiuan figure is shown as Fig. 23 of the present article = Davies, , Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Nov. 1929Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1928–29, p. 41, Fig. 5, and cf. Figs. 1, 2.

⁵ Davies, , Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, March 1926Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1924–25, pp. 44–46, and Figs. 1, 6.

⁶ See p. 8 for the wrongful insertion and final correction of the pendant in Rekhmirê's mixed group of Keftiuans and Islanders.

⁷ See next paragraph.

⁸ Davies, , Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, March 1926Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1924–25, p. 44, col. b. Yet Sir Arthur Evans entitles his reproduction of Mr.Davies', figure ‘Minoan Tributaries from Keftiu: Tomb of Useramon,’ Fig. 471, The Palace of Minos, II, p. 738Google Scholar, where he changes into ‘Keftiu’ the name which the inscription gives as ‘Isles.’ To his figure 470 he similarly gives the title ‘Minoan Tribute-bearers from Keftiu: Tomb of Senmut,’ where the name ‘Keftiu’ is supplied by himself, there being no name at all in the inscription. Though to him the two names of course mean the same thing, it would still complicate matters to use them in this way, even if there were no alternative view in the field which separates them.

⁹ Mr. Davies kindly confirms by letter that Keftiu is not mentioned.

¹⁰ Wainwright, , L.A., p. 45Google Scholar.

¹¹ Hall, in B.S.A., x, pp. 154Google Scholar ff.

¹² Op. cit. xvi, p. 254.

¹³ Op. cit. viii, p. 175. Surely it is scarcely possible to compare the full heavy kilt of the Keftiuans with either the cutaway kilt of the bull-catchers (Bossert, , Alt Kreta, 2nd ed., Figs. 242, 243Google Scholar) or the skin-tight short kilt of the Cupbearer with its long pendant of bead network.

¹⁴ Hall, in B.S.A., viii, pp. 172, 173Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Hall, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, presented to Sir Arthur Evans, 1927, Pl. III, facing p. 40Google Scholar, and caption to Fig. 4, p. 39. The same is quite rightly done in the case of Useramon's People of the Isles, Fig. 2, p. 38.

¹⁶ For example, Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, the caption to Fig. 473 facing p. 741Google Scholar reads ‘Minoan Tribute-bearers from Keftiu: Tomb of Rekhmara.’ Similarly on p. 656 in speaking of the mission of the Chief of Keftiu in Menkheperrêsenb's fresco he says, ‘the gifts are mainly borne by Minoan youths.’ In the same way, in the Essays in Aegean Archaeology, Hall entitles his Pl. III, facing p. 40Google Scholar, ‘Minoan Cretan Ambassadors … tomb of Sennemut …’ and his Plates IV, a, b, ‘Minoans in the Tomb of Menkheperrêsenb.’

¹⁷ L.A., pp. 35, 80, No. 10.

¹⁸ Sethe, , Urkunden der XVIII Dynastie, p. 616Google Scholar, l. 2. See also p. 34 of the present article.

¹⁹ The four fillers Nos. 41, 42 on Pl. X; the five protomai Nos. 45–49 on Pl. X; the five objects Nos. 92–96 on Pl. XIII.

²⁰ The four fillers and five protomai of the previous note.

²¹ The five objects Nos. 92–96 of note 19.

²² The figure fifty-four represents the number of objects, whether of a Cretising, Syrising, or independent nature, that were allotted on this method to the Keftiuans. The total number of objects brought by the mixed company of Keftiuans and Islanders is fifty-nine. From this must be deducted the five allotted to the Islanders, leaving fifty-four as the total contributed by the Keftiuans.

²³ Here they appear with Asiatic leaders, the chiefs of the Hittites and of Tunip, as well as their own. The train of tribute-bearers is, however, represented as only composed of Keftiuans and is always so considered in the discussions of the subject. They are so treated here.

