¹ Perrot-Chipiez, , Hist. de ľ Art iii. 829Google Scholar, Fig. 592, erroneously say Camiros.

² So described by Mr. H. B. Walters, who adds: ‘Curiously enough the head is in each case missing.’ It has been suggested to me that they may be intended to represent larvae or chrysalide. In favour of this is the fact that no'sign of fracture is visible where the head would have been joined to the body.

³ Grimm, J., Deutsche Mythol. ii. ed. 1854, p. 659Google Scholar. De Gubernatis, , Zoological Mythology, ii. 217.Google Scholar

⁴ Flinders Petrie, Tell ä Amarna, Pl. XVII. figs. 336 and 337, shows two small models of bees or perhaps flies, but gives no clue to their meaning.

⁵ The present essay was substantially complete before Robert-Tornow, W. tractate de apium mellisque apud vetcres significatione et symbolica et mythologica (Berlin, 1893Google Scholar) came into my hands. That lucid and interesting author gives an exhaustive digest of passages, from which I have borrowed sundry illustrations. He has not, however, led me to modify in any essential point the opinions which I had independently formed.

⁶ As quoted by Columella, , de re rustica ix. 2Google Scholar. On the other hand Eupbronius, ibidem, said that they appeared first on Mount Hymettus in the days of Erechtheus: Euhemerus gave his verdict for Ceos, others again for Thessaly. Euteknios, , metapkr. Nicand. Alex. 450Google Scholar, claims the honour for Nemea.

⁷ Ant. Lib. xix.

⁸ Cat. of Vases in Brit. Mus. vol. ii. p. 122, B 177.

⁹ Aelian, , de nat. an. xvii. 32.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Diodorus, , Biblioth. v. 70Google Scholar, says that Zeus, in memory of his early connexion with the Cretan bees,

¹¹ Cases were on record of horses and boys being stung to death by bees: W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. pp. 60–61.

¹² Cp. Pliny, , N.H. xxi. 46Google Scholar: ‘aliud in Creta miraculum mellis. mons est Carina ix M. passuum ambita: intra quod spatium muscae non reperiuntur, natumque ibi mel nusquam attingunt.’

¹³ Lactant, . Div. last. i. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Callim, . hymn. in lov. 48Google Scholar ff. Diod. Bibl. v. 70. Apollód. Bibl. I. i. 6–7.

¹⁵ Verg., Georg, iv. 152Google Scholar. Coluta, . de re rust. ix. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Boeokh, on Pindar, , Olymp. vi. 36–47Google Scholar: cp. W. Robeit-Tornow, op. cit. pp. 119–122. The Μέλιττα τιτθἡ of the C.I.G. 808 is a mere coincidence.

¹⁷ The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece, p. 107.

¹⁸ Columella, , de re rustica ix. 2.Google Scholar

¹⁹ E.g. Elyrus (Head, , Hist. Num. p. 393Google Scholar), Hyrtacina (ibid. p. 397), Praesns ibid. p. 404).

²⁰ Antoninus Liberalis xiii.

²¹ Coins of Melitaea in Phthiotis (Head, , Hist. Num. p. 256Google Scholar) have a bead of Zens on the obverse side, and on the reverse a bee with ΜΕΛΙ or ΜΕΛΙΤΑΙΕΩΝ. This is not merely, as Prof.Ridgeway, (Origin of Currency and Weight, Standards, p. 323Google Scholar) contends, a type parlant; it alludes in all probability to the local legend given above.

²² Roscher, Lex. col. 154, s.v. Aigolios.

²³ E.g. the legend of Ibrahim Ibn Edhem in the Tuti-Name, which tella how a bee carried crumbs of bread away from the king's table to take them to a blind sparrow (De Gubernatis, op. cit. ii. 217).

²⁴ Ap. Athen., Deip. 491Google Scholar B.

²⁵ Pind., Pyth. iv. 59–60.Google Scholar

²⁶ Paus. X. v. 5.

²⁷ The odd collocation of wax and wings occurs again in the story of Icarus. Did the Sun-god destroy. Icarus for presuming to employ substances peculiar to his own cult at Delphi? For the sun represented as a bee vide infra.

²⁸ J.H.S. ix. 3.

²⁹ Plut. §17. If in Paus. loc. cit. denoted the bees' wings, it would have had the article. Philostrat., vit. Apoll. vi. 10Google Scholar (quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 171) says

³⁰ The author of a work on Delphi (known to Tzetzes, chil. vi. 90, 936, and the Schol, on Hesiod, p. 29) was named Melisseus—again no more than a coincidence.

