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The Historical Geography of the Euphrates and Habur According to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian Sources*

  • H. F. Russell

Extract

The importance of control of the valleys of the Habur and Euphrates rivers to the Assyrians can hardly be over-estimated. The two river valleys are major routes from N. Syria and S.E. Turkey to southern Assyria and to Babylonia.

In the Neo-Assyrian period, control of the valley of the River Habur was won early, as the Assyrian armies marched westwards across N. Mesopotamia. Control of the Euphrates, between the confluence of the Habur and the Babylonian border, followed soon after.

We are particularly well-informed about the geography of the Habur and the Euphrates, below the confluence with the Habur, during the reigns of Adad-nerari II, Tukulti-Ninurta II and Aššurnaṣirpal II. Texts from the reigns of these three kings describe campaigns along the banks of these rivers and list each night's halting-place. These are usually described as “itineraries”. (Such texts are exceptionally rare from ancient Mesopotamia. Besides these three passages in the Assyrian annals, only two other lengthy, well-preserved itineraries in cuneiform have come down to us.) 2 Other, conventional passages from the Annals of Aššurnaṣirpal II are a valuable supplement to these texts.

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*

This paper is derived from the author's doctoral dissertation The historical geography of Upper Mesopotamia and surrounding areas according to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian sources which was presented to the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1983. I would like to thank my examiners Messrs. J. D. Hawkins and J. N. Postgate for their advice and comments. They are not, of course, responsible for views expressed here. I would like to thank Cathy Tutton who drew the map.

Special abbreviations used here are:

Annates Tn—V. Scheil, Les Annates de Tukulti Ninip, roi d'Assyrie 889-884. Pařis, 1909.

Forrer, Prov—E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches. Leipzig, 1921.

Musil, ME—A. Musil, The Middle Euphrates. A Topographical Itinerary. New York, 1927.

Top Ant—La Toponymie antique. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 21–14 juin 1975.

The following inscriptions are referred to by name:

Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription—AKA, 27–108; ARI 2, §§ 8–63.

Aššur-bel-kala, Broken Obelisk— AKA 128–49; ARI 2, §§ 229–52.

Adad-nerari II, Later Annals—KAH 2, 84 edited with variants by J. Seidmann, MAOG 9/3, 5–35; ARI 2, §§ 413–40.

Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals—Schramm, BiOr 27 (1970), 147–60 and pls. 1–6; ARI 2, §§ 464–83.

Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals—AKA, 254-387; ARI 2, §§ 536–91.

Footnotes

References

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1 Adad-nerari II, Later Annals, 97–119; Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals, obv. 54 ff; Aššurnaṣirpal II, Annals, 8th. campaign (878), iii 1–26.

2 Other “itinerary texts” are: Hallo, W. W., “The Road to Emar”, JCS 18 (1964), 5788; Goetze, A.An Old Babylonian Itinerary”, JCS 7 (1953), 5172. Weidner's, paper “Assyrische Itinerare”, AfO 21 (1966), 42–6, discusses three further possible Neo-Assyrian fragments:

1. VAT 9968 (+) KAH 2, 145. The date is unknown, but may be during the reign of Adad-nerari II or one of his immediate successors. Rev. 12′ has [….] ERÍN.TÁH MAN KUR da-šur ik-šu-[ud…]. The frequent use of the verb namāšu also suggests a date between the reigns of Adad-nerari II and Shalmaneser III. The place-names in the text do not help to identify the author. The unusual feature of the text is that it gives distances between the various points on the campaign. It does not give each night's stopping place. (See also ARI 2, §§ 449–53; Postgate, , BSOAS 34 (1971), 389.)

2. VAT 11537(+) KAV 139(+)KAV 141. The date of none of these fragments is known. Little sense can be made of VAT 11537 and there seems no pressing reason to call it an itinerary. KAV 139 is almost certainly a fragment of a field survey with references to measures of land-areas. KAV 141 is perhaps no more than a fragment from an ordinary campaign narrative, i.e. one that does not note every night's stopping place (see ARI 2, § 454).