²⁴ The objects may be easily reckoned up by reference to Müller, Max plates in his publication of the scenes, Egyptological Researches, II, Pls. 2, 3Google Scholar, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. By reference to Pl. 1, it will be seen that Plates 4, 5, 6 give the objects that belong to Qadesh. The line may be seen quite distinctly in Pl. 1, which divides this group (the lower two rows) from the upper (the upper two rows). The figure prostrating itself on this dividing line is that of the Chief of Keftiu himself, who is shewn on a large scale on Pl. 7.

²⁵ Figs. 71, 72 of Pl. XI of my article in L.A., VI.

²⁶ Figs. 85 and 91 respectively of Pl. XIII of my article in L.A., VI.

²⁷ Compare the fillers 66, 67 with that brought by Syrians, Fig. 14; and the bull's head, 58, with Figs. 20, 21, 22, which also are brought by Syrians.

²⁸ They are here shewn in a group by themselves. Unfortunately it is only a very small one. The other rows shew Syrians, who are named as those of Upper and Lower Retenu respectively.

²⁹ Figs. 75, 76, 77 of Pl. XI of my article in L.A., VI.

³⁰ Hall, , Cambridge Ancient History, II, p. 278Google Scholar. Id., in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, pp. 35, 37. Cf. Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 535Google Scholar, note 3, p. 745.

³¹ Wainwright, , J.E.A., xvii (1931), p. 43Google Scholar.

³² Mr.Davies, has an interesting passage on the subject of the care put into his work by the Egyptian artist. It occurs in the Bulletin of the Metrop. Museum of Art, March 1926Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1924–25, p. 48. Here he says, ‘the artists of this and the succeeding reign … did not often yield … to mere reproduction of a created type, but sought, as a rule, to delineate with care the peculiarities of face, dress, and customs, as if they were fully aware that these deserved study, sympathy, and even admiration.’

³³ Neither are they the very short kilt with the long network of beads dangling in front that the men wear in the Cupbearer fresco of Knossos; see Fig. 16 of the present article. They are, however, identical in their cut with the kilts worn by the Philistines and their allies, who are commonly called ‘the Sea Raiders’ or ‘the Sea Peoples’ by Egyptologists.

³⁴ Or Pl. XVII of L.A., VI, where another is shewn.

³⁵ Wainwright, op. cit., pp. 44, 45.

³⁶ Davies, , Bull. Metrop. Museum of Art, March 1926Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1924–25, p. 46.

³⁷ Fig. 23 of the present article is reproduced from Davies, , Bull. Metrop. Mus. of Art, Nov. 1929Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1928–29, p. 41, Fig. 5, and cf. Figs. 1, 2.

³⁸ See pp. 24, 25.

³⁹ de G. Davies, N., The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes, Pl. XXXVI and in colour Pl. I and in photograph Pl. XXXIIIa. Mr. Davies discusses the man on p. 91Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 739Google Scholar, Fig. 472.

⁴¹ Hall, , Cambridge Ancient History, II, p. 286Google Scholar.

⁴² Enlarged from A. S. Murray, Excavations in Cyprus, Pl. I, right-hand corner of the top figure; Pl. II, Fig. 872, A.

⁴³ Hall, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 40Google Scholar. ‘Pseudo-Minoan’ is, of course, his term for them, not mine.

⁴⁴ It is also published in Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 473, e.

⁴⁵ Id., op. cit., II, Fig. 473, b.

⁴⁶ Fig. 2 of this article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 482.

⁴⁷ Fig. 3 of this article = Id., op. cit., II, Fig. 473, d.

⁴⁸ Fig. 4 of this article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, the man carrying the jackal's head as a present. The reproduction in this plate is too faint to show this fine detail.

⁴⁹ Evans, op. cit., II, Fig. 473, f.

⁵⁰ A. S. Murray, Excavations in Cyprus, Pl. I, righthand corner of the uppermost figure.

⁵¹ de G. Davies, N., The Tomb of Puyemrê at Thebes, Pl. XXXI, top register, and pp. 80, 81Google Scholar. The tribute-bearers in this scene are said to be from ‘Further Syria.’