³¹ Herodot. ii. 55, 57. Soph. Trach. 172, with Schol, ad loc. Paus. VII. xxi. 1, X. xii. 5.

³² J.H. S. ix. 14 ff. Sometimes the omphalos is covered by ‘strings of what look like small eggs‘: but these are probably to be interpreted as woollen taeniae.

³³ J.H.S. xiv, 7.

³⁴ The details relating to this cavern—the glare emitted and the red stream that ‘boiled over’—perhaps point to volcanic phenomena.

³⁵ In Crete too there was an Ὀμφαλός, about which a story was current connecting it with the birth of Zeus (Diod., Bibl. v. 70)Google Scholar.

³⁶ Ap. Rhod., Arg. iv. 1129–34.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ovid, , Fasti iii. 735 ff.Google Scholar

³⁸ Eur., Bacch. 142, 710Google Scholar. Himerius, , Or. xiii. 7.Google Scholar

³⁹ Diod. Bibl. iii. 68 ff.

⁴⁰ With this agrees Oppian, Cyneg. iv. 271 ff.

⁴¹ Lenormant, Pierres gravées ďOrléans i. Pl. 59; Chabouillet, Catalogue général des camées, &c., de la bibliothèque impériale, No. 1625. See E. Thraemer in Roscher, Lex. col. 1153 s. v. ‘Geflügelter Dionysos.’

⁴² De Gubernatis, op. cit. ii. 217. I do not know on what authority the statement rests.

⁴³ Lobeck, , Aglaophamus, p. 710 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Enc. Brit. ed. 9, vii. 249.

⁴⁵ Hom., Hymn, in Mercur. 552–563.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Lobeck, op. cit. p. 816.

⁴⁷ Ibid. p. 815, n. C. To the list there given add Hesychius' glosses and

⁴⁸ See W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. pp. 35–39: ‘de apium examine vel imperatoriae vel regiae dignitatis, omnino potestatis divitiarumque, omine’; ibid. pp. 43–60: ‘de apium examine diro militibus portento.’ The author here re futes at length the opinion of Creuzer that a swarm of bees was ‘omen faustum militibus,’ admitting, however, that the bees which were seen over Rollo's army in A.D. 800 possibly portended a happy issue to his expedition (why not an unhappy issue to his foes ?). He continues: ‘si autem causam, cur apes symbolum terroris fuerint, quaerimus, ea in aculei vi patere videtur.’ A better cause may be found in the funereal associations of the bee; vide infra. Its prophetic office was not confined to Greece, e.g. Josephus, Archaeol. V. vi.

⁴⁹ Argum. Pyth. quoted by Prof.Middleton, in the J. H. S. ix. 21.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Pindar, , Olymp. vi. 45 ff.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Pausanias IX. xl. 1.

⁵² Aristotle, , An. Hist. x. 40Google Scholar, 627b 10. Cp. Aelian, , de nat. an. i. 11Google Scholar, v. 13. Aratus, , prognost. 296Google Scholar. Philes, , de an. prop. 567 f.Google Scholar

⁵³ Cp. Anth. Pal. ii. 342 of Homer; ibid. ix. 187 of Menander.

⁵⁴ See the author of Lucan's life quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 116.

⁵⁵ Pausanias IX. xxiii. 2. Aelian, , V.H. xii. 45Google Scholar. Philostrat, . Im. ii. 12Google Scholar. Cp. Porphyr, , de abst. iii. 17.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Philostrat., jun. Im. xiv. 1Google Scholar. W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 110, compares a gem described by Winckelmann, which represents a mask with a bee about to fly into its open mouth.

⁵⁷ Cicero, , de divinatione, I. xxxvi. 78Google Scholar, II. xxxi. 66. Valer. Max. I. vi. 3. Pliny, N. H. XI. xviii. Aelian, , V. H. x. 21Google Scholar, xii. 45. Olympiod, . vit. Plat. p. 583Google Scholar. Cp. Clem. Al. Strom. I. xi.

⁵⁸ Vit. Verg. 25 ap. Reiffersch. Sueton. pp. 68–72, quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 116.

⁵⁹ Reiffersch. Sueton. pp. 76–79, quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 116.

⁶⁰ The Golden Legend, ed. Th. Graesse, p. 250, quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 117.

⁶¹ Nonnos, , Dion. xli. 218 ff.Google Scholar

⁶² Artemidorus, , Oneirocrit. v. 83.Google Scholar

⁶³ Nonnos, , Dion. xli. 250 ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Anth. Pal. ix. 505, 5–6.

