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Inscriptions from Lycia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 December 2013

Extract

The following inscriptions were copied on a journey made in April and May, 1911, in Lycia. We were accompanied throughout by Mr. Nikola Michael Ferteklis of Adalia, to whom our best thanks are due. We have also to acknowledge assistance from Mr. Tod and Mr. Woodward in the publication of the texts, and from Mr. Arkwright in the interpretation of the Lycian fragment from the Fellendagh (No. 29), and with certain of the names. Our other obligations are noted in their place. An accident to one of our horses, while we were crossing the Xanthus marshes on the way to Patara, damageda great part of our squeeze paper and we have had in a number of cases to rely only on our copies. It has seemed better therefore to state the cases where we had an impression, and where we had only a copy on which to rely.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1914

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References

1 Reisen in Lykien, ii. p. 3, Fig. 2, No. 7.

2 Loewy, , Arch. Ep. Mitt. vii. p. 124.Google Scholar

3 J.H.S. xv. p. 129. In C.B. i. p. 305 the names Μῆνις and Κακ[ασβ]ίς occur as priest and priestess of Demeter and Sabazios.

4 J.H.S. xxviii. p. 181, Fig. 1.

5 We owe this reference to Mr. Tod, whom, together with Dr. Farnell, we have to thank for assistance with this inscription.

6 For the name ᾿Αγαθὴ Τύχη cf. C.I.G. 6526 (at Rome), J.H.S. xv. p. 114, No. 30.

7 Reisen, i. p. 63, No. 30.

8 Ramsay, , C.B. i. p. 329Google Scholar; cf. also p. 54.

9 B.C.H. xii. p. 514, 1. 34; cf. Lanckoronski, Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, ii. No. 221 (inscription at Sagalassos).

10 C.I.G. 2885 c.

10a See Krause, , Olympia, p. 207Google Scholar and the references there collected.

11 For the worship of the Kabeiroi at Tlos cf. J.H.S. xv. p. 122, No. 10.

12 See above, No. 18.

13 Reisen, ii. No. 176; J.H.S. xv. p. 125, No. 18.

14 Ramsay, , C.B. i. p. 126.Google Scholar

15 Ramsay, op. cit. No. 178; B.C.H. 1879, p. 335.

16 B.M.C. Phrygia, p. 225, No. 1 seqq.

17 Berlin, , Neues Museum, No. 11, 415.Google Scholar

18 Steph. Byz. s.v. Κρύα.

19 Cf. C.I.G. 4243 (at Tlos).

20 The principal are C.I.G. 2663, 3765. Also C.I.G. add. ii. 2942 b, 2942 c (= Kaibel, Epig. Gr. 290, 291, Rom. Mitt. xv. pp. 99 seqq.). Keil und von Premerstein, Bericht über eine zweite Reise in Lydien (Denkschr. der K. Akad. Wien philos.-Hist. Kl. liv.), p. 110, No. 213. B.S.A. xviii. p. 158, No. 30.

21 Isidor, , Etymolog. xviii. 55.Google Scholar Secutor ab insequendo retiarium dictus. Gestabat enim cuspidem et massam plumbeam, quae adversarii iaculum impediret, ut antequam ille feriret rete, ipse exsuperaret. Haee armatura sacrata erat Vulcano.

22 Ath. Mitt. xi. p. 132, No. 94= I.G. ix. 2, 982.

23 E.g. τυγάτηρ = θυγάτηρ, Τέκλη = Θέκλη etc.

24 I.e. the Tschukurbag of T.A.M. 54. In Jahreshefte, iii. Pt. 1, Beiblatt, p. 60, Prof. Kalinka gives the ethnic Πομαλίτης as occurring in an inscription at the site, and suggests Πόμαλα as the name.

25 Travels in Lycia, i. p. 76.

26 The form varies between arawazija (T.A.M. 44 b46, 128, 135) and erawazija (40 c7, 117). Sundwall (Klio, 1911, 473) connects Karian (a)ravoss[y]ä, (a)rau(a)ssy with Lycian arawazija. His interpretation of arawa = freien Platz, e.g. heroum, in the light of Steph. Byz., ᾿´Ερευα ἡ καὶ ᾿Ελευθέρα is unconvincing. Kluge's suggestion (Muséon, xi. p. 15) that the word is to be connected with Gk. ἡρψον seems equally improbable. Mr. Arkwright gives us the following note: The rarer form er-awazija, not brought into harmony, shows the word to be a compound, probably from ere (ara), ‘succession,’ eri, ‘in succession,’ and *awazi, an adjective from awa, ‘with’ or ‘together.’ The suffix -ija forms a kind of collective, as in T.A.M. 842, hrzzě: is[b]azijê: (acc. sing.), ‘the upper row of benches,’ from isbazi, a ‘bench’ (κλίνη). The whole would mean ‘a set (of burial places) to be held in common in succession,’ i.e. ‘a hereditary family tomb.’

