¹ Misc. Ir. annals, 1206.3, 1206.6. De Lacy was belted earl of Ulster on 29 May 1205, at Winchester: Rot. chart., p. 151a.

² A.U., 1207.8, 1207.9 [recte, 1206]; A.F.M., 1206.14, 1206.15.

³ A.U., 1207.10; see also, A.L.C., 1206.7; A.F.M., 1206.5. For the attack on Armagh, see Misc. Ir. annals, 1207.1. Eugenius had arrived in England by 19 July 1207, when the king sent him to execute episcopal office in the vacant see of Exeter, and in Worcester: Rot. litt. claus., 1204–24, p. 88a; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 331; Barlow, Frank (ed.), English episcopal acta XI: Exeter, 1046–1184 (Oxford, 1996), 44.Google Scholar There is no mention of Eugenius in the Worcester records.

⁴ A.U., 1205.3; Pontificia Hibernica, i, no. 64. For John de Courcy’s replacement by Hugh de Lacy in Ulster, see my recent Ph.D. thesis, ‘Fortune’s wheel: the rise, fall and restoration of Hugh II de Lacy, earl of Ulster, 1190–1242’ (Queen’s University, Belfast, 2012), ch. 1. For de Courcy’s relationship with the church in Ulster, see Flanagan, M.T. ‘John de Courcy, the first Ulster plantation and Irish church men’ in Smith, Brendan (ed.), Britain and Ireland, 900–1300: insular responses to medieval European change (Cambridge, 1999), pp 154–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ The fifteenth-century annals known as Mac Carthaigh’s book are at times chronologically suspect (attributing de Lacy’s comital promotion to the year 1204, for example), but the reference to a specific feast day (St Brigid) inspires greater confidence in this detail: see Misc. Ir. annals, 1204.2. The entry is repeated in the Dublin annals of Inisfallen, an eighteenth-century compilation which probably used a corrupt version of the Mac Carthaigh’s book MS as its source: see Fiaich, Tomás Ó ‘The contents of “Mac Carthaigh’s book” in I.E.R., 5th ser., 74 (1950), pp 30–9, at p. 37;Google ScholarÚrdail, Meibhbhín Ní ‘Some observations on the “Dublin annals of Inisfallen”’ in Ériu, 57 (2007), pp 133–53.Google Scholar

⁶ Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365; MacCotter, PaulMedieval Ireland: territorial, political and economic divisions (Dublin, 2008), p. 232.Google Scholar

⁷ B.L., Add. MS 4797, f. 43. I am indebted to Dr Colin Veach for making me aware of the charter’s existence, and to the British Library for granting permission to publish it here. The charter-text is provided in an appendix.

⁸ Flower, Robin ‘Manuscripts of Irish interest in the British Museum’ in Anal. Hib., 2 (1931), pp 292–340, at p. 300.Google Scholar

⁹ B.L., Add. MS 4821, f. 145; Flanagan, M.T.Irish royal charters: texts and contexts (London, 2005), pp 388–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰ B.L., Add. MS 4792, f. 188.

¹¹ B.L., Add. MS 4797, f. 45v [quamcito eam perquisieret]. My thanks to Professor Nicholas Vincent, University of East Anglia, for knowledge of this (unpublished) charter-text. Between 1189 and 1206, de Lacy had been the beneficiary of generous (but ultimately inoperative) grants of land in modern Sligo and Roscommon from the Lord John and William de Burgh, lord of Connacht: Rot. chart, p. 139b; Gormanston reg., pp 143–4; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 241. The principal witness to the earl’s grant in favour of Walter Hose, William de Lacy – Hugh’s half-brother – died in 1233: A.L.C., 1233.8. The charter to Walter Hose must therefore have been made before Hugh II’s participation in the Anglo-Norman reconquest of Connacht, in 1235, after which de Lacy was granted a significant stake in the province by Richard, , son of William de Burgh: Gormanston reg., pp 143, 191.Google Scholar

