^{page 109 note 1} Bibliography: Ch. Virolleaud, , Syria, 1936, 150–75 (IV AB)Google Scholar; 335–45 (V AB, i); 1937, 85–102 (V AB, ii-iii. 4); 256–70 (V AB, iii. 5 ff.); Revue des Études Sémitiques, 1937, 4–22 (general summary)Google Scholar; Babylomaca, XVII. 145–55Google Scholar. Ginsberg, H. L., Ba'al and ‘Anat (Orientalia, 1938, 1–11) (IV AB)Google Scholar. Dussaud, R., Syria, 1936, 101–2 (V AB, iii. 12–15)Google Scholar; Cultes Cananéens aux Sources du Jourdain (Syria, 1936, 283–95) (IV AB)Google Scholar; Aliyan Baal et ses messages d'outre-tombe (Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, CXVI. 121–35) (V AB)Google Scholar. Albright, W. F., Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No. 70 (04 1938), 18–20 (V AB, iii. 5 ff.)Google Scholar; Gaster, T. H., Religions, 1938, 20–2 (V AB, ii; translation only)Google Scholar. The complete text, together with other portions of the myth which we shall discuss in a future article, has now been republished by Virolleaud in his work, La Déesse ‘Anat, Paris, Geuthner, 1938 Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 2} A handy edition is Bauer, H., Die Alphabetischen Keilschrifttexte von Ras Schamra, Berlin, 1936 Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 3} See Archiv Orientální, 1933, 118–23Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 4} First edited by Virolleaud, in Syria, 1935, 247–66Google Scholar. The interpretation here adopted follows my edition in Acta Orientalia, 1936, 41–8Google Scholar. The text is here cited as The HarrovAng of Ba'al.

^{page 113 note 1} See my articles, The Ritual Pattern of a Ras Shamra Epic (Archiv Orientální, 1933, 118–23)Google Scholar; The Combat of Aleyan Ba'al and Mōt (J.R.A.S. 1934. 678–80)Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 1} Tarbiz, vi. 102–5Google Scholar (reprinted in The Ugarit Texts, 71-2).

^{page 116 note 1} The details are as follows: tmr is explained from Arabic m-r-r and Safaitic m-r (Grimme) ‘to move rapidly’, though I am not at all sure that this is right; zbl is Heb. (Hab. iii. 11); hrh (cf. S.S. 56: hr) is the Hebrew &c; ‘nt, if not ‘‘Anat’, may mean simply ‘now’ (Heb. ).

^{page 116 note 2} Line 58.

^{page 116 note 3} Note that the verse also refers to the earth's ‘casting forth the rephaim’.

^{page 117 note 1} See Sethe, , Untersuchungen, 134 ff.Google Scholar; Blackman, in Myth and Ritual, 22–4Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 2} Bo. 614, iii. 9-17; Ehelolf, , S.P.A.W. 1925, 269–72Google Scholar; Leský, , A.R.W. 1926, 75–82 Google Scholar; Schubart, , Gnomon, 1926, 63 Google Scholar; Goetze, , Kleinasien, 152 Google Scholar; Furlani, , La Religione degli Hittiti, 260–1Google Scholar; Forrer, , Klio, 1937, 174 Google Scholar. The cuneiform text is published in K.U.B. XVII. 35. iii. 9 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 118 note 1} See Banks, , Calendar Customs of Scotland, 1. 23 Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 2} Ibid. 16.

^{page 118 note 3} Ibid. 19.

^{page 118 note 4} Ibid. 20.

^{page 118 note 5} See Brand, , Popular Antiquities, Bohn's Library ed., 1. 92 Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 6} See Hone, , Every Day Book, 476 Google Scholar.

^{page 118 note 7} Sartori, , Sitte und Brauch, III. 121, n. 145 Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 1} On this element see Schaeffer, , Syria, 1934, 153 Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 2} See Moret, , La Mise à Mort du Dieu en Égypte, 39–40 Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 3} See Baudissin, , Adonis und Esmun, 88 fGoogle Scholar.; Rochette, , Revue Archéol. 1851, 109 Google Scholar.

