^{page 178 note 1} James Conway David, Episcopal Acts and Cognate Documents relating to Welsh Dioceses (henceforth quoted as Ep. Acts ), (Historical Society of the Church in Wales Publications, 1, 2, 4, Cardiff 1946–8) ii. 562.

^{page 178 note 2} Richter, Michael, ‘Professions of Obedience and the Metropolitan Claim of St. David's’, National Library of Wales Journal, xv (1967–8), 201 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 178 note 3} Cambrensis, Giraldus, ‘De Invectionibus’, ed. Davies, W. S., Y Cymmrodor, xxx (1920), 143–6Google Scholar. For the other letters see ibid., 135–37, 139–43. For a first analysis Ep. Acts, i. 190–207; C. N. L. Brooke, “The Archbishops of St. David's, Llandaff, and Caerleon-on-Usk’, Studies in the Early British Church (henceforth quoted as S.E.B.C), ed. Nora K. Chadwick, Cambridge 1958, 201–42. The authenticity of Giraldus's transcription of documents has sometimes been doubted, without good reason. Two letters which form part of the De Invert., bearing on Giraldus's metropolitan claim, are preserved in the registers of pope Innocent m and are identical with those printed in Giraldus's work, cf. C. R. Cheney and M. G. Cheney, The Letters of Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) concerning England and Wales: a Calendar with an Appendix of Texts, Oxford 1967, nos. 479, 495.

^{page 179 note 1} Southern, R. W., ‘The Canterbury Forgeries’, EHR, lxxiii (1958), 193–226CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem., St. Anselm and his Biographer, Cambridge 1963, 135–42, 303 ff.; Cantor, N. F., Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England, 1089–1135, Princeton, N.J. 1958, 300 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bethell, Denis, ‘William of Corbeil and the Canterbury-York Dispute’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, xix (1968), 145–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholl, Donald, Thurstan, Archbishop of York, York 1964, passimGoogle Scholar.

^{page 179 note 2} Bruty Tywysogyon, ed. Thomas Jones, Cardiff 1955, 83; on the French in Wales, cf. Hones Gruffydd ap Cynan: the history ofGruffydd ap Cynan, ed. A. Jones, Manchester 1910, 145: ‘… they (the Welsh) took flight, concealing themselves … from fear of the Jews, that is the French, and other people who had come to attack them …’.

^{page 179 note 3} The Chronicle of John of Worcester, 1118–1140, ed. J. R. H. Weaver, Oxford 1908, 15.

^{page 179 note 4} Southern, Anselm, 139.

^{page 179 note 5} Pope Calixtus 11 to Thurstan of York (1120):‘… auctoritate apostolica prohibemus ne ulterius aut Cantuariensis archiepiscopus ab Eboracensi professionem quamlibet exigat, aut Eboracensis Cantuariensi exhibeat…’: The Historians of the Church of York and its Archbishops (henceforth quoted as HCY ), ed. James Raine, London 1879–94, Rolls Series, iii. 42.

^{page 180 note 1} ‘The circumstances gave them opportunities which they made use of to advance their own authority, where heretofore it had been exceptionally weak-over the English episcopate’: Brooke, Z. N., The English Church and the Papacy, Cambridge 1931, 173Google Scholar.

^{page 180 note 2} But ‘infirmitas non habet legem’, he claimed: HCY, ii. 249.

^{page 180 note 3} John of Worcester, loc. cit., 14.

^{page 180 note 4} HCr, ii. 228–51.

^{page 180 note 5} Ibid., 240–1.

^{page 180 note 6} When, in 1120, Eadmer was elected bishop of St. Andrews, the question of the subordination of this see reached a critical stage. In a letter Nicholas, prior of Worcester, favouring a Scottish independent church province, pointed contemptuously at York as having devoured in her diocese six former bishoprics: ‘Has omnes ecclesias et earum parochias ipsa devorans, et in suum corpus trajiciens, sola obtinet…’: ‘Nicolai Epistola ad Eadmerum de Primatu Sedis Eboracensis in Scotia’, in AngliaSacra, ed. Henry Wharton, London 1691, ii. 235–6. Nicholas's letter bears a strong resemblance to that of Ralph to pope Calixtus, and it is not unlikely that the one was partly at least the source of the other.