3. SH 809 from Tell Shemshara is unpublished. ADD 1096 lists distances between successive places on an itinerary in S.E. Assyria.

3 Annals, 2nd campaign (883), i 75–99 and 9th campaign, iii 26–50.

4 Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription, v 44–64 ; Aššur-bel-kala, Broken Obelisk, iii 20–5.

5 Chesney, F. R., The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris … (London, 1850); Sarre, F. and Herzfeld, E., Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet (Berlin, 1911–20); Bell, G. L., “The East Bank of the Euphrates from Tell Ahmar to Hit”, Geographical Journal 36 (1910), 513–37.

6 Notable archaeological surveys include: Mallowan, M. E. L., “The Excavations at Tell Chagar Bazar, and an Archaeological Survey of the Habur Region, 1934–5”, Iraq 3 (1936); 1–86; Mallowan, M. E. L., “The Excavations at Tell Chagar Bazar and an Archaeological Survey of the Habur Region. Second Campaign, 1936”, Iraq 4 (1937), 91177; van Lière, W.J. and Lauffray, J., “Nouvelle prospection archéologique dans la Haute Jezireh syrienne”, AAS 4/5 (19541955), 129–48; Kühne, H., “Zur historischen Geographie am Unteren Habur. Vorläufiger Bericht über eine archäologische Geländebegehung”, AfO 25 (19751977), 249–55. Kühne, H., “Zur historischen Geographie am Unteren Habur. Zweiter vorläufiger Bericht über eine archäologische Geländebegehung”, AfO 26 (19781979), 181–95.

7 Annales Tn, 30–53.

8 Horn, S., “Zur Geographie Mesopotamiens”, ZA 34 (1922), 123–56.

9 Schramm, W., “Die Annalen des assyrischen Königs Tukulti-Ninurta II. (890–884 v. Chr.)”, BiOr 27 (1970), 147–60.

10 Topographie historique, 457–466, 481–501.

11 Middle Euphrates, 199–210.

12 Röllig, W., “Dur-katlimmu”, Or NS 47 (1978), 419–30; Kühne, H., “Zur Rekonstruktion der Feldzüge Adad-nirari II., Tukulti-Ninurta II. und Aššurnaṣirpal II. im Habur-Gebiet”, BaghM 11 (1980), 447–70.

13a For references to the texts see note 1.

l3b A normalized spelling. Sapirata is found in Tiglath-pileser I, Sabirite and Sabirutu in Tukulti-Ninurta II and Sapirite in CT 53, 156 r.5.

14 The towns Suri on the Euphrates and Suri on the Habur are numbered I and II respectively, to distinguish them.

15 In Tukulti-Ninurta's text both Talmeš and Talbiš occur once. The form KUR tal-meš is found in ND 2768, 8′ (Parker, , Iraq 23, 49).

16 In Middle- and Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions no final vowel is shown; but in the letters and other everyday documents from Nimrud and Nineveh, the name is written URU ana-tu/te. Anat will be used as the normalized form.

17 The following forms of this place-name are attested:

URU ha-ri-du (nom.)

URU ka-ru-du (nom.)

KUR ha-ru-ta (acc.)

URU ha-ru-tu/tú (acc.)

URU ha-ra-da (gen.)

URU ha-ri-di (gen.)

KUR? ha-ru-d[u]? (gen.)

The forms Harutu, Harudu, Harada, Haridi are good examples of Assyrian vowel harmonization. The form Harudu will be used as a normalized form.

18 Aqarbani and Naqarbani are probably variant forms of the same place-name.

19 The various forms of this name are fully discussed by Röllig, , Or NS 47, 429–30. Dur-katlimmu will be used as the standardized form.

20 The name may be read KUR-e bu-ú-ṣi or KUR e-bu-ú-ṣi; see ARI 2, n. 379 for discussion and bibliography, to which add Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424 n. 22 and Kessler, K., Untersuchungen zur historischen Topographie Nordmesopotamiens (Wiesbaden, 1980), 231–2. If the identification with the Jebel Hamma (a field of volcanic basalt), proposed on p. 68, is correct then one may consider an association with būṣu (volcanic?) glass. (This suggestion I owe to J. N. Postgate.)