⁵² The outline, though apparently not the construction, of the kilt may be compared with that worn by the Keftiuans. The Cypriote and North Syrian kilt has an exaggerated point which swings against the calves of the legs. This might perhaps be compared with that worn by the Keftiuans of Rekhmirê, such as Fig. 8, and discussed on p. 18. Others are shewn in Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, b. It should be observed that though this plate calls both scenes Menkheperrêsenb, actually the lower of them belongs to Rekhmirê.

⁵³ Fig. 1 of this article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 473, e. The idea is continued in the main panel, where the vertical stripes are given a zigzag form.

⁵⁴ Fig. 6 of this article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, last man.

⁵⁵ Mr. Davies says it is Babylonian in style, op. cit., p. 81.

⁵⁶ Carter, and Newberry, , The Tomb of Thoutmôsis IV, Figs. 4, 5, pp. 28, 29Google Scholar; cf. also Pls. X, XI.

⁵⁷ Carter and Newberry, op. cit., p. 32. The list is Naharaina, Sangara, Tounipa, Shasu, Kadshi (Qadesh), and Tikhisa. For a number of these places see the map, J.E.A., xvii, Pl. V. Shasu is a Palestinian name.

⁵⁸ Davies, op. cit., frontispiece and Pl. XXXVI, the second man.

⁵⁹ Mr. Davies describes the last man in the group as a ‘Libyan’ on account of certain of his characteristics; p. 92, and note 1. This is not necessary, for just as his ‘pouch’ is worn by the men of Qadesh and the chiefs of Keftiu and the Hittites (Müller, Max, Egyptological Researches, II, Pls. 7Google Scholar, 13, 15, 16), so his crossed bands on the chest are worn by the North Syrian foes of Thothmes IV; see Carter, and Newberry, , The Tomb of Thoutmôsis IV, Figs. 4, 5, 6, pp. 28Google Scholar, 29, 30.

⁶⁰ Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, Pl. CXLIII = Champollion, Monuments, Pl. CCIII.

⁶¹ Amenemheb's Keftiuans are also bearded, though this combined with their dress leads the pro-Cretans to speak of them as ‘pure Syrians wrongly labelled’ and so to decline discussing them (Pendlebury, , J.E.A., xvi, p. 76Google Scholar, note 4, and again p. 81).

⁶² A. S. Murray, Excavations in Cyprus, Pl. I, righthand corner of the top figure.

⁶³ See the photographs in the collection published by Petrie, , Racial Types from Egypt; Sherden, 159Google Scholar; Shekelesh, 160; Thekel, 168, 174–77, 178, and less clearly 158. The beards of all three of these peoples are shewn in Rosellini, op. cit., Pl. CXLIII, but in his version of the plate Champollion (op. cit., Pl. CCIII) omits the beard of the Thekel, but shews the other two correctly. The name Thekel has been transcribed into English letters in a variety of ways, such as Zakkal, Zakaray, etc. It is generally thought of as representing the Greek name Teukroi, that is to say, the native Tarku when Cilicia is under discussion; see Ramsay, , J.H.S., 1918, p. 131Google Scholar, note 10, pp. 146, 149. On the question of the presence of Keftiuan names at Olba (itself Graecised from a native name, Ramsay, , Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, p. 22Google Scholar), in Cilicia Tracheia, where the priest-kings were Teukroi, , see the companion article, J.E.A., xvii, pp. 32, 36Google Scholar, and cf. p. 16 of the present one.

⁶⁴ There is one kilt that has exactly the same bunches of tassels as the Philistine ones, except that it also has them at the back as well as the front. This is worn by the four men who are labelled Aamu ‘Asiatics’ among the figures representative of the four divisions of mankind in the tomb of Seti. See Fig. 13 of the present article = Lepsius, Denkmaeler, iii, Pl. 136, Figs, a, b, d.

⁶⁵ For the wearing of tassels see Fig. 8 of this article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 479. Others are Fig. 473, b; Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, the last man but one; Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, b, on the point of the kilt of the first man = Fig. 473, a.

⁶⁶ Rekhmirè's are inclined to be very slightly shorter than Menkheperrêsenb's. Perhaps this may be due to the presence of the Islanders in this company.