⁶⁵ Aelian attributes to the bee Philes, , de an. prop. 589Google Scholar, says And Varro, , de re rustica III. xvi. 7 ‘apes…musarum esse dicuntur volucres.’Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Theocr. Id. vii. 78 ff., Syr. 3.

⁶⁷ Philostrat., Im. II. viii. 5Google Scholar. Himerius, , Orat. x. 1Google Scholar, xxviii. 7, ed. Dübner.

⁶⁸ Verg., Georg. iv. 317–558Google Scholar. Ovid, , Fasti i. 363–380Google Scholar, has an epitome of the tale. The various sources are collected by Blondel, K. in Daremberg and Saglio, Dict. Ant. I. i. p. 424Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Aristaeus,’ and still more fully by Schirmer in Roscher, Lex. coll. 547–551.

⁶⁹ Vergil, , Georg, iv. 295–314Google Scholar. See further the authorities quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. pp. 19–29, from Philetas of Cos in the fourth century B.C. to ‘Rabusium quendam,’ who in his book Von dem Veldtbau (Strassb. 1566) has a chapter entitled ‘Von den Bynen und wie sie aus einem todten Rindt wachsen.’ To his list should be added Philes, , de an. prop. 1198.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Geopon. xv. 2.

⁷¹ Porphyr, , de ant. Nymph. 18Google Scholar. Theocritus, , Syr. 3Google Scholar ταυροπάτωρ = μέλισσα (Jo. Pedias, and Max. Hol. ad loc.). Varro, de re rustica II. v. βουγόνας = ‘apes.’

⁷² Ovid, , Fasti i. 379 f.Google Scholar

⁷³ The Golden Bough ii. 339.

⁷⁴ The Golden Bough, i. 179.

⁷⁵ Ibid. i. 123.

⁷⁶ Pliny, N. H. XI. xv., says of honey: ‘in aestimatu est e thymo, coloris aurei, saporis gratissimi.’ Cp. XXI. xxxi.: Vergil, , Ecl. v. 77Google Scholar; Georg. iv. 112, 169, 181, 241, 270; Aen. i. 436.

⁷⁷ The Golden Bough i. 124.

⁷⁸ Ibid. i. 126–7.

⁷⁹ Diod., Bibl. iv. 81Google Scholar. Cp. Oppian, , Cyneg. iv. 269 ffGoogle Scholar. Nonnos, , Dion. v. 232 ff.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Pindar, , Pyth. ix. 107.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Pliny, N.H. XIV. vi.

⁸² Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict. Ant. I. i. p. 424Google Scholar: ‘il semble aussi avoir plus ďun rapport avec Zeus Akraios du Pélion.’

⁸³ Head, , Hist. Num. p. 411.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid. p. 413.

⁸⁵ Ch. Morel in Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict. Ant. I. i. pp. 304–5Google Scholar. Head, Hist. Num. p. 129. Pausanias V. xxiii. 5 mentions the temple of a goddess Ὑβλαία, who is represented in connexion with a bee on the obverse of a coin of Hybla Magna.

⁸⁶ Hyginus cxxxvi. p. 115, ed. M. Schmidt.

⁸⁷ Arch. Zeit. vol. 27, p. 111.

⁸⁸ Salzmann, Nécropole de Camiros, Pl. I.

⁸⁹ Cp. Roscher, Lex. col. 564; Micali, , Mon. Ined. Pl. I. 3, 23Google Scholar; Baumeister, Denkm. fig. 139; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1893, col. 213 ff. Pll. 8–10.

⁹⁰ At the same time the Rhodian superstition mentioned supra perhaps indicates that on this island honey was considered especially attractive to the soul of the infant. For the time when the babe is first placed in the cradle is a critical moment, and at such moments the soul must be retained by guile. ‘Thus in Java when a child is placed on the ground for the first time…it is put in a hen-coop, and the mother makes a clucking sound as if she were calling hens’ (The Golden Bough i. 124).

⁹¹ Frag. 84, quoted by Aristoph, . Frogs 1283.Google Scholar

⁹² Ed. Frogs, p. 122.

⁹³ Etym. Mag. 383, 30. See further Hicks, Brit. Mus. Inscrr. iii. p. 85.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Callimachus, , Frag. 508Google Scholar tells against this. From evidence collected by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. pp. 34–35, it appears that in Egypt and other countries the bee was a royal symbol.

⁹⁵ Pausanias VIII, xiii. 1.

⁹⁶ Baumeister, , Denk. i. 131Google Scholar, Fig. 138.

⁹⁷ Winckelmann and others explained the bee on coins as an appropriate emblem of a colony—a much less probable view, at any rate in the case of Ephesus.