21 The writing URU qa-ṭí-ni-e is found in ADD 418, 6–7 and URU qat-ta-na-ia in KAH 2, 99. Other writings in the Neo-Assyrian royal inscriptions are:

URU qa-at-ni (gen.)

URU qal-ni (gen.)

URU qa-at-na-a-ia (gent.)

URU qat-na-a-a (gent.)

The familiar form Qatni will be used here as the standard form. This is certainly the same place as OB Qattuna(n); see Grayson, , BiOr 33, 143.

22 The text has (108) ina URU ki-si-ri be-dàk iš-tu URU si-ki-ri (109) at-tu-muš “I spent the night in Kisiri, I set off from Sikiri.” Kisiri will be used as the standard form of the name.

23 All texts have URU šadikanni except Tukulti-Ninurta's itinerary, which has (rev. 31–2) ša(−) URU dikanni and (rev. 30) URU latihi ša(−) KUR dikanayya. Tukulti-Ninurta's scribe seems to use an “etymologising” writing which indicates that the name is composed of ša (the possessive particle) and Dikannu (a tribal name perhaps; otherwise unattested). I see no reason to translate the land name and city name differently, as do Grayson and Schramm (ARI 2, § 475; BiOr 27, 157.— (cily)Šadikannu/i and (land) of the Dikannu or Land Dikanni). Here, the form Šadikanni will be used for both the land and city names.

24 The restoration URU ka-ha-at was proposed by Kessler, , ZA 69 (1980), 218–9; it is followed by Kühne, , BaghM 11 (1980), 55. But see below pp. 70.

25 The earliest writings of the name in the inscriptions of Adad-nerari II and Tukulti-Ninurta II are URU na-ṣi-pi/pa/bi/be-na. It is written three times with pi and once each with pa, bi or be. In other sources, mostly the eponym chronicles and other non-royal sources, writing with ṣib/p and bi are found in roughly equal numbers; other writings are rare. Naṣipina is adopted as a standard form.

26 On the earlier forms of the name, see Limet, , Top Ant, 90, 93–4.

27 Annates Tn, 38–40.

28 Horn, , ZA 34, 128–9; also, on classical, Syriac and Arabic names see Musil, , ME 208 and 350; Streck, , Enc Islam NE 3, 510; Weissbach, , Pauly-Wissowa 9, 2047 (Is); Limet, , Top Ant, 107 and n. 123, Postgate, , RlA 5, 33.

29 Landsberger, , ZA 41 (1933), 226 n. 2.

30 Rawlinson, G., Ancient monarchies of Western Asia 1 (London, 1862), 258.

31 For details see Annates Tn, 42; Musil, , ME, 345; Pauly-Wissowa 1, 2069; Enc Islam NE 1, 461; Limet, Top Ant, 108.

32 Bell, , Geographical Journal 36, 536. Bell refers to a photograph of an Assyrian relief fragment found at ‘Ana, published by Viollett. Her reference is incorrect. I have not succeeded in tracking down the Viollett article.

33 Iraq, 43 (1981), 192–4 and 45 (1983), 203–4.

34 Musil, , ME 203, 230, 239; Horn, , ZA, 34, 131.

35 Annates Tn, 41, where also the association between Talbiš and Suri I with Telbis and Wadi Sur is first pointed out.

36a Musil, , ME, 166–7, 203. Possible classical names are discussed op. cit., 167 n. 84, 230 and 239; but see Limet, , Top Ant, 108.

36b Iraq 43 (1981), 197; Iraq 45 (1983), 221–2.

37 Une nouvelle inscription de Samsi-Adad”, ZA 21 (1908), 2, 47–9; Bezold, , “Zu der neuen Inschrift Šamši-Adad's”, ZA 21, 250–4.