⁶⁷ These figures are also published by Müller, Max, Egyptological Researches, II, Pls. 12 and 11Google Scholar, or better, Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, the man on the extreme right of the plate and the other at the extreme left. This same plate, which is a reproduction of Mrs. Davies' facsimile paintings, is also published by Hall in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, Pl. IV, a.

⁶⁸ See Figs. 1, 2, 3 of the present article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 473, d, e; Fig. 482, the last man.

⁶⁹ For yet others see Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 473. c, g.

⁷⁰ Ramsay, , J.H.S., 1918, p. 131Google Scholar, note 10, pp. 146, 149. Olba, itself is probably nothing but a Graecised form of a native name, Id., Hist. Geogr. of Asia Minor, p. 22Google Scholar.

⁷¹ See the companion article in J.E.A., xvii, pp. 32, 36.

⁷² Op. cit., pp. 35, 36.

⁷³ I Sam. xxvii, 6.

⁷⁴ Fig. 8 of the present article, which is drawn from Rekhmirê's fresco = Evans, op. cit., II, Fig. 479. Another very similar one is to be seen in Menkheperrêsenb, Evans, op. cit., II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, last figure but one on the right = a poor drawing in Max Müller, Egyptological Researches, II, Pl. 12.

⁷⁵ Besides the two kilts mentioned in the previous note, see Rekhmirê: Evans, op. cit., II, Fig. 473, a, b. Fig. 473, a = the first man on Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, b. The last figure on this same plate has them also, but only reproduced here dimly, though they are quite clear in Mrs. Davies' facsimile paintings in the British Museum Sculpture Gallery.

⁷⁶ Fig. 8 of the present article = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 479. This one is from Rekhmirê. For the other, which is from Menkheperrêsenb, see Id., op. cit., II, Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, last man but one = Hall in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, Pl. IV, a.

⁷⁷ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 743Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ It is unfortunate that the only Keftiuan who stretches his legs widely is the Chief of Keftiu, who prostrates himself in Menkheperrêsenb (Max Müller, Egyptological Researches, II, Pl. 7). While his kilt allows him to do this without difficulty, it would perhaps be hardly fair to adduce this instance, as his kilt differs in its decoration from the usual Keftiuan ones. In its patterning it approximates more the dress of the ‘Keftiuan’ figure in Puyemrê, while in shape it is the same as those of the Philistines. Actually it is very much the same as the kilt of the Chief of Kheta who accompanies him (Pl. 7), and also those of the men of Qadesh who come as another group in the same fresco, Pls. 13, 14, 15, 16.

⁷⁹ With, of course, the exception of the border.

⁸⁰ Horizontal bands = Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, Figs. 473, c, g; 482Google Scholar, the leading man; Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, a, the leading man. Vertical bands = id., op. cit., Figs. 473, a, b; 474, 479; Suppl. Pl. XXVIII, Fig. a, the last man but one; Fig. b, all the four men. In the use of vertical bands the Keftiuan kilt is the same as those worn by some of Thothmes IV's north Syrian enemies (Carter, and Newberry, , The Tomb of Thoutmôsis IV, Figs. 2, 3, 4, 5, pp. 26–29Google Scholar). It is also the same as those worn by the representative figures called Aamu ‘Asiatics’ in Seti's tomb (Lepsius, Denkmaeler, iii, Pl. 136, a, b, d = Fig. 13 of the present article). This kilt of the Aamu has the same bunches of tassels as have die Philistine ones.

⁸¹ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, Pl. XII, facing p. 707Google Scholar, Fig. 450, Nos. 8, 9; Figs. 452, 456; Suppl. Pls. XXVI, XXVII.

⁸² Id., op. cit., II, Fig. 482, the second man.

⁸³ Cf. Id., op. cit., II, Fig. 456, c.

⁸⁴ Fig. 7 = Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 482, the third man, or Fig. 480, b, where it is reproduced on a large scale but turned upside down, and mistakenly said to be from Rekhmirê. Actually it is from Menkheperrêsenb.

⁸⁵ Fig. 17 is drawn from Garstang, , The Land of the Hittites, Pl. LVI, facing p. 186Google Scholar. The pattern comes out quite clearly under a magnifying glass.