⁹⁸ Head, , Hist. Num. p. 494.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Ch. Morel in Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict. Ant. I. i. pp. 304–5Google Scholar. I suspect that the coin of Abdera, described by F. Osann in the Arch. Zeit. vol. 10, col. 457 ff., is only another example of this type.

¹⁰⁰ Imhoof-Blumer, , Monnaies Grecques, p. 45, No. 40Google Scholar; p. 46, No. 41.

¹⁰¹ Apoll. Rhod., Arg. iii. 1035Google Scholar, quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 144.

¹⁰² Riess, in Pauly's, Real-Encycl. ed. 2, col. 68, 52Google Scholar: ‘Die Bienen…verlangten auch keusche und reine Wärter’ (Pallad. i. 37, 4; iv. 15, 4). W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 12 ff., rightly derives this from the notorious fact that ‘apium…coitus visus est numquam‘(Pliny, , N.H. xi. 16Google Scholar); he cites Vergil, , Georg. iv. 197 ff.Google Scholar, Petronius, p. 878, Quintilian, , Decl. xiii. 16Google Scholar, &c. According to Aristotle, however, 761a 7

¹⁰³ Eur., Hipp. 70 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Aelian, , de nat. an. v. 49Google Scholar: the king bee Cp. Philes, , de an. prop. 553.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Schol. Pindar, , Pyth. iv. 104.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Frag. incert. 26.

¹⁰⁷ Euteknios, , Metaphr. Nicand. Alex. 450Google Scholar, makes Demeter teach the bees how to construct their honeycombs in hollow trees.

¹⁰⁸ Athen. 624 E. On Μ༵ιλινόη as an anti-phrastic name for Hekate or Empousa see Lobeck, , Aglaophamus, p. 818 n.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Ed. Dübner, p. 91.

¹¹⁰ W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 169, condemns as guilty of ‘maxima…interpretandi licentia’ Stieglitz' conjecture that the bee which figures occasionally on Athenian coins refers to the rites of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.

¹¹¹ Porphyr, , de antr. Nymph. 16.Google Scholar

¹¹² Hygin., Fab. 182.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Diod., Bibl. v. 70Google Scholar. Columella, de re rust. IX. ii., rings the changes yet further: ‘Euhemerus poeta dicit, crabronibus et sole genitas apes, quas nymphae Phryxonides educaverunt, mox Dictaeo specu Iovis exstitisse nutrices,’ &c.

¹¹⁴ Creuzer, , Symbolik iii. 353, 355.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Cornut. on Pers., Sat. i. 76.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Aristot., Frag. 468, 1555a 15.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Exe. pol. Heraclid. p. 13, 16, ed. Schn.

¹¹⁸ Etym. Mag. 213, 55, s.v. βρίσαι.

¹¹⁹ Oppian, , Ven. iv. 275.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Ed. Dübner, p. 28 f. Cp. the gloss of Hesychius:

¹²¹ See Froehner's Catalogue (large ed.).

¹²² Ed. 1886, Praef. xii.

¹²³ This is the Orphic doctrine of the animarum descensus, or descent of the unborn soul through the heavenly spheres; see Lobeck, , Aglaophamus, p. 932 ff.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ So I translate comparing the Schol, on Eur., Hipp. 77Google Scholar: W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 155, strangely paraphrases ‘Nympharum animae.’

¹²⁵ Soph., Frag. 693.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Pliny, , N.H. xi. 15Google Scholar: ‘mel plenilunio uberius capitur.’

¹²⁷ Wilkinson, , The Ancient Egyptians, ii. 415.Google Scholar

¹²⁸ Dent, xxxii. 13, Psa. lxxxi. 16.

¹²⁹ Hom., Il. ii. 87 ff.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ Hom., Il. xii. 167 ff.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 18.

¹³² Hes., W. & D. 233.Google Scholar

¹³³ Ed. Bussemaker, p. 214b 5.

¹³⁴ Ed. Bergk, vv. 171–4.

¹³⁵ Judges xiv. 8.

¹³⁶ Herod, v. 114.

¹³⁷ Wilkinson, op. cit. ii. 416, agrees with De Pauw, and Birch his reviser does not dissent.

¹³⁸ Nic., Alex. 445 ff.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Nic., Ther. 741 f.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ W. Robert-Tomow, op. cit. p. 78, draws attention to the statement of Theophrastus (p. 475): ‘quam ad rem liceat nobis commemorare quereum et Rheae (v. Apollod, . Fragm. p. 389Google Scholar, ed. Heyne) sacram fuisse et Iovi.’