38 Hana et Mari”, RA 11 (1914), 134–6. The text reads:

(1) lzi-i[m-ri-lim] (2) DUMU ia-aḫ-d[u-un-lim] (3) LUGAL ma-ri[kitu-ut-tu-ulki] (4) ù ma-a-at [ḫa-na] (5) e-pi-iš É š[u-ri-pi-im] (6) ša iš-tu pa-[na-ma …] (7) [i-na a-aḫ íD BURANUN] (8) [ma-am-ma-an la i-pu-šu] (9) [šu-ri-p]a-am ša x […] (10) uš-te-bi-i[r-ma] (11) i-na a-aḫ íD B[URANUN] (12) É šu-ri-pi-[im] (13) i-na ter-q[a ki URU] (14) na-ra-ma-at d[da-gan i-pu-uš]

“Zimrilim, son of Yahdunlim, king of Mari, Tuttul and the land of Hana, (was) the builder of an ice-house, which no previous king had ever built on the bank of the Euphrates. He had … ice brought and built an ice-house on the bank of the Euphrates at Terqa, the city beloved of Dagan.” A duplicate was published by Nougayrol, J., CRAIB 1947, 265272.

39 Stèle de Tukulti-Ninurta II”, AAS 2 (1952), 169–90; see Guterbock, also H., “A note on the stela of Tukulti-Ninurta II found near Tell Ashara”, JNES 16 (1957), 123. The stele is very difficult to read, but note in line 2, among the titles of Adad-nerari II, is da-ia-iš URU la-qí-e ki “trampler of Laqe”.

40 Syria 5 (1924), 265–93.

41 Preliminary reports in SMS 1/3, 1/4, 1/5, 1/6, 2/5, 2/6, 2/7, 3/2, 3/4 and G. Buccellati, TPR 10 : The Fourth Season, Introduction and the stratigraphie record.

42 RA 11 (1914), 138.

43 e.g. Horn, , ZA 34, 150–1; Thureau-Dangin, , Syria 5, 277 ff.; Forrer, , Prov, 15; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 (Sirqu is modern (!) Terqa); RGTC 3, “Terqa”.

44 Musil, ME, 204.

43 Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals, rev. 14.

46 Musil, , ME, 204; Bell, , Geographical Journal 36, 530.

47 Scheil suggested that the Μέρραν of Isidore of Charax may be an alteration of an original Γερραν or χερβαν which would preserve the name of Aqarbani. In Isidore's Γίδδαν or Γιδδάν he saw a survival of Hindanu (Annates Tn, 43–4, 46; see also Jacoby, , Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker III C 2, no. 781). Scheil's views on the survival of the name of Hindanu are accepted by Limet and others (Top Ant, 112, with references). Neither Μέρραν nor Γερβαν have been satisfactorily located, since Isidore's unit of distance is the otherwise unknown schoenus. The length of this unit cannot be agreed since it is clear that Isidore's figures have been wrongly transcribed for many sections of his itinerary (Musil, , ME, 227–8).

48 Musil, , ME, 201–7.

49 Broken Obelisk, iii 23.

50 ADD 736, 3.

51 Annals, rev. 1.

52 Musil, , ME, 203.

53 Annals, iii 14; Musil, , ME, 207.

54 On the continuity of the name from the Ur III period to modern times, see Limet, , Top Ant, 102.

55 Under, RlA 2, 245; recently, Röllig, , Or NS 47 (1978), 429–30.

56 Röllig, op. cit., 426.

57 Röllig, op. cit., 419–30. The new tablets are referred to here and some of the evidence for the name of the site is quoted from them.

58 Rassam, H., Asshur and the land of Nimrod (Cincinnati, 1897), 311–3. The stele fragment has been published by Millard, and Tadmor, , Iraq 35, 58.

59 Kühne, H., “Tell Seh Hamad-Dur-katlimmu”, AfO 26 (19781979), 166–8 and Tell Šeh Hamad”, AfO 28 (19811982), 233–5.

60 Streck, , Enc Islam 1, 608; Streck, , Pauly-Wissowa Supp. 1, 115 (Arbana).

61 Layard, , Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (London, 1893), 276. The first part of the name is read mušēzib by Tallqvist (APN, 141) also.