^{page 119 note 4} Ed. min. 341 ff.

^{page 120 note 1} See Beza, , Paganism in Roumanian Folklore, 30 Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 2} Cf. the replacement of Adonis by St. John in Sicily; Frazer, , A.A.O. I. 245 Google Scholar; see Wuensch, R., Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta, 47–57 Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 3} La Déesse ‘Anat, 4, 6.

^{page 120 note 4} Nikkal 29 cannot be cited for the verb b-r-d, since it must be read ybr dmy bt abh, ‘may the countenance (cf. Heb. demuth, etc.) of her family be bright’. Cf. Arabic baiyaḏ Allah waghu, Dalman, , Pal. Diwan, 205 Google Scholar, line 6, and see Gaster, , FolkLore, 1938, 357, n. 97Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 1} For this verb in Hebrew see Comm. in loc.

^{page 122 note 1} The rare word is here combined with Hebrew in Gen. xxiv. 63 and Ar. ‘to wander’.

^{page 122 note 2} Divin. Inst. I. 21 Google Scholar; cf. Maternus, Firmicus, De Errore Prof. Rel. 11 Google Scholar; Felix, Minucius, Octavius, XXII. 1 Google Scholar; Herodotus II. 61.

^{page 125 note 1} Dussaud's treatment of our text, contained in his article Les combats sanglants de ‘Anat et le pouvoir universel de El (R.H.R. 1938, 133-69) came to hand too late to be utilized in the present study. I hope ot discuss its basic thesis in a further paper dealing with the remaining portions of the Ras Shamra cycle.

Commentary

^{page 125 note *} The lines of the text are here determined by metre, sense, and parallelism, but to facilitate reference to other editions and studies (see supra, n. 1), they are numbered according to the purely arbitrary arrangement of them on the original tablets, every fifth line being indicated. This numeration has also been retained in the notes.

^{page 125 note 1} Commands are often introduced in Ugaritic by means of the pronoun; cf. I AB, ii. 13, 40; I AB, v. 6; II AB, ii. 40; I Dan. vi. 17; III Dan. i. 12; so to in O.T.: Gen. vi. 21; Ex. xiv. 16; xxviii. 1; xxx. 23; Ez. iv. 3; 1 Sam. ix. 27.

^{page 125 note 2} Cf. ii. II: tr b'p. For the construction cf. Prov. xxiii. 5.

^{page 125 note 3} Restored from iii. 24–5; cf. Acd. rigmu (word).

^{page 125 note 4} Restored from iii. 25. A common formula in messages; cf. T.A. (Winckler) 79, 7; idi šarru bêli; ibid. 81, 6; 86, 6; 87, 6; 88, 9, &c.

^{page 125 note 5} For the parallelism bn-El ∥ kkbm cf. Job xxxviii 7:

^{page 125 note 6} For the vb. w-r-d used of rainfall cf. Acd. Rm. IV. 90, r. 10: kima zunm ša ištu šamê š u r d u (P.S.B.A. 1901, 208) and O.T.: Is. lv. 10; Ps. Ixxii. 6. So also in Ethiopie, Is. lv. 10; Matth, vii. 25; Numb. xi. 9.

^{page 125 note 7} Here used like Ar. and Acd. šamutu in the sense of ‘rain’ (e.g. Reisner, Hymn. 39, 8; kima šamuti (d)IM ušpeli ∥ kima râdu). So again, I AB, ii. 25. The expression rdt śmm resembles in Ex. xvi. 13-14.

^{page 125 note 8} Restored from I AB, iii. 8-9, 20-1.

^{page 125 note 9} Regular parallel of Ba'al; cf. ii. 1-2; Harrowing of Ba'al, i. 40.

^{page 125 note 10} Cf. Ar. which Eitan would restore also to Biblical Hebrew (H.U.C.A. 1938, 77).

^{page 126 note 11} From rt. ḥ-y-y. The restoration is based on Is. xxvi. 19: , where mt is in similar juxtaposition to ur (=).