¹² Flower, , ‘Manuscripts of Irish interest in the British Museum’, pp 292–340;Google ScholarO’Sullivan, William, O‘A finding list of Sir James WareO’s ManuscriptsO’ in R.IA. Proc., 97, C, no. 2 (1997), pp 69–99.Google Scholar

¹³ See Wilson, Philip, ‘The writings of Sir James Ware and the forgeries of Robert Ware’ in Transactions of the Bibliographical Society, 15 (1917–19), pp 83–94, at p. 83.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The original charters may have been kept by the Hose family (later Hussey), still lords of Galtrim in 1598: Hogan, Edmund (ed.), The description of Ireland and the state thereof as it is at this present anno in 1598 (Dublin, 1910), p. 95.Google Scholar

¹⁵ B.L., Add. MS 4821, f. 145; Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, p. 107.Google Scholar

¹⁶ B.L., Add. MS 4821, f. 142. This notebook, in use between 1627 and 1636, was bought by Jeremiah Milles but bequeathed by Edward Pocoke, bishop of Meath (d. 1765): O’Sullivan, , ‘A finding list of Sir James Ware’s Manuscripts’, pp 71,Google Scholar 80. Kells and Durrow were de Lacy demesne manors, which makes their award to Hugh Hose an even greater mark of favour.

¹⁷ Only the intervention of Hugh’s brother, Walter, lord of Meath, prevented John de Courcy and his Manx confederates from recovering Ulster in late 1205: Broderick, George and Stowell, Brian (eds), Chronicle of the kings of Mann and the Isles (Edinburgh, 1973), p. 26.Google Scholar For de Courcy’s ingratiating piety, contributing to the archbishop of Armagh’s excommunication of Hugh de Lacy in 1205, see Flanagan, , ‘De Courcy’, pp 154–78.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Expugnatio Hib., pp 175–6 [‘For in colour John’s hair was a lighter shade of fair, tending in fact towards white, and he chanced at that time to be riding a white horse, and he displayed painted eagles on his shield’]. For the incorporation of the Welsh tradition surrounding Merlin Silvester into the works of Giraldus Cambrensis, see ibid., pp 161–2. For de Courcy’s use of the Patrician cult, see Flanagan, , ‘De Courcy’, pp 163–9.Google Scholar

¹⁹ T.C.D., MS 1281 (Dublin annals of Inisfallen, 1180); Stubbs, William (ed.), Gesta Henrici secundi Benedicti abbatis (2 vols, London, 1867), i, 170.Google Scholar The union was unlicensed by Henry II.

²⁰ Misc. Ir. annals, 1166.1; Dufaigh, Seosamh Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan: the evidence of place-names’ in Clogher Record, 16, no. 3 (1999), pp 7–28, at p. 14.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²¹ A.U., 1207.8 [recte 1206]; A.F.M., 1206.14; Fitzpatrick, ElizabethRoyal inauguration in Gaelic Ireland, c.1100–1600: a cultural landscape study (Woodbridge, 2004), pp 139–56.Google Scholar

²² See Riain, Pádriag Ó ‘The “crech rig” or “royal prey”’ in Éigse, 15 (1973), pp 24–30.Google Scholar

²³ Colgan, JohnTrias thaumaturga vitae (Louvain, 1647), p. 64.Google Scholar

²⁴ It seems that, quite soon after de Lacy’s promotion, King John deliberately suppressed references to de Lacy’s title in the royal chancery records: see Brown, , ‘Fortune’s wheel’, pp 98–100.Google Scholar

²⁵ Misc. Ir. annals, 1204 [recte 1205]. The error in identifying Hugh as justiciar is understandable, given that de Lacy’s brief from King John following his comital promotion had been to act as co-adjutor to the justiciar, Meiler fitz Henry: Rot. litt. claus, 1204–24, p. 40a; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 268.