27 This is the most probable explanation, although Kluge (Mitt. Vord. Gesch. 1910, p. 36) suggests that the word may possibly be a proper name. No. 25, where tlãñna = Τλωεύς pilleñni = ἐκ Πινάρων is a dedication rather than an epitaph. In 2021 Mr. Arkwright considers tlawad as more probably a personal name.

In No. 69 Kluge connects tubure with Tyberissos, but this is not certain; and in No. 43 he suggests that pñnutahi may be an ethnic (? from Pyduai), but in No. 12 pñnuteh tideimi is certainly a patronymic. The use of the ethnic in the present example would be justified if a Xanthian were building his tomb in a foreign city.

28 We transliterate by ζ, following Mr. Arkwright, who regards as a sibilant very nearly approaching the Lycian Ι. (For his former view, now given up, = th, see jahreshefte ii. 68.)

29 For such names cf. Κτασάδας (Reisen, ii. 176), Κτασκάας (ib. ii. p. 146, n. 2), Κτησκείτου (J.H.S. xv. p. 112, 20, 25).

30 E.g. Torp, , Lykische Beitr. i. 34Google Scholar, as verbal substantive = Schädiger. See further, Kluge, op. cit. pp 49, 50.

31 If, as is possible, the suffix -ãi can also convey the sense of distribution over a space of time, awahai might be more simply rendered as ‘joint-rights from time to time’ or ‘successively.’

32 On the mindis v. Imbert, Mém. ix. 221, and Reisen, ii. No. 27, μὴ ἐξέστω δὲ ἀνοίγειν μηθενὶ ἄνευ τῆς μίνδιος, ἀλλὰ συμπαραινέτωσαν αὐτούς, where the mindis is explained as die Gesammtheit der συγγενεῖς Mr. Arkwright explains it as the κοινόν of the heirs, not of the kinsmen. In Reisen, ii. 27, Perpenenis, having no direct heirs, bequeathed his estate to his kinsmen, but such a bequest is most exceptional.

33 Ramsay, , C.B. ii. 471.Google Scholar

34 ἀμαρτωλὸς ἔστω θεοῖς καταχθονίοις (C.I.G. 4252 b, 4259, 4308, etc.).

35 C.I.G. 4253, ἔστω ἰερόσυλος θεοῖς οὐρανίοις καὶ καταχθονίοις.

36 Hesiod, Op. 122; cf. Rohde, , Psyche, p. 671.Google Scholar

37 Heberdey, and Kalinka, in Denkschriften der K. Akad. zu Wien, xlv. p. 16, No. 49.Google Scholar

38 I.G. ad Res Rom. pert. iii. 755.

39 Ib. Nos. 300, 312, 555, 729 (?).

40 Cf. ΑYΙΛΙΟΝ φΙΡΜΟΝ a legate of the Flavian period (ib. 725 at Myra).

41 B.C.H. xvi. Nos. 29, 88. The name ᾿Επάφρυτος, however, is found C.I.G. 5054, where it is probably genitive (see Pape-Benseler, s.v.).

42 Bericht, p. 5, Nos. 13 and 16.

43 C.I.G. 4331. ῾Ηρόσων δρεάρις χρηματισθεὶς κατ᾿ ὄναρ τοῖς θεοῖς ἐποίησα.

44 C.I.G. 583.

45 For Sozon see Hill, in J.H.S. 1895, pp. 129, 130Google Scholar, and references there.

46 Heberdey, and Kalinka, , Denk. der K. Akad. in Wien, xlv. p. 27, No. 26.Google Scholar

47 Bérard, ib.

48 Heberdey and Kalinka, ib. p. 11, No. 34.

49 Cf. Reisen, ii. 114. Εὐτύχου Μυρέως ἀπὸ Τρεβένδων

50 Cf. Dittenberger, O.K.I. No. 656.

51 At Ancyra, I.G. ad Res Rom. pert. iii. 175.