^{page 181 note 1} Since the creation of Ely 1109 (cf. Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake, Camden Third Series, xcii, London 1962, 245 ff.) not counting the three Welsh bishoprics; the fourth, St. Asaph, was vacant until 1141.

^{page 181 note 2} Take, e.g., the rough guiding line given by Gilbert of Limerick to the Church of Ireland-per archbishop not more than twenty, not less than three suffragans-’ut plurimum viginti episcopos regit, ut minimum vero tres’: ‘De Statu Ecclesie’, P.L. clix. col. 998, which was written before 1111; cf. J. E. Kenney, Sources for the Early History of Ireland, New York 1929, 763 f. See also Gilbert of Limerick, ‘The General Image of the Church’, a reproduction from a MS. in Durham Cathedral, Durham Cathedral Manuscripts, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, Oxford 1939, pi. 32. Of particular interest, also, is Gilbert's equation of secular and ecclesiastical units: ‘Coniungitur autem imperator papae, rex primati, dux archipontifici, comes episcopo, miles sacerdoti, quia istae personae pares illis secularibus iure decernentur’, loc cit., col 999A; similarly Nicholas of Worcester: ‘Si inquam super hunc, qui summus vocatur pontifex sue gentis, prelationem haberet presul Eborace, iam non tan turn metropolitanus, immo primas esset alterius etiam regni’, Anglia Sacra, ed. Wharton, 235.

^{page 181 note 3} Hugh the Cantor, The History of the Church of York, 1066–1127, ed. Charles Johnson, London 1961, 123.

^{page 181 note 4} Holtzmann, W., Papsturkunden in England, Berlin 1935, ii. 148 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 181 note 5} HCY, iii. 57.

^{page 181 note 6} John of Worcester, loc. cit., 17.

^{page 181 note 7} Bethell, art. cit., 155 ff.; Southern, Anselm, 139; Nicholl, op. cit., 87 ff.; HCY, ii. 201–4.

^{page 182 note 1} Hugh the Cantor, 114.

^{page 182 note 2} Ibid., 115.

^{page 182 note 3} Ralph, in his letter to Calixtus: ‘nihil indebitum ab episcopo Eboracensi episcopus Cantuariensis expostulat, nisi ut sibi canonicam subiectionis humilitatem debeat, quam antecessores eius antecessoribus suis debuisse fideliter constat’: HCT, ii. 230.

^{page 182 note 4} Ibid., 210; Nicholl, op. cit., 109.

^{page 183 note 1} Pope Calixtus, in a letter to the Scottish bishops: ‘Gravis quaedam et periculosa in vestris partibus dicitur vigere presumptio, ut, videlicet, metropolitano et aliis coepiscopis inconsultis alter ab altero in episcopum consecretur’: HCT, iii. 40.

^{page 183 note 2} Hughes, Kathleen, The Church in Early Irish Society, London 1966Google Scholar.

^{page 183 note 3} Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia, ed. Martin Rule, Rolls Series, London 1884, 259 f. Even later in the century, when other dioceses had long submitted to Canterbury, Bangor made difficulties. Thomas Becket, e.g., did not succeed in filling that bishopric when it fell vacant in 1161. It was not filled until 1177. In 1166, Owain Gwynedd wrote to the archbishop of Canterbury with reference to the election of a bishop of Bangor: ‘non ius aliquod nos cogit vobis subjici, sed voluntas’: Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson, Rolls Series, London 1881, v. 229.

^{page 183 note 4} Rhigyfarch's Life of St. David: the Basic Mid-Twelfth Century Latin Text with Introduction, Critical Apparatus and Translation, ed. J. W.James, Cardiff 1967, xii. Less convincing is the date of the composition suggested by Mrs. Nora K. Chadwick, viz. 1081: cf. ‘Intellectual Life in West Wales in the Last Days of the Celtic Church’, SEBC, 174 f.

^{page 184 note 1} Vitae Sanctorum Britannie et Genealogiae, ed. A. W. Wade-Evans, Cardiff 1944, 150–171; cf. also Kathleen Hughes, ‘British Museum MS. Cotton Vespasian A XIV (‘Vitae Sanctorum Wallensium’): its purpose and provenance’, SEBC, 183–200.