^{page 126 note 12} Cf. III Dan. vi. 13 and Acd. balâṭu. The words are a contrast to the description of Mōt in I AB, ii. 24–5: sḥrrt la śmm bd bn elm Mt ‘barren unwatered soil lies in the hand of chthonian Mōt’.

^{page 126 note 13} Cf. Acd. mu'arru and Egyptian-Semitic mohar ‘chargé d'affaires’. Cf. K. 3515, r. 9 (Sidersky, J.R.A.S. 1929, 781): mu-ár ili ‘envoy of the god’. For the general idea cf. Frazer, A.A.O. i. 235.

^{page 126 note 14} This is probably identical with B.H. ‘herb’ (2 Kings iv. 39), as in I Dan. i. 66, but it may also connect with Ar. ‘rain, moisture’, on which see Barth, Etym. Stud. 60.

^{page 126 note 15} Restored from I Dan. i. 40.

^{page 126 note 16} Provisionally restored ad sensum from Ps. lxviii. 10. This is not intended to represent the ipsissima verba of the poet, but only the general sense.

^{page 126 note 17} Recurs in I AB, ii. 35 and 37. Cf. Heb. The translation is a mere guess.

^{page 126 note 18} Again a guess, based on the common juxtaposition of fields and houses; cf. in O.T. Ex. viii. 9; Jer. xxxii. 15, &c.; Acd. Tiglath-Pileser, Cyl. i. 10: matâti bitâti, &c.

^{page 126 note 19} The restoration ymny has already been suggested by Virolleaud.

^{page 126 note 20} For y'lm = Heb. cf. I AB, i. 25, where they are offered to Ba'al Puissant. Formally, ['g]lm ‘calves’ would also be possible.

^{page 126 note 21} Cf. II AB, i. 43: rumm Irbbt.

^{page 126 note 22} Restored from lines 4-5 infra.

^{page 126 note 23} Fem. sg. verb with masc. pl. noun, indicating concerted action, as in Arabic. Cf. S.S. 12: wi'rbm t'nyn. For this construction in B.H. cf. Gesenius-Cowley, ed. 25, §145,4. I pointed it out already in Archiv Orientální, 1933, 119, n. 2; see also Ginsberg, J.B.L. 1938, 209, n. 1. This construction has been most recently discussed by A. Herdner in Revue des Études Sémitiques, 1938, 76-83. See also Cassuto, Orient. 1938, 278, n. 4.

^{page 126 note 24} Cf. Ar. and the sacerdotal in the temple-tariff from Kition, C.I.S. i. 86, B. 9. The glmm of Baal are again mentioned in Death of Baal, v. 9.

^{page 127 note 25} Virolleaud reads hn; the correction is due to Ginsberg. Without it, the subsequent action becomes incomprehensible.

^{page 127 note 26} Ba'al's hunting expedition forms the subject of the poem entitled The Harrowing of Ba'al, edited by the present writer in Acta Orientalia, xvi. 41-8. We are there told distinctly (i. 34) that ‘Ba'al has gone forth and is on the hunt’ (B'l ytlk wyṣd). It was a common idea in antiquity that when gods did not answer their worshippers, they were away from their temples. Cf. 1 Kings xviii. 27: Ba'al does not answer his priests, so Elijah taunts them: ‘perhaps he is taking a stroll (? cf. Gen. xxiv. 63; ; Ar. or has removed himself, or is on a journey. Perhaps he is sleeping and will wake’. Very similar is the story told by Athenaeus, VI. 253 b–f: when Demetrios returned to Athens from Leucas and Cercyra, he was greeted with wild enthusiasm. Men sang praises to him ‘to the effect that he was the only true god, the others being either asleep or away from home or non-existent’ ( ). The paean then recited, ascribed to Hermocles, is printed in Diehl's Anthologia Lyrica, vi. 249 ff. Cf. lines 15 ff. ἄλλοι μέν ἤ μακράν γάρ άπέχονσιν θεοί ∣ ἤ ούκ ἔχουσιν ὦτα ∣ ἤ οὔκ είσιν κτλ′.

