[I would like to express my thanks to all those who have helped me in writing this study, and especially to Mr. R. D. Barnett, Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities in the British Museum, and Professor Luisa Banti of the University of Florence; also to Professor Sidney Smith and Professor M. E. L. Mallowan, to Mr. Ward Perkins, Director of the British School at Rome, to Professor Bartoccini, Director of the Villa Giulia Museum, to my colleagues at the Institute of Archaeology, and to the University of London authorities who enabled me to visit Italy with a grant from the Central Research Fund.]

^{page 150 note 1} It is unnecessary to give here a comprehensive bibliography and only important studies which are particularly relevant to this article will be noted.

Karo, G., Orient und Hellas in archaischer Zeit (Athenische Mitteilmgen, XLV, 1920)Google Scholar.

Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien Einst und Jetzt, 2 Vols., 1910, 1926, 1931Google Scholar.

MacIver, Randall, Villanovans and Early Etruscans. 1924Google Scholar.

Poulsen, , Die Orient und Frühgriechische Kunst. 1912Google Scholar.

Kunze, , Die Kretische Bronze reliefs. 1931Google Scholar.

Kunze, , Verkannter orientalischer Kesselschmuck aus dem Argivischen Heraion. Reinecke Festschrift. 1950Google Scholar.

Herzfeld, , Khattische und Khaldische Bronzen. Janus I (Lehmann-Haupt Festschrift). 1921Google Scholar.

Pareti, , La tomba Regolini Galassi. 1947Google Scholar.

Curtis, , The Bernardini tomb. Memories of the American Academy in Rome. Vol. IIIGoogle Scholar.

Curtis, . The Barberini tomb. Memories of the American Academy in Rome. Vol. VGoogle Scholar.

Hanfmann, Altetruskische Plastik.

Pallottino, , Gli scavi di Karmir-blur in Armenia in Archaeologica Classica VII, 2, 1955Google Scholar. Unfortunately this only reached England as my article was going to press.

^{page 150 note 2} Hawkes, C. F. C., From Bronze Age to Iron Age: Middle Europe, Italy and the Northwest and West in Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 1948, 196Google Scholar; also in Atti del Primo Congfesso di Preistoria e Protostoria Mediterranea, Florence. 1950, 262Google Scholar.

^{page 151 note 1} The Greek trade at Al Mina, in A. J., XXII (1942), 87Google Scholar.

^{page 151 note 2} I am also indebted to Mr. Barnett who gave me the photographs published in Pl. XXVI, 1, 2, and to Professor Band for Pl. XXVI, 3, 4.

^{page 151 note 3} See Bossert, Altanatolien, no. 1167, 1168. Here the provenance is given as Van, but see Bulletin de Correspondance Héllénique, 12, 1888, pl. 12, and 380Google Scholar, where the original account of the discovery of a cauldron ornamented with this siren figure is given. See also Kunze, op. cit., 1950, 100, for additions to his list.

^{page 151 note 4} Curtis, op. cit., III, pl. 54,1. See also Perrot, and Chipiez, , History of Art in Assyria, 172, fig. 91, from Van with triangular decorationGoogle Scholar.

^{page 152 note 1} Iraq, XII, Pt. 1 (1950), Pl. XVIII, 2Google Scholar. See Tell Halaf, III Taf. 17 for the helmet; also a statuette in the Perugia Museum. Calzoni, , Il Museo preistorico dell' Italia Centrale, 57Google Scholar. A male siren is also known from Olympia, Fürtwangler, , Olympia, IV, pl. XLIV, 783Google Scholar, and is probably also of Urartian workmanship.

^{page 152 note 2} The Barberini tomb was discovered in 1855 and we know very little about the actual excavation or the circumstances of its finding. But the early accounts of this collection of objects suggest that while the objects now in the Villa Giulia Museum probably all belong to the same tomb, there may have been objects which are now dispersed. No pottery has been preserved, and it is unfortunate that some of the bronzes have been restored in such a way that it is difficult now to recognise the modern additions.

^{page 152 note 3} F. Thureau-Dangin, Une relation de la huitième campagne de Sargon.