²⁶ For comparison with an orthodox charter-form, I have used the structure outlined in Cronne, H.A. and Davies, R.H.C. (eds), Regesta regum Anglo-Normannorum, 1066–1115 (4 vols, Oxford, 1913–69), iv, 9;Google Scholar modified for an Irish context in Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, pp 27–33.Google Scholar

²⁷ Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, pp 28, 335.Google Scholar

²⁸ Just three other earldoms were created, or re-created, by King John: Hereford, for Henry de Bohun (1199); Winchester, for Saer de Quincy (1207); and Pembroke, re-created for William Marshal (1199): Mortimer, RichardAngevin England, 1154–1258 (Oxford, 1994), p. 79Google Scholar (the earldoms of Ulster and Pembroke are omitted from Mortimer’s assessment).

²⁹ Hugh’s rank must also have been replicated on the seals attached to his acta, of which none have survived. A note in Ware’s transcript of Hugh’s charter to Galfridus Fabius, issued before his comital promotion, states that the original deed was attached with a sigillum Hugoni de Laci cum effigie arinati, the equestrian seal featuring the mounted figure: B.L., Add. MS 4792, f. 188.

³⁰ For knowledge of these deeds I am greatly indebted to Prof. David Crouch, University of Hull. For Emelina’s charters, see Oxford, Magdalen College, MSS Wanborough, 6a, 19, 20a, 22–25, 31a, 33, 36a, 48a, 56a, 57a, 58a, 59a, 66. The fourteenth-century Book of Lacock, which traced the lineage of the Longespée family, patrons of Lacock abbey (Wiltshire), described Emelina’s second husband, Stephen Longespée, as Com[es] Ulton[ie]: Bowles, W.L. and Nichols, J.G. (eds), Annals and antiquities of Lacock abbey, in the county of Wiltshire (London, 1835),Google Scholar appendix 1, ii. For examples of other widowed countesses maintaining their titles after remarriage to a non-comital magnate, see Crouch, DavidThe image of aristocracy in Britain, 1000–1300 (London, 1992), p. 77.Google Scholar

³¹ Stenton, F.M. (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses (Lincoln Record Society, 17, Horncastle, 1922), p. 16;Google ScholarReynolds, SusanFiefs and vassals: the medieval evidence reinterpreted (Oxford, 1994; repr. 2001), pp 371–2;Google ScholarGanshof, F.L.Feudalism (2nd English ed., New York, 1961), pp 125–6.Google Scholar

³² Stenton, (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 18.Google Scholar

³³ For William Longchamp, see Turner, Ralph ‘Longchamp, William de (d. 1197)’ in Oxford DN.B.Google Scholar Some of de Lacy’s charters after 1205 employ both plural and singular personal pronouns, a disjunction which might imply confusion on the part of the drafter. See, for example, Hugh’s grant of the church of Dundalk to the abbey of St Thomas, Dublin (12 May 1206x12 May 1210): Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, p. 9.

³⁴ Reynolds, , Fiefs and vassals, pp 18–21, 370–3;Google ScholarGanshof, , Feudalism, pp 72–3.Google Scholar

³⁵ Commonly, the ritual of investiture followed immediately from the acts of homage and fealty: Reynolds, , Fiefs and vassals, pp 18–21;Google ScholarGanshof, , Feudalism, p. 125.Google Scholar

³⁶ Reynolds, , Fiefs and vassals, pp 18–21;Google ScholarGanshof, , Feudalism, pp 78, 84–8.Google Scholar

³⁷ Stenton, (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 33.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid.

³⁹ Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, p. 30.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Contrast the liberal jurisdictions listed in Hugh’s charter granting land in Uriel to the abbey of Mellifont (1194x1205), with the more limited rights given in a grant of lesser Ballybin (bar. Ratoath, County Meath) to Llanthony Prima (1191x1205): Fr Colmcille, ‘Three unpublished Cistercian documents’ in Co. Louth Arch. Soc. Jn., xiii, no. 3 (1955), pp 254–5; Ir. chartul. Llanthony, p. 81; Hogan, ArleneThe priory of Llanthony Prima and Secunda in Ireland, 1172–1541: lands, patronage and politics (Dublin, 2008), pp 247–8.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Murphy, Margaret and O’Conor, Kieran ‘Castles and deer parks in Anglo-Norman Ireland’ in Eolas: Journal of the American Society of Irish Medieval Studies, 1, (2006), pp 53–70.Google Scholar

⁴² Gormanston reg., pp 142, 190.

