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What was a Homily in Post-Reformation England?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 March 2020
Abstract
The homily is frequently considered by scholars to be a printed address which acted as a substitute sermon in post-Reformation England. This essay provides an important corrective to this view by examining five singly issued homilies in English which were not intended for use in the pulpit and which were published c. 1544–c. 1635. It argues that, as a byword for popery but with recognised longstanding roots in patristic ritual, the term ‘homily’ was contentious in this period. The works investigated within this study reveal how the marginalised homily was transformed into a distinctive genre in its own right.
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- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2020
Footnotes
I would like to thank the AHRC for funding both my doctoral research and my attendance at the 2018 Reformation Studies Colloquium, University of Essex, at which a version of this article was presented. I am grateful to members of the audience for comments offered on that occasion and to Hugh Adlington, Arnold Hunt, Alexandra Walsham, the Editors and the anonymous reviewer for this Journal for their invaluable feedback and suggestions.
References
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24 The ESTC categorises the translation of Chrysostom's homily and Harpsfield's homily as ‘Sermons, English – 16th century’. The translation of Origen's homily is categorised as ‘Sermons – Early works to 1800’; the translation of Philippe Duplessis-Mornay's homily as ‘Sermons, English – 17th century’; and the homily by Anthony Stafford as ‘Good Friday sermons – Early works to 1800’, ‘Salvation – Sermons – Early works to 1800’ and ‘Sermons, English – 17th century’.
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38 Chrysostom, An homilie of Saint John Chrysostome, sig. Aiir.
39 Ibid. title page.
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75 Idem, Three homilies, sigs A2v, A3r.
76 Idem, An homily, 3.
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83 Certain sermons or homilies (1547) and a homily against disobedience and wilful rebellion (1570): a critical edition, ed. Ronald B. Bond, Toronto 1987, 13.
84 Stafford, The day of salvation, 3.
85 Ibid. unpaginated.
86 Ibid. 153–5.
87 Ibid. sig. A3v.
88 Ibid.
89 I owe this point to Peter Lake.
90 Shelford, Robert, The ten preachers in his Five piovs and learned discourses, Cambridge 1635Google Scholar (RSTC 22400), 57–119 at p. 78. I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer for drawing my attention to this text.
91 Walsham, Church papists, 8. There is a vast literature on religious press censorship in England in this period. See, for example, Mutchow Towers, Control of religious printing; the output of Cyndia Susan Clegg, including her Press Censorship series with Cambridge University Press; Milton, Anthony, ‘Licensing, censorship, and religious orthodoxy in early Stuart England’, HJ lxi (1998), 625–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gadd, Ian A., ‘“A suitable remedy?” Regulating the printing press, 1553–1558’, in Evenden, Elizabeth and Westbrook, Vivienne (eds), Catholic renewal and Protestant resistance in Marian England, Farnham–Burlington, Vt 2015, 127–42Google Scholar.
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95 For an example of such scholarship see Saunders, Austen, ‘Articles of assent: clergymen's subscribed copies of the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Church of England’, in Acheson, Katherine (ed.), Early modern English marginalia, New York–Abingdon 2019, 115–33Google Scholar.
96 A fascinating example within the Thomason Tracts is Roi, Gabriel le, Homelie sur l'Evangile de notre Seigneur, London 1654 (Wing L.1118)Google Scholar, General Reference Collection, BL, E.1483.(2.).