¹⁴¹ Pollux, , Z. 147.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Pan as μ༵λισσοσόος was the guardian of beehives and ate of the honey (Anth. Pal. ix. 226, 6–7). Honey was offered to him (Theocr. Id.v. 59), as also to the nymphs (Euseb., oracul. Apollin. iv. 9Google Scholar—quoted by W. Robert Tornow, op. cit. p. 1.58).

¹⁴³ Bull. arch. Sardo, 1855, p. 65; ‘séance de ľInst. arch. de Rome, 11 janv. 1856’; Arch. Zeit. (Anzeig.) 1857, p. 30.

¹⁴⁴ Perrot-Chipiez, , Hist, de ľArt iii. 829Google Scholar, Fig. 591.

¹⁴⁵ Lactant. i. 8, 8.

¹⁴⁶ Brit. Mus. Cat. of Gems, No. 424.

¹⁴⁷ Bull. de Corr. Hellénique, vol. 9, p. 197.

¹⁴⁸ Porphyr., de ant. Nymph. 18Google Scholar; cp. ibid. 16, de abst. ii. 20.

¹⁴⁹ Plutarch, , de cohib. ir. 464cGoogle Scholar. In the Batrachomyomachia 39 we find mention of Varro, , de re rustica III. xvi. 5Google Scholar, calls honey ‘et diis et hominibus acceptum.’

Perhaps more than a mere dietetic reform led the Pythagoreans to abjure wine and to feed on honey: Diog. Laert. VIII. i. 18 (leg. ) (In support of the correction I would cite Iamblichus, de Pyth. vit. xxi. 97 ) Sophocles, , O.C. 466 ffGoogle Scholar. describes a in honour of the Eumenides which involved the use of honey—wine being prohibited: Athenaeus, , Dcip. 693Google Scholar F, states that in Greece and W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 170, cites an ancient ring on which ‘apis invenitur, cuius caput sol ipse videtur esse.’ Suidas quotes Polemon to the effect that were offered in Athens to Mnemosyne, Eos, Helios, Selene, the Nymphs (cp. Paus. V. xv. 6), and Aphrodite Ourania (cp. Empedocles ap. Athen., Deip. 510 D)Google Scholar. See further Robertson-Smith, , Religion of the Semites, p. 208.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ Plutarch, , Symp. iv. 6, 672 B.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Porphyr, , de ant. Nymph. 16Google Scholar. Cp. Xenophon, , exped. Cyr. IV. viii. 20Google Scholar, of the soldiers who ate poisonous honey in Asia Minor, Orph., Lith. 219 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵² Nonnos, , Dion. xiii. 258–279Google Scholar and xix. 228–260.

¹⁵³ Macrobius, , Sat. I. xii. 268Google Scholar. Similarly Epiphanius, , adv. haer. ii. 485Google Scholar (quoted by Lobeck, , Aglaophamus, p. 877Google Scholar), states that

¹⁵⁴ Anth. Pal. vii. 55.

¹⁵⁵ Hom., Odyss. x. 518 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Pausaiiias V. xv. 6 regards the sacrifice of honey as a survival (ἀρχαῖόν τινα τρόπον) even where a libation of wine also was in vogue.

¹⁵⁷ Cakes of wheat soaked in honey, called ὄμπαι, were offered to Demeter (Schol, on Nicander, , Alex. 450Google Scholar), and honey-cakes (? in the form of bees) to Adonis (Theocrit. Id. xv. 117–118).

¹⁵⁸ Silius Italicus xiii. 415 f., 434, quoted by W. Robert-Tornow, op. cit. p. 141.

¹⁵⁹ Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1272 ff.

¹⁶⁰ Porphyr, , de antr. Nymph. 15.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Gubernatis, , Zoological Mythology ii. 216 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁶² Possibly this conception in Greece influenced the artistic representation of the soul. The minute winged forms that hover insect-like over the funeral stelai depicted on Attic lekuthoi are perhaps inspired by the idea that the soul appears as a bee. The same compromise between human and insect form would account for the wings attributed to the dead. In support of this it might be urged that a well-known vase in the Munich collection shows four winged figures emptying pitchers into a large jar sunk in the earth: and winged at once recall Callimachus’ line

¹⁶³ Gnbernatis, op. cit. ii. 218 n. 2.

¹⁶⁴ Idem, ibid. ii. 219.

¹⁶⁵ Revue des Traditions Populaires, 1891, p. 154.

¹⁶⁶ Ibid. 1891, p. 704.

¹⁶⁷ Mosch, iii. 36 ff.

¹⁶⁸ Lobeck, , Aglaoph. p. 817 f.Google Scholar