⁴³ In the charters of David, earl of Huntingdon (d. 1219), the phrases in vivariis or in piscariis feature only rarely, implying a precise application: Stringer, K.J. ‘The charters of David, earl of Huntingdon and lord of Garioch: a study of Anglo-Scottish diplomatic’ in idem, (ed.), Essays on the nobility of medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, 1985), pp 72–101, at p. 77.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365 [placitis ad nostrum gladium pertinentibus]. The Anglo-Normans are thought to have introduced rabbit-farming to Ireland: see Murphy, & O’Connor, , ‘Castles and deer parks’, p. 58;Google Scholar citing Kelly, FergusEarly Irish Farming (Dublin, 1997), p. 13.Google Scholar In 1211–12, as seneschal of Ulster, Roger Pipard accounted for £10 from the sale of 2,000 rabbit skins: Pipe roll Ire, 1211–12, pp 54–5.

⁴⁵ Stenton, (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 29.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Smith, Brendan (ed.), The register of Nicholas Fleming, archbishop of Armagh, 1404–16 (Dublin, 2003), pp 201–2Google Scholar [contra omnes warentizabimus in perpetuum].

⁴⁷ Ir. chartul. Llanthony, pp 82–3; Hogan, , Llanthony Prima & Secunda, p. 248.Google Scholar Hugh had perhaps defaulted on his responsibility when, as earl of Ulster, and in excambium, he released to Llanthony all the land that Mulko held of him at Noua Villa (Newtown Trim, County Meath?): Ir. chartul. Llanthony, pp 81–2; Hogan, , Llanthony Prima & Secunda, p. 260.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Stenton, (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 33.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, p. 28;Google ScholarBroun, Dauvit ‘The presence of witnesses and the writing of charters’ in Broun, Dauvit (ed.), The reality behind charter diplomatic in the Anglo-Norman era (Glasgow, 2010), pp 235–85, at p. 238.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Per manum nostrum propriam apud Galletrum secundo die martii comitatis nostri anno secundo.

⁵¹ Stenton, (ed,), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 32Google Scholar (Sixle, no. 26; Catley, no. 26; Bullington no. 2).

⁵² Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 9, 49; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365; Nicholls, K.W., ‘Abstracts of Mandeville deeds’ in Anal. Hib., 32 (1985), p. 14, no. 28.Google Scholar

⁵³ Just one of de Lacy’s charters issued subsequent to his expulsion from Ulster, in 1210, features a dating clause, that for Albert Suerbeer (papal appointee to the archbishopric of Armagh), with reference to a pontificate [‘act of the year of grace 1241 in the month of November in the fifteenth year of the pontificate of Lord Gregory IX’] and doubtless drafted by a clerk of the archbishop: The register of Nicholas Fleming, pp 201–2.

⁵⁴ Flanagan, , Irish royal charters, p. 30.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ McKay, Patrick (ed.), A dictionary of Ulster place-names (Antrim, 1999), pp 150, 154–5.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Stenton, (ed.), Transcripts of charters relating to Gilbertine houses, p. 17.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365.

⁵⁸ Above, n. 21.

⁵⁹ McKay, (ed.), Dictionary of Ulster place-names, p. 113Google Scholar (‘there is now no trace or record of a stone ring-fort in the townland’). For another Moycashel, in County Westmeath, see Hogan, Onomasticon, p. 514.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Hugh’s strategy may have had precedent. As early as c. 1078, Toirdeblach Ua Briain, as high-king, installed members of his own kin in the kingship of Telach Óc in order to assert his authority in the North: see Hogan, James, ‘The Ui Brian kingship in Telach Óc’ in Ryan, John (ed.), Feilsgribhinn Eoin Mhic Neill: essays and studies presented to Professor Eoin Mac Neill (Dublin, 1940), pp 406–44.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Dufaigh, Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan’, pp 7–28.Google Scholar