^{page 127 note 27} Cf. Eth. q-ṣ- ‘‘curve’, whence a noun qṣ't might well mean ‘bow’, on the analogy of qśt from root q-w-ś (Ar. ) of the same meaning.

^{page 127 note 28} Cf. Talmudic = Lake Ḥuleh. The identification is due to Virolleaud.

^{page 127 note 29} From root w-r-y = Acd. arû = alâku; see G Uyard, Notes de Lex. Assyr. §§ 37, 63, 77; cf. ittaru ‘go off’; IV R 14a, 23; ašar lâ art ‘inaccessible spot’, &c. Some see this sense of w-r-y in B.H., Ps. XXV. 8, but this is uncertain. Cf. also Proverbs iv. 11.

^{page 127 note 30} Cf. ndd × qm, V AB, i. 4, 8.

^{page 127 note 31} Cf. R.S. 8315, 5 (Syria, 1938, 143): lp'n adty.. qlny ‘at my lady's feet is my obeisance’; R.S. 9479, 6–9: Ip'n adty ib'd śb' ed mrḥqm qlt ‘at my lady's feet seven times here and seven times there from a distance do I make obeisance’. The root q-w-l, which is frequent, equates with Acd. qâlu II listed in an Asshur glossary as equivalent to sakâtu; cf. V.A.T. 8258, r. 1: ša šamé qûla, ša qaq-qari šima-a pia (Ebeling, Z.D.M.G. 1920, 176). Cf. also T.A. 54, il (Winckler): ana minim qalata u lâ tiqbu ana šarri ‘why dost thou hold thy peace and not tell the king …’, &c.

On the other hand, comparison with II Keret vi. 57 (quoted by Virolleaud in La Déesse ‘Anat, 86): tqln bgbl ‘mayest thou fall down a precipice’ (cf. Ar. ‘hill’), suggests that the Ugaritic q-w-l means ‘to fall’ (cf. Arabic celeriter proripuit se?).

^{page 127 note 32} Probably from a root ḥ-w-y, equating with Arabic w-ḫ-y and Ethiopic w-ḥ-w ‘come to a place’; cf. Harrowing, i. 13: yḥ pat mdbr (unless this is from n-ḥ-w=Ar. n-ḥ-'?). Goetze (J.A.O.S. 1938, 269, n. 10) derives from ḥ-w-y=Ac. ḥdāwā ‘be cunning’, i.e. ‘thou art cunning’. Ginsberg derives from ḥ-w-y ‘live’, taking the form as 2nd sg. perf. Qal used precatively, i.e. ‘Long life to thee’, but in II AB, iv. 41 the root is ḥ-y-y, not ḥ-w-y. Our provisional interpretation is perhaps supported by II AB, iv. 31–3, where El similarly greets Asherat: ek mḡyt rbt Ašrt ym, ek atwt qnyt elm ‘how art thou journeyed hither, O Queen Asherat of the Sea! How art thou come hither, O Mistress of the Gods !’

^{page 127 note 33} Again difficult. Goetze (loc. cit.) suggests aru, ‘I am afeard of …’. Alternatively, we may restore arm, after the B.H. expression Then the form may be Aph'el imperative, if indeed we agree with Albright (Qiryath Sepher, XIII. 426-7; B.A.S.O.R. No. 71, 37, n. 13) that Ugaritic possessed an Aph'el—a contention which is disputed.

^{page 128 note 34} Cf. B.H. Deut, xxxiii. 35 (LXX: ίσχύδ).

^{page 128 note 35} Cf. Ar. Heb. in its primary sense.

^{page 128 note 36} Cf. Acd. arḥu; Ar. This is ‘Anat's greeting addressed to Ba'al.

^{page 128 note 37} Cf. Ar. descendere de itinere, &c. Thus the meaning is that she flies by short stages.

^{page 128 note 38} Cf. specifically Ar. pratum viridens.