⁸⁶ Fig. 20 is a section of the kilt published by O. Puchstein, Boghasköi: Die Bauwerke, Pl. 19: cf. also Pl. 18, and on p. 70, Fig. 48. The figure has often been republished; for example, in Cowley, A. E., The Hittites, Fig. 10, on p. 25Google Scholar; Garstang, , The Hittite Empire, Pl. XIX, facing p. 86Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Fig. 18 is drawn from Garstang, , The Land of the Hittites, Pl. LVI, facing p. 186Google Scholar.

⁸⁸ Evans, The Palace of Minos, II, Fig. 473, b, c, g, Fig. 474, Fig. 482, the first and second men; Max Müller, Egyptological Researches, II, Pl. 10, last man, Pl. 11, last man.

⁸⁹ Senmut's Islanders, Fig. 14, = Evans, op. cit., II, Fig. 470, the last man. A Cretan kilt, op. cit., II, Fig. 485.

⁹⁰ The only connection is in the use of spots in a row as a border. But this is in no way a remarkable design, but something quite simple, and, standing as it does by itself, neither indicates influence from Crete upon Keftiu, nor from Keftiu upon Crete. Until we know more about the interactions of the various cultures, these can only be treated as parallels the one to the other.

⁹¹ Champollion, Monuments de l'Égypte, Pl. CLX, Fig. 1.

⁹² In the fresco of Amenemheb, where it is brought by the first of the standing men of the middle row. Wainwright, , L.A., VI, Pl. IX, Fig. 22, and p. 52Google Scholar. It is much damaged and has been transformed into a leg of beef by Virey in his publication of the scene, Méms. miss. arch. fr. au Caire, V, 2, the first of the coloured plates after p. 244.

⁹³ Max Müller, Egyptological Researches, II, Pl. 6. That they belong to Qadesh may be seen on Pl. 1, where they are shewn in the bottom row of the lower group, that is to say, the one placed in front of the people of Qadesh.

⁹⁴ Hall, The Ancient History of the Near East, Pl. XV, the last man of the lower row of Fig. 1. In the illustration it is not very clear, but is quite distinct in the original, now in the British Museum.

⁹⁵ Breasted, , Ancient Records, II, § 509Google Scholar. Sethe, , Urkunden der XVIII Dynastie, p. 718Google Scholar, ll. 1, 2.

⁹⁶ Champollion, Monuments de l'Égypte, Pl. CCCXVI; Wainwright, , L.A., VI, p. 521Google Scholar, where the bearing of all this is discussed.

⁹⁷ Champollion, op. cit., Pl. CCCXVI, and Wainwright, , L.A., VI, p. 60Google Scholar, where the subject is discussed.

⁹⁸ N. de G. Davies, El Amarna, II, Pl. XXXIX, third row up from the bottom.

⁹⁹ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 655Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Virolleaud, in Syria, III (1922), pp. 279Google Scholar, 282, 283, and Pls. LXVI, Fig. 12, LXIV, and Fig. 5, Nos. 10, 11.

¹⁰¹ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, pp. 658Google Scholar, 659. He dates it to about 1450 B.C.

¹⁰² Woolley, , L.A., VI, Pl. XX, a, and p. 90Google Scholar. Mr. Woolley says it bears a striking resemblance to Cretan work of L.M. I., and assigns it almost certainly to the second period of his civilisation. SirEvans, Arthur, however, dates it a good deal later, to about 1000 B.C., see Archaeologia, lxv, p. 94Google Scholar, and The Palace of Minos, II, p. 658. The vase actually comes from Tell Kerab near Tell Basher.

¹⁰³ Hall, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, pp. 32Google Scholar, 39, 40.

¹⁰⁴ Wainwright, , L.A., VI, p. 26Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ See J.E.A., xvii, pp. 29, 30.

¹⁰⁶ See pp. 25, 26.

¹⁰⁷ Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 32.