⁶² The parishes of Drumsnat and Kilmore had been united since at least the beginning of the fourteenth century, and perhaps at a much earlier date: see Dubhthaigh, Bearnárd Ó ‘A contribution to the history of Drumsnat’ in Clogher Record, 6, no. 1 (1966), pp 71–103, at p. 72.Google Scholar Late-twelfth century scholastic notes to the Félire Oengusso place Drumsnat in Farney (Fernmaig), just beyond the western boundary of Uí Méith as it had been at its height in the early part of the ninth century: Fél Oeng., p. 180; cited in Dufaigh, Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan’, p. 13.Google Scholar

⁶³ Brindley, A.L. (ed.), Archaeological inventory of county Monaghan (Dublin, 1986), p. 31.Google Scholar The inspection of 1983 described the site as a ‘circular area surrounded by earthen bank, now adjoining [a] modern dwelling and used as [a] garden.’ The present owners of the site informed me that, before its levelling, the monument had been remembered locally as both a ‘fairy fort’ and an orchard.

⁶⁴ Thorn Hill gives its name to a townland adjoining Skeagh to the southwest: see Lewis, SamuelA topographical dictionary of Ireland, etc. (2 vols, London, 1837), i, 521.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Brindley, (ed.), Archaeological inventory of county Monaghan, p. 86;Google ScholarDubhthaigh, Ó ‘A contribution to the history of Drumsnat’, pp 71–103.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ eDIL (Electronic dictionary of the Irish Language), letters M, col. 201; C, col. 548 (http://www.dil.ie) (7 July 2012).

⁶⁷ A cross noted by the National sites and monuments database as having stood on the edge of the ancient cemetery site at Mullanacross, is not included in the Archaeological inventory: SMR, no. MO013-002001- (http://www.archaeology.ie/smrmapviewer/ mapviewer.aspx) (2 Feb. 2011).

⁶⁸ Riain, Padraig ÓA dictionary of Irish saints (Dublin, 2011), pp 256–7.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Dufaigh, Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan’, p. 14.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Smith, BrendanColonisation and conquest in medieval Ireland: the English in Louth, 1170–1330 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 34.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Misc. Ir. annals, 1184.2; Dufaigh, Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan’, p. 17.Google Scholar

⁷² Dufaigh, Ó ‘Medieval Monaghan’, pp 17–26.Google Scholar

⁷³ Pressure on Uí Méith in the eleventh century led to the establishment of another branch, Uí Méith Mara, in what is now Omeath in the Cooley peninsula (County Louth): Murray, Laurence ‘Omeath’ in Co. Louth Arch. Soc. Jn., 3, no. 3 (1914), pp 213–31.Google Scholar This region was referred to as ‘Meth’ in a charter of the earl of Ulster, de Burgh, Richardc. 1305: Gormanston reg., p. 149.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (1), (4), pp 364–6; Otway-Ruthven, A.J. ‘The partition of the de Verdon lands in Ireland in 1332’, in R.I.A. Proc., 46, C, (1967–8), pp 402–3;Google ScholarMacCotter, , Medieval Ireland, pp 235–45.Google Scholar The areas in brackets refer to whole cantreds, not the allotted portions.

⁷⁵ Otway-Ruthven, , ‘Partition’, p. 403;Google ScholarMacCotter, , Medieval Ireland, p. 238.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ A.L.C., 1193.12; Smith, , Colonisation, pp 37, 41, 46.Google ScholarPubMed

⁷⁷ See Crouch, DavidThe birth of nobility: constructing aristocracy in England and France, 900–1300 (Harlow, 2005), pp 280–1;Google ScholarStenton, F.M.The first century of English feudalism, 1066–1166 (2nd ed., Oxford, 1961), pp 60–1.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Orpen, , Normans, p. 184;Google ScholarMacCotter, , Medieval Ireland, p. 206;Google ScholarMullally, Evelyn (ed.), The deeds of the Normans in Ireland: la geste des Engleis en Yrlande (Dublin, 2002), ll.Google Scholar 3160–1. The focal settlement in that earlier polity, Calatruim, would become Galtrim, caput of Hose’s barony; the motte and bailey there was abandoned in 1176 ‘for fear of the Cenél nEógain’, but was almost certainly reoccupied before the drafting of the earl of Ulster’s charter, apud Galletrum, in 1207: A.U., 1176.9.