^{page 128 note 39} Cf. specifically Ar. primi veris germine terra virens.

^{page 128 note 40} Restored from I AB, ii. 15, &c.

^{page 128 note 41} ḡr is the Ar.

^{page 128 note 42} Restored from iii. 33.

^{page 128 note 43} Restored purely exempli gratia; cf. supra, 25.

^{page 128 note 44} The final -m is the enclitic -ma.

^{page 128 note 45} Cf. Ar. and Acd. upu ‘cloud’, to which ‘nn (B.H. ) stands parallel in the next line.

^{page 128 note 46} Restored purely ex. gr. The verb š-k-p (Acd. šakâpu, &c.) recurs in Ugaritic in Syria, XIV. 235, 14.

^{page 128 note 47} Restored by Virolleaud.

^{page 128 note 48} Restored by Virolleaud; see infra, line 21.

^{page 128 note 49} I would explain this as = *ypnt = Ar. vacca praegnans; see my note, O.L.Z. 1937, 670. The meaning is that life has returned to the flocks, and therefore the goddess and god will receive their due tribute of firstlings.

^{page 129 note 50} From root ‘-n-y II ‘be humble, lowly’. This is the only satisfactory explanation, for if the verb be here taken as ‘-n-y I ‘say’ we should expect the apocopated form wy'n. Moreover, the whole tenor and sense of the passage shows that Aleyan-Ba'al cannot here be the speaker.

^{page 129 note 51} I construe this as lû-ma, i.e. precative particle l- plus enclitic -m. Cf. Acd. lûm. The sense is quasi-adversative, something like our ‘but rather’.

^{page 129 note 52} Cf. Eth. q-n-y ‘be master’ and Ugaritic qnyt elm, ‘mistress of the gods’—a title of Asherat.

^{page 129 note 53} Restored by Ginsberg, whose interpretation of the sentence is surely final.

^{page 129 note 54} On the tablet: kdrd; restored by Ginsberg.

^{page 129 note 55} On the tablet dyknn; corrected by Ginsberg, d and l being very similar in R.S. script. The word is similarly used to denote installation of a king in II AB, iv. 48. Cf. also B.H. 2 Sam. v. 12: ; 1 Kings ii. 24; 1 Chron. xiv. 2. So, too, in Accadian, e.g. Tiglath-Pileser Cyl. i. 21-2: ana šarrut mât (d)Bêl rabeš tu-kin-na-šu.

^{page 129 note 56} Ar. ; Hebrew in the primary sense of ‘ascend’. Recurs in S.S. 30. In explanation of the ḡ, where we should expect ‘ayin, note that Ar. exists beside the more familiar with the basic meaning of ‘ascend’.

^{page 129 note 57} Heb. ; Aramaic (Vir.).

^{page 129 note 58} Adversative in sense, like Ar. bal and Heb. Recurs I AB, i. 54.

^{page 129 note 59} Heb. ; Amarna pu, governed by y'l two lines farther on.

^{page 129 note 60} Restored, as a pure guess, from R.S. Bauer, No. 51, where the two words occur side by side. śrp is the Ar. ś-r-f; ḡdyn is not yet clear.

^{page 129 note 61} Common synonym of B'l; I AB, i. 51-2; Harrowing, i. 38-9, &c.

^{page 129 note 62} Cf. I AB, v. 5-6, &c.

^{page 129 note 63} drkt ∥ mlk (sovereignty) may perhaps connect with Acd. dariku ‘advancement, princely state’, for which see Campbell Thompson, J.R.A.S. 1929, 820, n. 5. (Acd. durku ‘palace’, B.A. iii. 232, scarcely belongs here.)

^{page 129 note 64} Restored by Virolleaud.

^{page 129 note 65} The last letter is blurred on the tablet; for the restoration see O.L.Z. 1937, 670.

^{page 129 note 66} Restored from ii. 11.

^{page 129 note 67} Restored from lines 36–7 infra.

^{page 130 note 68} So I would decipher the traces. Virolleaud prefers bš(?)n(?) ‘with two …’, which seems less probable.

