¹ ZNum 1924, 3–18Google Scholar.

² Seltman, , Greek Coins, 85–7Google Scholar.

³ Seltman, op. cit. 89.

⁴ Glotz, , Histoire Grecque, II. 46Google Scholar, here follows Herrmann.

⁵ The urbanisation of Thessaly had scarcely begun at this early date. There was as yet no struggle between the feudal aristocracy and the urban odemocracy, so that the barons could still control the policy of the growing towns (Pind. Pyth. X. 71–2Google Scholar).

⁶ Seltman, op. cit. 89.

⁷ Meyer, , Theopomps Hellenika, 245Google Scholar, and Beloch, , Gr. Gesch. I. 2, 206Google Scholar, believe the Aleuad Thorax to have been tagus for many years before the Persian Wars. The evidence is certainly slight (Pind. Pyth. X. 1–3Google Scholar; Hdt. VII. 6), but Pindar implies that as early as 498 the position of the Aleuadae in Thessaly was comparable to that of the Spartan kings in Laconia. Other families seem to have been eclipsed at this time.

Herodotus (V. 63, τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον of Cineas) and Thucydides (I. 111, τοῦ Θεσσαλῶν βασιλέως of Echecrates, cp. Aeschin. Socrat., fr. 10, Krauss, βασιλεύοντι πάντων Θετταλῶν of Antiochus) prefer βασιλεύς to ταγός because the latter would not be recognised as a technical term by readers familiar with its non-technical significance in Attic tragedy (e.g. Aesch, . Pers. 23Google Scholar; Soph., Ant. 1057Google Scholar).

It is noteworthy that a double axe is found on some of these early Larisean coins. This re-appears on Larisean and Pheraean issues of the fourth century and is thought to be a symbol of the tageia (Herrmann, op. cit. 3, 8, 65).

⁸ Swoboda, Art. ‘Skopadai’ in RE.

⁹ Stählin, Art. ‘Κονδαία’ in RE. He believes that Herodotus has misunderstood a somewhat rare form of patronymic.

¹⁰ The word παρῆκε is the only patent inaccuracy in the Herodotean account of the Aleuadae. It was, of course, not for Thorax to give or refuse Mardonius access to Greece.

¹¹ The story of Herodotus (VI. 48–9) that after the expedition of 492 Darius sent to demand earth and water from the Greek cities is demonstrably false (Beloch, op. cit. II. 2. 86) and is here omitted.

¹² The medising Thessalians (i.e. the Aleuadae) now discontinued the sacred embassy which had been sent annually to the tomb of Achilles at Troy. They thereby dissociated themselves from the Aeacid house, whose heroes were said to have appeared on the Greek side at Salamis (Philostr, . Heroic. XX. 28Google Scholar, cp. Radet, REA XXVII, 1925, 85–7).

¹³ The Great Persian War, 207–8.

¹⁴ Op. cit. II. 1. 42, n. 1.

¹⁵ Hdt. VIII. 27–8; Paus. X. 1. 10 and 13. 7; Plut. Mul. Virt. 224b–e.

¹⁶ Hdt. VII. 132. If Diodorus (XI. 3. 2) is to be believed, most of these joined the Persians while the Greek army was still at Tempe, but Achaea not until after its withdrawal.

¹⁷ Meyer, op. cit. 245; Costanzi, , Saggio di storia tessalica, 82–3Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Anon. Tract. de Mulier. 11, ap. Westermann, , Script. Rer. Mir. Graec. 217Google Scholar; Suidas s.v. Θαργηλία.

¹⁹ Uxkull-Gyllenband, , Plutarch und die griechische Biographie, 30Google Scholar.

²⁰ Costanzi, op. cit. 81, dismisses the Thargelia stories as unhistorical.

²¹ Herodotus, Books VII–VIII–IX, II. 247–8Google Scholar.

²² VII. 172. The passage certainly gives the impression, which Macan believes to be a false one, of a ‘spontaneous and apparently unexpected application from Thessaly.’

²³ Geschichte des Altertums, III. 365Google Scholar.

²⁴ Art. ‘Aleuadai’ in RE.

²⁵ Op. cit. II. 253.