⁷⁹ Gormanston reg., pp 142, 190.

⁸⁰ Rot. chart., p. 69a; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 121.

⁸¹ B.L., Add. MS 4821, f. 142.

⁸² For another, Wiltshire-based, branch of the family, with connections to the Marshal earls of Pembroke and lords of Leinster, see Brand, Paul ‘Uncle and niece: the disputed Huse family inheritance’ (Fine of the month for Nov. 2006) at .Google Scholar

⁸³ In 1086, the manor of Stanton Lacy, later subsumed by Ludlow, was the most profitable of all the de Lacy manors: Wightman, W.E.The Lacy family in England and Normandy, 1066–1194 (Oxford, 1966), p. 135.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See Eyton, R.W. ‘The Staffordshire fief of de Lacy’ in Collections for a History of Staffordshire [hereafter Collections Hist. Staffs], 1st ser., 1, (1880), pp 235–7.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Liber feodorum, the book of fees commonly called Testa de Nevill reformed from the earliest MSS by the deputy keeper of the records (3 vols, London, 1920), ii, 967. In 1086, Norbury had been held by ‘Reger’ (probably Roger, then head of the Herefordshire de Lacys) from the Montgomery earls of Shrewsbury: The Victoria history of the county of Stafford [hereafter V.C.H. Staffs.](20 vols, London, 1908-84), iv, 156. It is found in the inventory of Hugh I de Lacy’s fees taken in 1166: Red Book of the exchequer, i, 286. Hugh Kilpeck may have been related to John Kilpeck, defendant in a plaint of 1198 brought by William de Wudetone, an under-tenant of the de Lacys in Shropshire, in connection with a knight’s fee in Norbury: Collections Hist. Staffs., ii (1881), p. 74; V.C.H. Staffs., iv, 156n.

⁸⁶ Collections Hist. Staffs., i, 20, 65.

⁸⁷ Mullally, (ed.), Deeds of the Normans, 11. 3160–1.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Collections Hist. Staffs., i, 69, 140; ii, 3, 137. The reason for the crown’s resumption in Penkridge is not known.

⁸⁹ Indicative of a prior familial relationship, the Hose portion of Penkridge included the dependent vills of Cowley and Beffcote, belonging to the parish of Gnosall, in which the manor of Walton, held by Roger de Lacy in the eleventh century, was situated: V.C.H. Staffs., v, 108; iv, 156.

⁹⁰ Rot. oblatis., p. 403; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 368.

⁹¹ In September 1215, the archbishop of Dublin (and formerly archdeacon of Stafford), Henry of London, was confirmed with the manor and fair of Penkridge, with dependent vills, ‘which he has of the gift of Hugh Huese (Hose)’, with the advowson of the manor: Rot. chart., p. 218b; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 652.

⁹² See V.C.H. Staffs., iv, 82, 161; v, 103–4; G.E.C. Peerage, xii, 246.

⁹³ Gormanston reg., pp 144, 192–3; Hagger, MarkThe fortunes of a Norman family: the de Verduns in England, Ireland and Wales, 1066–1316 (Dublin 2001), p. 57.Google Scholar For Ralph de Mutton’s fee at Dromiskin, see Wrottesley, George (ed.), ‘The Chetwynd Chartulary, printed from the original manuscript at Ingestre: with an introduction and notes’ in Collections Hist. Staffs., 12, pt. 1, nos 3, 4.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Rot. litt. pat., p. 146b; Cal. doc. Ire, 1171–1251, no. 575.