62 The seal was first published by Pinches, T. G., Babylonian and Assyrian Cylinder-seals and signets (London, 1890), pl. 2 no. 3. It has been re-published and thoroughly discussed by Unger, , “Two seals of the ninth century B.c. from Shadikanni on the Habur”, BASOR 130 (1953), 1521.

63 Annals, i 78.

64 Assaf, A. Abou, “Die Statue des HDYS'Y, König von Guzana”, MDOG 113 (1981), 322 and Bordreuil, P. and Millard, A. R., La Statue de Tell Fekherye (Paris, 1982). The texts have been recently discussed, and new readings suggested, by Greenfield, J. C. and Shaffer, A., Iraq 45 (1983), 109–16.

65 Weidner, E. F., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf (Berlin, 1940), 89.

66 Rawlinson, G., Ancient Monarchies 1 (1862), 258 and 2 (1864), 341 n. 2.

67 Dussaud, , Topographie historique, 490; Postgate, , RlA 4, 122; Limet, , Top Ant, 104; Röllig, , Or NS 47, 427; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54 ff.

68 Nöldeke, , ZDMG 33 (1879), 328; Schiffer, , Die Aramäer (Leipzig, 1911), 101 n. 2.

69 See n. 67.

70 Lassner, , Enc Islam NE 4 (1978), 898.

71 Dossin, , AAS, 11/12 (19611962); 203 (ARI 2, § 519).

72 AJO 28 (19811982), 208–10.

73 There is a good summary of the evidence and discussion from Biblical, Mesopotamian, classical and more recent sources in Davies, G. I., “The significance of Deuteronomy I.2 for the location of Mount Horeb”, P£Q 111 (1979), 87101, particularly 89–97.

74 Kühne, , BaghM 11, 63.

75 Similarly Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 230, n. 845.

76 Gordon, , JCS 21 (1967), 86.

77 Scheil, , Annates Tn, 49; Musil, , ME, 205; Dussaud, , Topographie Historique, 488.

78 The Suri II-Tell Suwwar equation is also rejected by Kühne, , BaghM 11, 61. By dead reckoning, he suggests the site of Tell Fiden.

79 Dussaud, , Topographie historique, 487 f.; Horn, , ZA 34, 153; followed by Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 22; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 61.

80 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424; Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 232. Refer also to note 20.

81 BaghM 11, 47, 51, 66 and map.

82 Horn, , ZA 34, 153; Forrer, , Pros, 15; Seidmann, , MAOG 9/3, 69; Faulkner, , AfO 18, 17 n. 19.

83 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 424 n. 24; Kessler, , Untersuchungen, 233.

84 BaghM 11, 51–2.

85 Horn, , ZA 34, 155 n. 2; Forrer, , Prov, 19; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 32; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 53, 56–7.

86 Unger, , BASOR 130, 21. Dillemann, , Haute Mésopotamie (Paris, 1962), 140 and map fig. XVIII located Thubida at Tell Tenenir, 35 km north of Šadikanni.

87 The translation of KASKAL … imtahaṣ is problematic; see Grayson, ARI 2, n. 226.

88 AKA, 136; Röllig, , Or NS 47, 421–2; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54.

89 Röllig, , Or NS 47, 422 n. 13; Kühne, , BaghM 11, 54–8.

90 Sachau, , ZA 12 (1897), 43–4; followed by Schiffer, , Die Aramäer, 101 n. 3; Streck, , ZA 18 (1904), 190–1; Forrer, , Prov, 19.

91 Haute Mésopotamie, 188; AAS 27–8, 132; AfO 25, 250; AfO 26, between pp. 180 and 181.

92 BaghM 11, 54–8.

93 BaghM 11, 64–6.

94 BaghM 11, 58.

95 loc. cit.

96 Nöldeke, , ZDMG 33 (1879), 157; Schiffer, , Die Aramäer, 101 n. 1; Sachau, , ZA 12 (1897), 43; Forrer, , Prov, 20; Horn, , ZA 34, 155 n. 5; Astour, , JAOS 88 (1968), 741; Schramm, , BiOr 27, 160 note to rev. 34.