^{page 130 note 69} The meaning is clear, but the etymology obscure. Perhaps this is a noun formed from the Shaph'el base of rt. ḫ-b/p-b/p Acd. ˘abâbu ‘cry out’. Cf. also Ar. , voce validâ clamare, though this is usually regarded as a dialectical variant of the more familiar .

^{page 130 note 70} Written as one word: mslmt, but words closely connected in sense are often undivided in R.S. script; cf. blmt=bl mt, ‘immortality’, II Dan. vi. 27. msl is B.H. and Acd. sullû ‘high-way’. The meaning is most probably ‘a valley in which Death (Blight) stalked abroad’; cf. Ar. ‘sterile soil’. But there may be, alternatively, a more specific mythological allusion to the ‘Street of the Netherworld’, for cf., in Accadian, Sp. II. 265 a, 16, Zimmern, B.A. X, 1893, 3: il-la-ku ù-ru-uḫ mu-ú-ti ∥ na-a-ri ḫ-bur (i.e. the ‘river of Death’) teb-bi-ri. The sense would then be ‘the valley which was like the Street of Death itself’. Lastly, the words might mean: ‘the (desolate) valley where ghosts used to roam’, for cf. Maqlu iii. 147: edimmu ridâti ḫarraniki, and cf. Gray, Rel. Texts, 18, col. iii. 13, where mîtum murtappidu (‘wandering ghost’) stands parallel to edimmu ḫalqu (‘errant shade’).

^{page 130 note 71} The prefix b- is here the so-called Beth Essentiae, as in B.H. … , the substantive verb being understood. For Beth Essentiae in B.H. cf. Gesenius-Cowley, § 119, i and König, Lehrg. iii. § 333 a. Böhl (Spr. d. Amarnabr. § 33 a) finds instances in the Canaanite dialect of the Amarna Letters, e.g. Winckler 54, 10: ištaparka šarru ina rabiṣi ‘the king sent thee as governor’; 79, 14: ina balaṭ napišti … ‘as redeemer’; 83, 17: ina luqi ‘as booty’. If in Is. xliii. 14 we vocalize differently and render ‘as for the Chaldeans, into dirges do their ditties turn’, we shall have an exact parallel to the construction here.

^{page 130 note 72} From rt. l-e-y, whence n. pr. A-ley-n; cf. Acd. le'u (n. lîtu), &c. Literally, ‘triumph’. I render freely to bring out the sense.

^{page 130 note 73} B.H. (Virolleaud).

^{page 130 note 74} Meaning unknown; I eschew guesses.

^{page 130 note 75} This is the holy mountain of the north (ṣ-p-n) where the gods hold session. Allusion is made to it in O.T. in Is. xiv. 14. At Ugarit it was probably identified with the neighbouring Jebl Aqra (Mons Casius); see my note, J.R.A.S. 1932, 876, n. 6.

^{page 130 note 76} Among modern Arabs the birth of a male child is announced by the cry baśr ‘good tidings!’

^{page 130 note 77} Recurs in I AB, iii-iv. 34–5. The exact sense of ḥtk is uncertain, but the rendering is approximately correct.

^{page 130 note 78} The tablet has webr (‘and a steer’), but I take the initial w- to be an error for the very similar k- (‘for’).

^{page 131 note 79} Cf. Heb. II; Ar. (vide Barth, E.S. 28); Acd. (n) elpitum. This restoration gives the counterpart of the ritual cry before the theophany in the corresponding Attis-mysteries: . (Firm. Mat. De Errore Prof. Rel. chap. 22.)

^{page 131 note 80} Unintelligible.

^{page 131 note 81} ‘bd ∥ sed, in II Dan. v. 20, 30.

^{page 131 note 82} Cf. I AB, iv. 5. Zbl connects with Acd. zabâlu, like B.H. from rt.