^{page 152 note 4} Bossert, , Çambel, , etc., Karatepe Kazilarl, Ankara, 1950, pl. XIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 153 note 1} Barnett, and Gökçe, , The find of Urarlian bronzes at Altintepe near Erzjncan in A.S., III, 53 ffGoogle Scholar. See also Pallottino, op. cit. Tav. XLIX, 2, for a similar cauldron with bulls' heads from Cumae now in Copenhagen.

^{page 153 note 2} For Vetulonia see Notizie Scavi 1913, figs. 7 & 8, 431 f and fig. 14Google Scholar. For the Bernardini cauldron see Curtis, op. cit., III, pl. 52, and pl. 49 for the smaller cauldron and tripod. Vacano, Von, Die Etrusker, 1955, pl. 89, shows this after cleaningGoogle Scholar.

^{page 154 note 1} Barnett, , Early Greek and Oriental Ivories, J.H.S., 1948, 10Google Scholar.

^{page 154 note 2} Gurney, , The Hittites, 138Google Scholar, identifies the god Tarhund with the Etruscan Tarhon “whose name is the basis of the personal name Tarquinius”. Tar-hu-na-zi occurs as the name of two princes of Malatya, see Sargon, Annals, lines 178–190. Güterbock, , in Belleten, VII, 307, 32Google Scholar, does not agree with the opinion held by some scholars that the Luvian Santas-Tarhun are weather gods.

^{page 154 note 3} Contenau, Manuel d'archaeologie orientale, III, figs. 705, 704; Akurgal, Späthetitische bildkunst, Taf. XIVb.

^{page 154 note 4} Contenau, , Les Tablettes de Kerkouk, 78, no. 128Google Scholar.

^{page 154 note 5} The description of a god given in an Assyrian text, see Thompson, R. Campbell, Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia, II, 151Google Scholar, could well be applied to the Barberini monster:

“He has the horns of an ox; hair lies (from between the horns)

As far as his shoulders

The face of a man …

He has wings; his feet are advancing

The body of a lion with four legs …”

Professor C. J. Gadd has kindly referred me to the restoration and retranslation of this passage by Köcher, F. in Mitteilungen des Institute für Orientforschung, Band I, 75Google Scholar, where it is shown that the passage refers to the god Šerum. It is possible that the god Šeris, who in the form of a bull attended the Hittite weather-god, may be related.

^{page 154 note 6} Gadd, , Assyrian Sculptures, 14Google Scholar.

^{page 155 note 1} King, Babylonian Boundary stones, pl. XIX.

^{page 155 note 2} Curtis, op. cit., III, 66.

^{page 155 note 3} Payne, Perachora, pl. 38 and pp. 126, 127, note 5, where he quotes Plenderleith's opinion that the griffin is cast, not hammered. The fact that the impression of the decoration remains on the bitumen filling is not proof that the griffin was hammered. Layard, , Nineveh and Babylon, 199Google Scholar, shows one of the bronze bulls' heads from the Nimrud throne (now in the British Museum) with the bitumen filling and marks of the decoration. These are certainly cast, and the decorative details added by chasing afterwards.

^{page 156 note 1} Furtwängler, , Olympia, IV. Taf. XLVGoogle Scholar. Amandry, , Petits objets de Delphes, in Bulletin de correspondence Héllénique, 1944–1995, 71Google Scholar, classifies Olympia 794 in his stage II and 796 in his stage III. I cannot agree with this classification. He also states that no griffin protome has been actually found in Asia omitting the Susa example (see p. 162) and the stone griffin protome from Nimrud, , Barnett, in J.H.S., 1948, pl. XI dGoogle Scholar.

^{page 156 note 2} Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, Pls. XV, 2Google Scholar, and XVIII, Pt. 1. In the drawing in N. Sc., 1908, 433Google Scholar, fig. 14, of the Vetulonia cauldron before it was restored, there is evidence that the griffins here have two tresses.