⁹⁵ Adam de Audley, Henry’s brother, was Hugh II de Lacy’s constable before Adam’s death, c.1210, and held from the earl at Audleystown (County Down) in Ulster: Cal. chart. rolls, 1226–57, pp 36–7; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 1505. Adam’s lands passed to his brother, from which 36s. 8d., in Ulster, was rendered in the Irish Pipe roll of 1211–12: Pipe roll Ire., 1211–12, pp 54–5. Henry’s impressive collection of English and Irish fees, including Dunleer, was confirmed to him by Henry III in 1227: Cal. chart. rolls, 1226–57, pp 36–7; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 1505. Henry de Audley’s sister, Isabella, was married to a de Mutton: Hagger, , De Verduns, p. 199.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ For a useful appraisal of, and addition to, the historiography surrounding the royal expedition of 1210, see Veach, Colin T., ‘Nobility and crown: the de Lacy family in Ireland, England and Normandy, 1172–1241’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Dublin, 2010), pp 173–8.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ P.R.O. Red Book, Exchequer, QR., f. 180b; Cal. doc. Ire, 1171–1251, no. 402. The translation is taken from Kerr, A.C. ‘Royal documents relating to Ireland from the reign of King John (1199–1216)’ (M.A. thesis, Queen’s University, Belfast, 1981), pp 307–9.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ The other attestors were Richard Tyrell, Richard de Feipo, William Parvus, Peter de Meset, Martin de Mandeville and Adam Dullard.

⁹⁹ Reynolds, , Fiefs and vassals, p. 371;Google ScholarGanshof, , Feudalism, pp 102–3.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Ganshof, , Feudalism, p. 104.Google Scholar Perhaps playing on Hugh’s mind was his son, Maurice, who was being held as a hostage for Walter de Lacy at Windsor castle in 1207, and who may still have been in royal custody: Rot. litt. pat., p. 72b; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no.309.

¹⁰¹ For a summary of Walter and Hugh’s movements after 1210, and the apocryphal stories surrounding their exile, see Orpen, , Normans, p. 254.Google Scholar The charter evidence seems to point to a rift between the two brothers after this date. Of eleven charters issued by Hugh II before 1210 featuring witness-lists, including the grant to Hugh Hose, Walter de Lacy attests eight: Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 7–8, 9, 13; Ir. chartul. Llanthony, pp 82–3; Thomson, Thomas (ed.), Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree in Scotia (Edinburgh, 1841), pp 118–19;Google Scholar Fr Colmcille, ‘Three unpublished Cistercian documents’, pp 254–5; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365. He appears in just one (out of eleven) after 1227, a chirograph between Hugh de Lacy and Rose de Verdun, by which Hugh quitclaimed for life his claim to the moiety of the de Verdun lands in north Louth: Gormanston reg., pp 161–2. Walter’s appearance may not point to improved relations between the de Lacy brothers. The lord of Meath was probably called to attest the 1235 agreement because he had set his seal to Hugh’s original chirograph with Thomas de Verdun: Gormanston reg., pp 144, 192–3. Walter’s grandson, Walter II (d. 1238x41), was probably married to a daughter of Rose de Verdun by 1235: Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, p. 420; Hagger, , De Verduns, pp 72, 218–19.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Liber feodorum, i, 143.

¹⁰³ Barnes, Patricia M. (ed.), The great roll of the pipe for the fourteenth year of the reign of King John (Pipe Roll Society, new ser., xxx, London, 1955), pp 157–8; Cal. doc. Ire., 1171–1251, no. 453. Hubert Hose held in Gloucestershire and Leicestershire in 1235–6: Liber feodorum, i, 439, 442; 520, 524.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Rot. litt. claus., 1204–24, p. 186a; 1224–7, p. 161; Cal. doc. Ire, 1171–1251, nos 529, 1406, 1452.

¹⁰⁵ De Lacy’s restoration had occurred by Apr. 1227: Pat. rolls, 1225–32, p. 118.

¹⁰⁶ Letters in square brackets and punctuation marks are my own.