^{page 131 note 83} In V AB, col. ii, Ba'al sends envoys to ‘Anat bidding her pour offerings for him into the earth. Hence he cannot yet have been fully resurrected, and the passage before us cannot therefore refer to a feast of welcome on his return. For the true explanation we must look to analogies in the Attis, Adonis, and Osiris mysteries. In them we hear of the rite wherein votaries set up an image of the ‘dead’ god and then watered it to simulate revival. (Cf. Moret, La Mise à Mort du Dieu en Égypte, 1927; Diodorus Siculus, III. 59; Plutarch, Alcib. 18; Julius Firmicus, CXXII. 1.3; CCXVII. 4; Lucian, De Syriâ Deâ, chap. 6, &c).

^{page 131 note 84} The various participants in the rite are not named. This gives an impersonal effect and increases the vividness of the picture.

^{page 131 note 85} qm and ndd are used as quasi-auxiliary verbs, amounting to no more than ‘at a bound’, or ‘straightway’. The imperfects are asyndetic, as observed by Goetze, J.A.O.S. 1938, 277, n. 76.

^{page 131 note 86} The verb recurs of preparing a banquet in V AB, ii. 22 (cf. also Nikkal, 35). The exact meaning and etymology are alike obscure.

^{page 131 note 87} Cf. West Semitic hail-god Birdu, K.A.T. ed. 3,415. Hail is common in the Syro-Palestinian winter and ‘is often mingled with rain and with thunderstorms’; G. A. Smith, Hist. Geogr. 64.

^{page 131 note 88} From rt. š-d-y ‘pour out’, as in I AB, iv. 18.

^{page 131 note 89} The spelling (for Ipnh or even Ipnnh) is curious. Perhaps it indicates a differentiation of meaning.

^{page 131 note 90} Cf. perhaps Eth. ‘-ś-r ‘invite to a repast’?

^{page 131 note 91} The interpretation of this line is uncertain. I take it as equivalent in sense to y Brd šd lpnwh above. Then, Śmm will mean ‘Rain’ (cf. Acd. šamutu, &c); bkrb ‘m will mean ‘with lavish bounty’ (Acd. kirbu, kiribtu), and re dn mt will mean ‘look upon this corpse’ (for position of demonstr. pron. cf. Heb. e.g. Ex. xxxii. 1: ; Ar. e.g. ; and Acd. annu sometimes before the noun, e.g. T.A. (Winckler) 3, 10: ki annita amata iqbura). But re, as equivalent to šd above, may perhaps be derived more satisfactorily from rt. II = , as in Ps. lx. 5; xci. 16; Is. liii. 11, &c., and as in the noun in Sirach xxi. 28. Then trs. ‘with lavish bounty, O rains, water this corpse.’

^{page 132 note 92} The passage is fragmentary and enigmatic, but this much seems certain, that it describes the actions of various deities who participate in the proffering of food and drink and who invite Ba'al to resume dominion over the earth. If certain details be still obscure, the general sense at least is plain.

^{page 132 note 93} The words recur in juxtaposition in II Dan. vi. 31: ybd wyśr'lh and in Nikkal, 1: ah Nkl webd ḫrḫb; ibid. 37: webd aśr. For the interpretation see my note, J.R.A.S. 1938, 48, n. 2.

^{page 132 note 94} The god ḡazzar is also mentioned in II Dan. vi. 34 and III Dan. i. 14. A regular title seems to have been n'mn ‘the charming’. ḡazzar features as a kind of Ganymede, but details concerning him are still obscure.

^{page 132 note 95} For this interpretation of ṣrrt see my notes, J.R.A.S. 1936, 230, n. 17; Folklore, 1938, 336-7, n. 4; O.L.Z. 1939, 276.

^{page 132 note 96} This is parallel to ‘l B'l bṣrrt Ṣpn in the preceding line, but the precise meaning is doubtful. Provisionally I would derive ytmr from a rt. t-m-r, or w-m-r, akin to a-m-r II ‘be high’ (cf. Heb. ‘column of smoke’, and , Jer. xxxi. 20). Then bnth may perhaps mean ‘in his habitation’ (cf. Heb. pl. ), used of the divine abode in Ex. XV. 13. See my note, O.L.Z. 1937, 671. Or does ytmr mean ‘let him be appointed’, like in Zenjirli, Hadad 10, and bnth ‘in his grandeur’ (cf. Ar. ; Heb. Ex. XV. 2; noun , Ezek. vii. 11)? Non liquet.