^{page 156 note 3} Jantzen, , Griechische Greifenkessel. 1955Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 4} Moortgat, , Tell Halaf, III, pls. 136, 137Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 5} Barnett, in J.H.S., LXVIII, 1948, 10Google Scholar, and in Iraq, II, Pt. 2, 1935, p. 191, Fig. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 6} See also the lions and bulls, Moortgat, op. cit., Taf. 105,106, 43 b, 44-50. Gazelles, Taf. 51, 55, 65. Lion and bull fighting, Taf. 67. Lion and deer, Taf. 69. Bird griffin with scorpion's tail, Taf. 90 a. Winged griffin, Taf. 90 b. Bull men holding winged disc, Taf. 104, and many other examples.

^{page 157 note 1} Moortgat, op. cit., Taf. 90 a. Curtis, op. cit., V, pl. 29, shows part of the tress on the back of the griffin's head.

^{page 157 note 2} Akurgal, op. cit., pl. XLIV and XIV a. Woolley, and Barnett, , Carchemish, III, pl. B. 58Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 3} Porada, and Buchanan, , Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, IGoogle Scholar, pl. LXXXVI, 609 E, 608 E. Frankfort, , Cylinder seals, 186 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 157 note 4} Unger, , in B.A.S.O.R., 130, 15Google Scholar.

^{page 158 note 1} Muhlestein, Die Kunst der Etrusker, pls. 114, 115.

^{page 158 note 2} Carchemish, III, pl. A 21a and B 55c.

^{page 158 note 3} Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, Pl. XI, British Museum, Assyrian sculptures, reign of Aššur-naṣir-pal, pl. VI, Akurgal, op. cit., pl. XXXVGoogle Scholar.

^{page 158 note 4} Archaeologia, XLI, pt. 1, 200Google Scholar.

^{page 159 note 1} I.L.N., 07 29th, 1950, 181, fig. 6Google Scholar.

^{page 159 note 2} Pallottino, , The Etruscans (Pelican Books), 24Google Scholar. For a detailed study of the representations of Charun see de Ruyt, F., Charun Demon Etrusque de la Mort, Rome, 1954Google Scholar.

^{page 159 note 3} Contenau, op. cit., I, 251, fig. 152.

^{page 159 note 4} Another point worth noting is the fact that at Vetulonia the griffin cauldrons were found resting on a bronze wheeled table and inside the cauldron was found a bronze cinerary urn. A seal impression from Van shows a comparable wheeled object, obviously intended for ritual use and the Cypriote bronze wheeled stands and the well known example from Capodimonte, Bisenzio now in the Villa Giulia museum may well have been used in a similar ritual. Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien, II, 580Google Scholar, N. Sc., 1928, Tav. VIII. See also the bronze wheeled stands from T. Halaf, Von Oppenheim (English edition), pl. LXIII B, and from Van, Przeworski, Die Metallindustrie Anatoliens, Taf. XII, 3 a and b.

^{page 159 note 5} Kunze, op. cit., 1931, 236 f, and Taf. 49. Barnett in Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, p. 39Google Scholar.

^{page 159 note 6} Lehmann-Haupt, , Armenien, II, 1, 265Google Scholar. Godard, Le trésor de Ziwiye, fig. 10.

^{page 159 note 7} Dussaud in Syria, 26, 1949, pl. X, fig. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 1} J.D.A.I., 52, 1937, 71Google Scholar, fig. 32, and pl. 20, 1. See also Levi, D., Gleanings from Crete, in A.J.A., XLIX, 324Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 2} See the silver chest in the Tomba del Duce, MacIver, op. cit., pl. 22,4.

^{page 160 note 3} The lion and the boar on the ‘Hunters’ shield from the Idaean cave also show a stylised version of the flame pattern on their hindquarters.

^{page 160 note 4} Hanfmann, , Origin of Etruscan sculpture in Critica d'Arte, 1937Google Scholar. Barnett, in Compte Rendu 1952Google Scholar, Rencontre Assyriologique internationale, 10. Hopkins, Clark, Oriental Evidence for Early Etruscan chronology in Berytus, XI, 2, 1955Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 1} This was suggested to me by Professor Banti in 1955.

^{page 161 note 2} Chase, in A.J.A., 1908, pl. XIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 161 note 3} See also list in Iraq VIII, pl. 1, p. 51Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 4} Hencken, , A two looped socketed axe of the 7th century B.C. in P.P.S., 1952, 121Google Scholar.

^{page 162 note 1} D.P.M., VII, 37, fig. 39Google Scholar.