97 Dillemann, , Haute Mésopotamie, 167 and map fig. XVIII (route no. 3).

98 Aššurnaṣirpal may have used this route at the beginning of his 9th campaign : Annals iii 28 refers to crossing the desert (huribtu).

99 Weidner, , AfO 18 (19571958), 344 and ARI 2, § 83.

100 Weidner, , AfO 18, 351 and ARI 2, § 99.

101 Grayson, A. K., Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, Chronicle 21, p. 165.

102 See note 33.

103 pi-a-te is a plural form (AHw 2, 874); yet if we translate “mouths of the Habur” the obvious interpretation would be that the sources of the Habur, near Guzana, were being referred to. However, we have no other evidence that the territory of Laqe extended so far north; it seems better to interpret this as a reference to the mouth of the Habur at its confluence with the Euphrates.

104 ARI 2, §§648–53.

105 Adad-nerari, Later Annals, 119; Tukulti-Ninurta, Annals, 76–9; Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals, i 96, iii 13.

106 The Saba'a Stele, 25 (Unger, , PKOM 2, Pl. 2 and Tadmor, Iraq 35, 144–5); the Rimah Stele, 14 (Page, , Iraq 30, Pl. 39 and 141–3; Schramm, , EAK 2, 115).

107 ADD 942, rev. 4′–5′ — Ahu-imme; Aššurbanipal Prism B, colophon of K 2732, main exemplar (Streck, M., Aššurbanipal 2, 136–7 and of 83-1-18 602(Piepkorn, AS 5, 19)—Belšunu; BM 122613 (Millard, , Iraq 30, 111) colophon—Sin-šarru-uṣur.

108 Annals, iii 14–5.

109 Later Annals, 113–7.

110 Annals, rev. 3–20.

111 rev. 5 KUR ha-ma-la-a-ia KUR la-qa-a-ia; rev. 19–20 KUR ha-ma-la-a-ia KUR la-qa-a-ia. Grayson (ARI 2, §§473–4) and Schramm (BiOr 27, 157) have translated “Hamath(eans) and Laqe(ans)”. As the name of Hamataya of Suri II is written with the personal determinative by Aššurnaṣirpal in the passage quoted immediately below, we should have no difficulty in understanding Tukulti-Ninurta's (KUR)hamatayya as a personal name which is a gentilic in form.

112 Mudadda is not actually described as being a Laqean.

113 Saba'a Stele, 24 (see note 106).

* This paper is derived from the author's doctoral dissertation The historical geography of Upper Mesopotamia and surrounding areas according to the Middle- and Neo-Assyrian sources which was presented to the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1983. I would like to thank my examiners Messrs. J. D. Hawkins and J. N. Postgate for their advice and comments. They are not, of course, responsible for views expressed here. I would like to thank Cathy Tutton who drew the map.

Special abbreviations used here are:

Annates Tn—V. Scheil, Les Annates de Tukulti Ninip, roi d'Assyrie 889-884. Pařis, 1909.

Forrer, Prov—E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches. Leipzig, 1921.

Musil, ME—A. Musil, The Middle Euphrates. A Topographical Itinerary. New York, 1927.

Top Ant—La Toponymie antique. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 21–14 juin 1975.

The following inscriptions are referred to by name:

Tiglath-pileser I, Prism Inscription—AKA, 27–108; ARI 2, §§ 8–63.

Aššur-bel-kala, Broken Obelisk— AKA 128–49; ARI 2, §§ 229–52.

Adad-nerari II, Later Annals—KAH 2, 84 edited with variants by J. Seidmann, MAOG 9/3, 5–35; ARI 2, §§ 413–40.

Tukulti-Ninurta II, Annals—Schramm, BiOr 27 (1970), 147–60 and pls. 1–6; ARI 2, §§ 464–83.

Aššurnaṣirpal, Annals—AKA, 254-387; ARI 2, §§ 536–91.

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