¹⁰⁸ Copied from Davies, , Bull. Metrop. Mus. of Art, Nov. 1929Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1928–29, p. 41, Fig. 5, and cf. Figs. 1, 2, where the man with the remains of his name may be seen among the other captives.

¹⁰⁹ Davies, op. cit., p. 39.

¹¹⁰ Cf. Dr.Hall, view of ‘Mr. Wainwright's pseudo-Minoan Keftians from Cilicia (whom I think to be merely badly conceived Cretans),’ which he expresses in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 40Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Fig. 24 of the present article = Lepsius, , Denkmaeler, iii, 196Google Scholar, a. Compare the sculpture at Boghaz Keui for the way in which the sleeves fall from the elbow as they do in an abayah: Garstang, , The Hittite Empire, p. 106Google Scholar, Fig. 6, and apparently p. 110, Fig. 7.

¹¹² See Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, Pl. LVII. Fig. 19 of this paper shews its lower part.

¹¹³ Garstang, , The Land of the Hittites, Pl. LVI, facing p. 186Google Scholar. A detail from this cloak is published as Fig. 18 of the present article.

¹¹⁴ The diamonds and the arrangement of the pattern in rows which turn down towards the point. A further resemblance is that it is tasselled.

¹¹⁵ Garstang, , The Hittite Empire, p. 106Google Scholar, Fig. 6; p. 110, Fig. 7.

¹¹⁶ For references see Pauly-Wissowa, , Real-Encyclopädie, s.v. col. 2266Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Herodotus, vii, 91.

¹¹⁸ Apollodori Bibliotheca, iii, 2, published in Teubner's series by Wagner, R.: Mythographi Graeci, i, p. 106Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Sethe, , Urkunden der XVIII Dynastie, p. 707Google Scholar, ll. 11, ff. Cf. Breasted, , Ancient Records, II, § 492Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ Hall, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 40Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Id., Cambridge Ancient History, II, pp. 275–88.

¹²² Op. cit., II, p. 287.

¹²³ Op. cit., p. 286. Cf. Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 32.

¹²⁴ Op. cit., II, p. 286, and op. cit., p. 32.

¹²⁵ Op. cit., II, p. 286, and op. cit., p. 32.

¹²⁶ Op. cit., II, p. 287; Cf. also pp. 277, 278.

¹²⁷ Op. cit., II, p. 287.

¹²⁸ A thing I had already shewn in some detail in note 4, p. 64 of L.A., VI.

¹²⁹ Hall, op. cit., II, p. 287.

^129a Op. cit., II, p. 287.

¹³⁰ Id., in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, pp. 32, 33.

¹³¹ Id., in Cambridge Ancient History, II, p. 279. Cf. also the similar remark in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 33.

¹³² Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 657Google Scholar.

¹³³ Hall, , Cambridge Ancient History, II, p. 288Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ Id., in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 33. Id., in Rec. d'études égyptologiques dédiées à la mémoire de J. F. Champollion, etc., Paris, 1922, p. 314.

¹³⁵ Id., in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 33.

¹³⁶ II Sam. viii, 18; xv, 18; xx, 7, 23. I Kings i, 38, 44; I Chron. xviii, 17.

¹³⁷ As I pointed out in my original article, L.A., VI, pp. 74, 75.

¹³⁸ Unless of course the Asianic name Crustte should prove to be the original of Kerethim. It occurs with Prustte which may be the original of Pelishti, , Pelethi, , Philistine, , Prśtἰ or Plśtἰ (see J.E.A., xvii, p. 35Google Scholar, note 9). If so, the Kerethim would also be an Asia Minor people like the Pelethim.

¹³⁹ Pendlebury, , Egypt and the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age, published in J.E.A., xvi (1930); pp. 75–92Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁰ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, pp. 176 ffGoogle Scholar. and Fig. 90; Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 76.

¹⁴¹ Müller, Max, Egyptological Researches, i, pp. 5 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴² See the Annals of Thothmes III, where it is named as part of the tribute in Breasted, Ancient Records, §§ 460, 462, 471, 491, 509, 534Google Scholar. In §§ 493, 521 it is included in the tribute from Asy.

¹⁴³ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 76, note 4.

