If Justin Martyr and Irenaeus on one side and the Verona Latin anaphora on the other may be treated as mutually explanatory, it will appear that paragraphs (1), (2) and (3) of the Latin prayer may be taken in a general sense as representative of the centre of the original pattern. The task to be undertaken consists in effect, therefore, of recovering the head and tail of the pattern, or at least their broad outline and principal motifs.

The Confessions of Augustine carry his life down to the age of thirtythree, from his birth at Tagaste in Numidia in A.D. 354 to A.D. 387, when he was converted to Christianity by Ambrose in Milan. He wrote the Confessions ten years later, in A.D. 397–8, at the age of forty-three or forty-four, when he had just been made Bishop of Hippo Regius, the modern Bône, in North Africa. The work is an autobiography, the one exstant autobiography in Latin literature: but it is peculiar in being addressed primarily to the Deity and in being a record not of the writer's own achievements intended for his own glory, but of all the way by which the power of God had led him. So while in places it does narrate the events of his life and the development of his mind and thought, at other places it breaks out into rapturous praise and adoration of his Redeemer and becomes not so much a narration as a prose hymn, sometimes in a minor key of contrite repentance for the sins and faults of youth now pardoned, sometimes in an exalted strain of ecstatic love, worship, and devotion towards the One to whose service he is now wholly surrendered. Under the eye of the Omniscient, Augustine reviews his life from childhood till his conversion: it is a stern and unflinching self-examination: the pranks of his boyhood are tested for early evidences of sin with the same relentless analysis as the vices, the ambitions, and self-will of his youth and manhood. We have his school-days at his native Tagaste and at the neighbouring town of Madaura: we have the turbulence of his adolescence at Carthage: we see him as a student of rhetoric at Carthage and as a professor of rhetoric at Carthage, Rome and Milan: we are told how the beginnings of his spiritual awareness were excited by the reading of Cicero's Hortensius: we learn of his long association with the quasi-Christian sect of the Manichaeans, of his growing dissatisfaction with their doctrine of a material and finite Deity, and of his long perplexity about religious problems—until through the preaching of Ambrose at Milan and through a study of Neo-platonism, he comes to a realization of an immaterial, non-temporal, non-spatial One.

Divers accidents de la tradition manuscrite ont provoqué des confusions entre les saints et des redoublements de noms, suivis d'explications douteuses et de corrections arbitrages, dans l'ancien martyrologe irlandais. Cʼest en particulier le cas de S. Patrice.

The subject of these remarks, the sequel to a recent paper, was suggested by an investigation undertaken some years ago into the work of the Commissions of Reform at the Council of Constance. It is not my purpose now to disentangle and attribute to their rightful authors the recommendations made there, but merely to recall the fact that the main problem before these Commissions, when they projected the reform of the Roman Curia, was whether the papal collation of benefices in its full Avignonese development should continue, or whether collation should be restored to the ordinaries. A question of such magnitude was capable of dividing not only the ‘nations’ assembled at Constance, but actually the elements constituting a single national delegation. The reasons for such a division are instructive, for they bear directly on the position of the University graduate.

To see ourselves as others see us, and in the light of their sense proportion, not our own, is no doubt a salutary experience, and not least for Englishmen. To do so indeed may lead to a better understanding of some historical perspectives which may otherwise seem puzzling. Anyone, for example, who should study F. W. Putzger's ‘Historischer Schul-Atlas der alten, mittleren und neuen Geschichte’ edited by Baldamus and Schwabe (Bielefeld u. Leipzig 1908) would certainly find much food for reflection as to its probable effect on the attitude towards England and the British Empire in the mind of a young German student. And on this side it was, in fact, a careful study of these maps which suggested an examination of the account of England and British ecclesiastical history to be found in the impressive work edited Dr Hartmann Schedel, physician at Nuremberg, which is commonly known as the Nuremberg Chronicle and was published in 1493. The reader will perhaps forgive an occasional comparison which also suggested itself with parallel accounts in Proctor and Dewick's edition of ‘The Martiloge in Englysshe after the use of the chirche of Salisbury and as it is redde in Syon With addicyons. Printed by Wynkyn de Worde in 1526’ (Henry Bradshaw Society. London 1893), familiarly known as ‘Whytford's Martiloge’. The results of the vindemiatio prima contained in this article are not primarily to be considered in respect of the absolute or relative accuracy of the statements quoted but of the temper of mind which they exhibit as we observe what are the features and who are the persons in British history deemed worthy of inclusion in what was designed to be a universal encyclopaedia. Taken as a whole the conspectus will be admitted to be curious both in regard to inclusion and to omission, and the effect probably not to be altogether devoid of interest.

The Worcestershire Association of ministers ‘for our mutual help and concord in our work’ (Reliquiae Baxterianae, ii. 28), as its purpose was expressed by Richard Baxter, its inspirer and leader, has aroused frequent interest and attention, alike for the catholicity of its intention, the degree of success which for a few years it achieved and the example which it set to other ministers throughout the country. It is the more strange that no accurate study has appeared of its personnel. The document containing the original signatures has remained in manuscript at Dr Williams' library, and escaped the notice of Dr F. J. Powicke, chapter xi in whose Life (1924) of Baxter is the most recent study of the Association. In that chapter Powicke made use of a second, and later, MS. list of signatories, but for the rest he relied on the list given in W. A. Shaw's History of the English Church 1640–1660 (1900), ii. 454 f. There Shaw strangely asserts that ‘for the geographical extent of the Association we are reduced to Baxter's Autobiography and to Richard Farnsworth's True Testimony against the Pope's ways: in a return to that agreement of 42 of those that call themselves ministers of Christ … in the County of Worcester and some adjacent parts, published 20th March 1655–56’; as if the list of names provided in this Quaker attack on the Association were not taken direct from the first edition of The Agreement of Divers Ministers of Christ in the County of Worcester, which Baxter published in 1656. Shaw's list is thus a conflation of the names given by Baxter several years post eventum and of those given by Farnsworth, including Farnsworth's vagaries of spelling; and even so Shaw duplicates three of the names. In his edition (1939) of Baxter's Reformed Pastor the Rev. J. T. Wilkinson reprints certain documents relating to the Association, but for its membership contents himself with a reference to ‘the full list’ given by Powicke. A collation of the various sources in manuscript and in print may be of service in indicating how the movement spread from an initial eighteen to a group of something like four times that number; and also who were the original, and who the continuing, supporters of the Association.

No other single person has had an influence on the whole Danish people as immense as Grundtvig. His name is known all over the world together with the names of Hans Christian Andersen and Søren Kierkegaard, but his works are not. He is very difficult to translate and his train of thought is often difficult to follow. Clear thinking and concise expressions were not for him. He was—as he called himself—a bard (skjald), and the language of the bard is not always clear although it is often profound.

A conspicuous feature of contemporary historical scholarship in the United States has been the resurgence of interest in the Reformation and a revival of scholarly concern with the Puritans of seventeenth-century England and eighteenth-century America. The increased activity of Roman Catholicism in America has resulted in a heightened Protestant self-consciousness and may account in large measure for the revival of Reformation study, while the present straits of Anglo-Saxon culture and society have caused men to re-examine the major current of their heritage in an effort to understand from whence they came and whither they may be tending.