^{page 184 note 2} James, op. cit., the ‘Nero recension’, named after the basic text in British Museum Cotton MS. Nero E i, fols. 158^a-162^b.

^{page 184 note 3} Op cit., xxix-xxx.

^{page 184 note 4} Giraldus Cambrensis, ‘De Invectionibus’, ii. 10 (Honorius); ii. 6 (Eugenius), ed. cit., 143–6, 139–41.

^{page 184 note 5} See below 189, Appendix (H) and (E).

^{page 184 note 6} Ibid. (N).

^{page 184 note 7} Richter, Michael, ‘The Life of St. David, by Giraldus Cambrensis’, Welsh History Review, iv (1968–9), 381–6Google Scholar.

^{page 185 note 1} James, op. cit., diagram after p. xliii.

^{page 185 note 2} Opera, ed. J. S. Brewer and others, Rolls Series, London 1861–91, iii. 401. 3 Although satisfactory evidence is not at hand, one can assume tentatively that the archetype (⁺N) is Rhigyfarch's Life (R).

^{page 185 note 4} Reference to (G) indicates pages (Opera, iii, 377–404), to (N) indicates chapters according to James.

^{page 185 note 5} (H): ‘David … legitur fuisse archipresul consecratus’; is this meant as a hint to the pope to ask for this kind of proof?

^{page 186 note 1} For many such views see James, op. cit., xi.

^{page 186 note 2} The first major work in the field of Welsh hagiography is Hywel David Emanuel, ‘The Life of St. Cadoc: a textual and lexicographical study’, M.A. dissertation (typewritten) University of Wales, June 1950; idem, ‘An analysis of the Composition of the “Vita Cadoci” ’, National Library of Wales Journal, vii (1952), (here quoted from an offprint).

^{page 186 note 3} Cadoc goes to Jerusalem: ‘attributa sunt ei a Domino illarum gentium idiomata, per quas eundo et redeundo transibat, loquebatur variis linguis ad instar primitive ecclesie in discipulorum Christi tempore’; §14, ed. Wade-Evans, 56. Similarly David: ‘Cum… alienigenas diversarum gentium linguas audirent, linguarum gratia cui apostolicus ille cetus ditatus est David pater, ut ne in extremis degentes gentibus interprete egerent, et ut aliorum fidem veritatis verbo firmarent’; ed. James, 20.

^{page 186 note 4} ‘Quae res non minimum ei [Cadoc] displicuit, nimioque furore contra sanctum David pro tali dedecore succensus, diem cum nocte ieiunio continavit’; Emanuel, loc. cit., 53; cf. idem, loc. cit., 5.

^{page 187 note 1} Giraldus Cambrensis, Op., iii. 248.

^{page 187 note 2} Ep. Acts, ii. 503.

^{page 187 note 3} Brut y Tywysogyon, ed. Thomas Jones, s.a. (1124, recte) 1127, III.

^{page 187 note 4} Ibid., s.a. (1136, recte ) 1137, 117.

^{page 187 note 5} Haddan & Stubbs, Councils, i. 663–7; cf. Nora K. Chadwick, SEBC, 167–72.

^{page 188 note 1} This is a clear denial of Ralph's statement in his letter to Calixtus of Canterbury's primacy ‘tarn universae Britanniae quam Hiberniae’: HCY, ii. 236.

^{page 188 note 2} The same in Ralph's letter to Calixtus, but in demanding tone there: ‘Solent enim Romani pontifices de observandis indeclinabiliter decretis antecessorum suorum ante consecrationem suam profited, et mihi quisquam audeat imponere quatinus ecclesiae meae privilegia debeam evacuare?’: op. cit., 248. On the problem of continuity in the papal politics see Ullmann, Walter, ‘The Papacy as an Institution of Government in the Middle Ages’, Studies in Church History, ed. Cuming, G. J., London 1965, ii. 78–101Google Scholar; also Cheney, C. R., The Study of the Medieval Papal Chancery, Glasgow 1966, 25Google Scholar.

^{page 188 note 3} Although not much documentary evidence has survived, the connexion between the Welsh Church and Ireland seems to have been close even in the twelfth century. Cf. also Life of St. David, 19.

^{page 189 note 1} ‘Porro quod Roma Cantuariae, id Cantuaria toti Britanniae voluntate et beneficio ministravit’: HCY, ii. 229.