¹⁰⁷ For an excellent study of Walter‘s career, see Veach, , ‘Nobility and crown’, passim.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Half-brother of the earl of Ulster through the unlicensed union of the elder Hugh de Lacy with an unnamed daughter of Ruaidrí Ua Conchobair, c.1180: see above, n. 19. Witnessed three of Hugh II de Lacy’s charters before 1210, and one after 1227: Ir. chartul. Llanthony, pp 82–3; Thomson, (ed.), Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree, p. 118; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365; Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 9–10. For his death, see Ann. Clon., 1233.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Attested four of de Lacy’s charters before 1210: Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 7–8, 13; Fr Colmcille, ‘Three unpublished Cistercian documents’, pp 254–5; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365. Probably Hugh’s brother of that name, but see Ann. Clon., 1206 [‘Robert Delacie son of Hugh Delacie, died’]. Alternatively the baron of Rathwire, County Westmeath, head of a cadet branch: Mullally, (ed.), Deeds of the Normans, 11. 3148’9.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Granted Granard (County Longford) by Hugh I de Lacy: Mullally, (ed.), Deeds of the Normans, 11.Google Scholar 314–7. Witnessed five times before 1210: Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 7–8, 9, 13; Thomson, (ed.), Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree, p. 118;Google ScholarOrmond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365. For his death in 1211, crushed under the royal keep at Athlone, see A.L.C, 1211; Ann. Clon., 1210 [recte 1211]; Chartul. St Mary–s, Dublin, ii, 312, s.a. 1211.

¹¹¹ Seneschal of Hugh I and Walter de Lacy and lord of Magheradernon (County Westmeath), with its caput at Mullingar: Mullally, (ed.), Deeds of the Normans, 11. 3133–5;Google ScholarOrpen, , Normans, p. 184.Google Scholar For his attestations before 1210, see Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 9, 13; Ir. chartul. Llanthony, p. 81; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365. Accounted for Meath following the liberty’s sequestration in 1210: Pipe roll Ire., 1211–12, pp 21–45.

¹¹² For the Tirell family, lords of Castleknock (County Dublin), see Brooks, Eric St John ‘The grant of Castleknock to Hugh Tyrel’ in R.SA.I. Jn., 43 (1933), pp 206–20;Google Scholaridem, ., ‘The Tyrels of Castleknock’ in R.SA.I. Jn., 86 (1946), pp 151–4;Google ScholarMullally, (ed.), Deeds of the Normans, 11. 3130–1.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Attested in Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, p. 13; Fr Colmcille, ‘Three unpublished Cistercian documents‘, pp 254–5. Accounted for Ulster and Uriel after 1210: Pipe roll Ire., 1211–12, pp 53–69. See above, pp 503–4.

¹¹⁴ See above, p. 506.

¹¹⁵ For the family of Gelous (alias Geylous, Geylouz) in Meath, and Ulster, see Ir. chartul. Llanthony, pp 88, 111–12; Orpen, G.H. ‘The earldom of Ulster, pt. ii: inquisitions touching Carrickfergus and Antrim (cont.)’ in R.SA.I. Jn., 6th ser., 3, no. 2 (Jun. 1913), pp 136–7.Google Scholar For an account of Robert Gelous, charged with repairs to the Ulster castles of Carrickfergus, Dundrum and Greencastle, in 1261, see Reports from the commissioners appointed by His Majesty to execute the measures recommended in an address of the House of Commons respecting the public records of Ireland: with supplements and appendices (Irish Record Commission, 1810–15), i, plate 2, no. 3.

¹¹⁶ A tenant of Hugh de Lacy’s in Blakestown (County Louth): Rot. litt. claus., 1224–7, p. 175b; Cal. doc. Ire, 1171–1251, no. 1491; Mac Íomhair, Diarmuid ‘Townland survey of county Louth (cont.)’ in Co. Louth Arch. Soc. Jn., 11, no. 4 (1952), pp 53–63,Google Scholar at p. 272; idem, ., ‘Historical notes on Millockstown and Blakestown’ in Co. Louth Arch. Soc. Jn., 13, no. 1 (1953), pp 68–123;Google Scholar attests in Reg. St Thomas, Dublin, pp 7–8.

¹¹⁷ See above, pp 505–6.

¹¹⁸ Ibid.

¹¹⁹ Drafted two other pre-1210 charters: Thomson, (ed.), Liber cartarum prioratus Sancti Andree, p. 118; Ormond deeds, 1172–1350, no. 863 (2), p. 365.Google Scholar