²⁶ RivFil 1930, 339–42Google Scholar.

²⁷ The question of other passes into Thessaly is treated below.

²⁸ Herodotus (VII. 174) implies that the Greeks were actually at Tempe when Xerxes was at Abydos, but this cannot be reconciled with his earlier statement (ibid. 172) that the Thessalian envoys were sent to the Isthmus ‘when the Persian was on the point of entering into Europe.’ The latter date is correct, since the Greeks would hardly wait idle for some two months at Tempe (De Sanctis, op. cit. 340). The expedition was planned when Xerxes was at Abydos, but reached Tempe when he was in Thrace.

²⁹ It would be composed chiefly of Athenians and Spartans. Plutarch, (De Mal. Herod. 864e)Google Scholar, quoting Aristophanes of Boeotia, declares that Thebes sent 500 men, but this prejudiced authority is not above suspicion.

³⁰ He was a contemporary of Hellanicus and was writing in approximately 400 (Schwartz, Art. ‘Damastes’ (3) in RE).

³¹ Epist. Socrat. XXX. 3Google Scholar.

³² Bickermann, and Sykutris, , SB Leipz LXXX. 1928Google Scholar, regard this letter as genuine on historical and stylistic grounds; Köhler, , Philologus, Suppl. XX. 1928Google Scholar (who numbers this letter XXVIII), believes that it was composed in the second century A.D. The question of authenticity scarcely affects the present argument, except that Speusippus no doubt had access to the work of Damastes at first hand, whereas a later writer would probably derive his material from a collection of anecdotes.

³³ Macan, op. cit. II. 252.

³⁴ Munro, , CAH IV. 282Google Scholar.

³⁵ Jacoby, , Art. ‘Herodotos’ in RE Suppl. II. col. 270Google Scholar.

³⁶ κατὰ ὴνω ἄ Μακεδονίην (ibid. 173) is inaccurately applied to the Gonnus track. The phrase suggests confusion with passes to the north-west of Olympus.

³⁷ Grundy, op. cit. 228–30.

³⁸ De Sanctis, op. cit. 341.

³⁹ The objections of Busolt, Gr. Gesch. II. 665, n. 4Google Scholar, are not convincing, for he fails to account for the inclusion of Achaea in the second group.

⁴⁰ Macan, n. ad loc.

⁴¹ JHS 1904, 165Google Scholar, and CAH IV. 338.

⁴² Plutarch, (De Mal. Herod. 866e–f)Google Scholar regards this statement as absurd on the ground that the Thessalians were bitter enemies of Thebes; but the Thessalian defeat at Ceressus, to which he refers, took place some sixty years before this event. Beloch, op. cit. I. 2. 205–6, believes that this battle was fought about 540.

⁴³ According to Herodotus (VIII. 115) some part of the Persian losses by plague were sustained before Xerxes left Thessaly. The whole account is, of course, exaggerated.

⁴⁴ Macan, n. ad loc.; Beloch, op. cit. II. 2. 72; How and Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus, n. ad loc.

⁴⁵ The date is perhaps 477, but this disputed question lies outside the scope of the present article.

⁴⁶ Op. cit. II. 1. 62, n. 3.

⁴⁷ I can see nothing to recommend the theory of Herrmann (Op. cit. 7–8) that the Aleuadae had already lost the tageia before this expedition. From Herodotus and Pausanias it follows that their bribes were preventative, namely to save themselves from the fate of Aristomedes and Angelus and to maintain their suzerainty over the district whose centre was Larisa. But no bribery could prolong their tenure of the tageia, for local feeling naturally ran strongly in favour of the anti-Persian party.

⁴⁸ Meyer, , Forschungen zur alten Geschichte, II. 212Google Scholar; Munro, , JHS 1902, 305Google Scholar; How and Wells, op. cit. 40; Beloch, op. cit. II. 1. 41–2.

⁴⁹ The Thessalian reputation for treachery, notorious in later times, dates only from the second half of the fifth century and probably originated in Athens. The earliest reference to it seems to be by Euripides (fr. 426, Nauck).

⁵⁰ Costanzi, op. cit. 88; my Thessaly in the Fourth Century B.C., 31–2.