^{page 162 note 2} Matton, , La Crète Antique, pl. XXVII, 71Google Scholar.

^{page 162 note 3} Giglioli, , L'Arte Etrusca, 1935, Tav. XLIII, 6Google Scholar.

^{page 162 note 4} Giglioli, op. cit., Tav. XLII, 6.

^{page 162 note 5} See Maxwell-Hyslop, K. R., Bronze lugged axe and adze blades from Asia in Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, Fig. 3, p. 79Google Scholar, and Notes on some Bronzes from Populonia, in P.P.S., forthcoming.

^{page 163 note 1} Sur les origines des Etrusques, in Revue des Arts, No. 3, 1955.

^{page 163 note 2} Survey of Persian Art, IV, pl. 73. Their relation to the terracotta warriors from Ajia Irini in Cyprus is a problem which should be studied.

^{page 163 note 3} Curtis, op. cit., V, pl. 10, 10–12.

^{page 163 note 4} Buschor, , Eine Luristan-Kanne auf Samos in Forschung und Forschritte, 1 05, 1932, Nr. 13, Abb. 2Google Scholar. I am indebted to the author for permission to publish this photograph. The bronze spiked axe-head of Luristan type found in Crete is another instance of trade between Iran and the West, see Bossert, , Geschishte des Kungstgewerbes, III, 389Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 1} Gjerstad, , Swedish Cyprus Expedition, IV, 339 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 164 note 2} Gjerstad, ibid., II, pl. CLXXIX, 290. From Idalion. Barnett, and Watson, in Iraq, XIV, Pt. 2, p. 137Google Scholar, fig. 8. Barnett, and Gökçe, in A.S., III, pl. XIV. Jantzen, op. cit., Tav. 60Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 3} Giglioli, op. cit., Taf. XXII, 3.

^{page 164 note 4} Curtis, op. cit., III, pl. 47; V, pls. 42, 43. MacIver, Villanovans and Early Etruscans, pls. 22 and 24.

^{page 164 note 5} Andrae, Das wiedererstandene Assur, Taf. 63, c.

^{page 164 note 6} Oppenheim, Tell Halaf (English edition), pl. XLIX, A. 5.

^{page 164 note 7} S.C.E., II, pl. CLXXX, Type 6. Gjerstad begins his Cypro-Archaic II period c. 600 B.C., but see B.A.S.O.R., 138, 37Google Scholar, where Van Beek suggests an earlier date, c. 750 B.C., for the beginning of Cypro-Archaic II.

^{page 164 note 8} Giglioli, op. cit., pl. ix, 2.

^{page 164 note 9} S.C.E., IV, 407Google Scholar.

^{page 164 note 10} These lotus-bud handles must originate in Phoenicia or Syria; see Jacobstal, , Greek Pins, 47, 49Google Scholar and fig. 211 which shows the handle of an ivory bowl from Nimrud.

^{page 165 note 1} See Barnett, in Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, p. 37Google Scholar, where he dates the Toprak Kale bronzes to the end of the eighth century B.C. with exception of the shields. For Vannic metalwork of the seventh century see Barnett, and Watson, , Russian excavations in Armenia, Iraq, XIV, Pt. 2, pp. 132–147, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 165 note 2} Blakeway, Greek commerce with the West, 800-600 B.C., Annual of the British School at Athens, XXXIII, and “Demaratus”, Journal of Roman Studies, 25, 1935Google Scholar.

^{page 166 note 1} This equipment is shown on the “Hunters” shield from Mount Ida in Crete and on the Bronze quiver and belt from Knossos, Kunze, op. cit., 1950, Taf. 10-19, and Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, pl. XI, 2, 3. The close resemblance between the helmet, belt and short tunic of the “warrior” relief on the Boghazköy gate with that worn by the soldiers on the Cretan bronzes raises the question whether in fact the Boghazköy relief may not belong to the same period, i.e., eighth century B.C.; the Transcaucasian analogies to the axehead certainly reinforce this suggestion.

^{page 166 note 2} Notes on some bronzes from Populonia in P.P.S., forthcoming. Professor Hencken's views on the date of Pallottino's period Archaic I in Italy wete expressed to me in a letter dated May, 1956.