¹⁴⁴ Fig. 23 of the present article.

¹⁴⁵ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 89, points 1, 4; p. 82, points 1, 3 and 4; but this again he seems to retract in note 6.

¹⁴⁶ Id., op. cit., p. 78.

¹⁴⁷ See pp. 3, 27 of the present article.

¹⁴⁸ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 82, note 6.

¹⁴⁹ See pp. 26, 27 of the present article.

¹⁵⁰ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 82, point 4 and note 6.

¹⁵¹ In Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 34.

¹⁵² See p. 4 for this quite normal construction, which is used elsewhere to connect Keftiu with Asy, just as in Rekhmirê it connects Keftiu with the Isles.

¹⁵³ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 78.

¹⁵⁴ See p. 8.

¹⁵⁵ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 78.

¹⁵⁶ See pp. 21, 22, of the present article.

¹⁵⁷ Breasted, , Ancient Records, II, § 446Google Scholar: ‘genuine lapis lazuli, a large block … genuine lapis lazuli, two blocks.’ In § 484 Sangara in the Mesopotamian plain also sends blocks of lapis lazuli.

¹⁵⁸ Pottier, in Syria, iii, p. 301Google Scholar; Evans, , Palace of Minos, II, pp. 655, 825Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ Breasted, op. cit., II, § 537.

¹⁶⁰ L.A., VI, Pl. XIV, Figs. 7, 8.

¹⁶¹ Evans, , The Palace of Minos, II, p. 654Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Myres, Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities f rom Cyprus, Fig. 335.

¹⁶³ Pendlebury, op. cit., p. 81.

¹⁶⁴ Pendlebury, op. cit., pp. 81, 82.

¹⁶⁵ L.A., VI, § 34, pp. 66, 67.

¹⁶⁶ Carter, and Newberry, , The Tomb of Thoutmôsis IV, p. 32Google Scholar, Fig. 10.

¹⁶⁷ Lepsius, Denkmaeler, iii, Pl. 63, a.

¹⁶⁸ Id., op. cit., iii, Pl. 136, d.

¹⁶⁹ Fig. 22 = Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, Pl. CXLIII, Fig. 7 = Champollion, Monuments, Pl. CCIII.

¹⁷⁰ See pp. 24, 25.

¹⁷¹ P. 82 of his article.

¹⁷² See pp. 14, 15, and note 64.

¹⁷³ L.A., VI, pp. 78–83. The two passages in which the two names occur together are Nos. 10 and 22.

¹⁷⁴ Breasted, , Ancient Records, II, §§ 659–60Google Scholar.

¹⁷⁵ See note 80.

¹⁷⁶ See p. 32.

¹⁷⁷ Jeremiah xlvii, 4; Amos ix, 7.

¹⁷⁸ Deut. ii, 23; Amos ix, 7.

¹⁷⁹ Hall, , B.S.A., x, p. 156, Fig. 2, and p. 157Google Scholar; Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 39, Fig. 4.

¹⁸⁰ See p. 3 of the present article.

¹⁸¹ Hall, in Essays in Aegean Archaeology, p. 34Google Scholar and Fig. 4, p. 39.

¹⁸² Id., op. cit., facing p. 40. The facsimile painting is at present on view in the Egyptian Sculpture Gallery of the British Museum. One must not be led away by the angle of such outline as does remain for the upper part of the body. This is not the back at all, but the arm, which is bent back to support the vase; cf. Mr. Davies' restoration quoted in note 186.

¹⁸³ H. Bossert, Alt-Kreta, 2nd edn., Pl. 333.

¹⁸⁴ Max Müller, Egyptological Researches, I, Pl. 7. He only indicates the break at the belt itself.

¹⁸⁵ Wainwright, op. cit., Pl. XV, 13.

¹⁸⁶ Davies, , Bull. Metrop. Museum of Art, March, 1926Google Scholar; The Egyptian Expedition, 1924–25, Fig. 2, facing p. 42. His drawing has been reproduced by Sir Arthur Evans as Fig. 470 of The Palace of Minos, II, where it may be found more conveniently than in the Bulletin.