^{page 132 note 97} These deities are mentioned again in V AB, iii. 19 ff. and in II AB, col. i. Their identity is doubtful. In both passages cited they are associated with a god Arşy, ‘i.e. god of the earth, land’, and this has suggested that Pdry connects with the R.S. word pdr (from Urartean padari) ‘city’, and Ṭly with Ar. S. Arabian ‘domain, stretch of country’. We may also think of Egyptian influence, for cf. the Egyptian ‘Great House’ and ‘House of Flame’, on which see P.S.B.A. 1892, 69.

^{page 132 note 98} The meaning of bf ar and bt rb is not clear. Some see in bt the Heb. ‘daughter’, regarding these deities as daughters of Ba'al and rendering bnth in line 23 as ‘his daughters’. But it seems to me that bt ar means ‘of the shining mansion’ (cf. Acd. pl. ešrêti namruti) and bt rb is the equivalent of hekal (from Sum. Ê.GAL ‘great house; cf. Is. v. 9).

^{page 132 note 99} Cf. R.S. apn-k ‘thereupon’ and Amarna appuna.

^{page 132 note 100} If this is a proper name, it will be that of the deity Em discussed by Virolleaud in the Dussaud Festschrift. But it may be simply the Heb. in the sense of ‘verily’. The fragmentary state of the text makes it impossible to decide.

^{page 133 note 101} In the absence of the context these words cannot be construed. I therefore refrain from guessing.

^{page 133 note 102} Heb. ‘savour’ (rather than , with Virolleaud). ‘Anat stands in the doorway and smells the rich food being prepared within.

^{page 133 note 103} Acd. annabu; Heb. (Vir.). The form demands explanation.

^{page 133 note 104} Acd. killâte; B.H. , &c.

^{page 133 note 105} Brachylogical, the verb t'md (or ttṣb) being understood.

^{page 133 note 106} Cf. Heb. ‘encounter’.

^{page 133 note 107} For this sense of ś-y-t cf. Jer. li. 39.

^{page 133 note 108} ḡr recurs in II AB, viii. 5. It seems to be the Acd. ḫarû, ẖariu. On the exact meaning of Acd. ḫarû see now Landsberger, A.f.O. 1938, 138, where it is shown that it was ‘the large vessel out of which beer or wine was poured, whether secularly or in the libations of the cultus. In the latter case, the ḫarû was previously sealed and only opened immediately before the offering’. Landsberger quotes Thureau-Dangin, Sargon, line 397; Harper, Letters, 1, No. 42; K.A.R. in, No. 146, iv. 2, and the Neo-Babylonian expression ḫarê batâqu (‘to unseal the ḫarû’) in Thureau-Dangin, Rit. Acc. 120, 1 and 4. I take it that śt ḡr in our text, means the same thing.

^{page 133 note 109} Cf. Ar. , with deictic -n.

^{page 133 note 110} Cf. Acd. maḫâṣu ‘engage in combat’.

^{page 133 note 111} Proper name, i.e. the ‘Amq, or Orontes Valley, in which Ugarit lay.

^{page 133 note 112} Cf. Heb. For the expression bn-qrty ‘villager’ cf. perhaps Zenjirli, Hadad 10: .

^{page 133 note 113} From rt. k-d-r ‘be round’, i.e. the round bundles, or sheaves; cf. Tiglath-Pileser, I. 81: qaqqadešunu lunakisa, idât alanišunu kima karê lušepik; id. in. 98; vi. 6: cut off their heads kima zirqi; id. 11. 13-14: šalmat quradišunu ina ṣir bamât šadê … kima šutmaše limisi; id. v. 94; VI. 5: kima šube ‘like standing corn (?)’.

^{page 133 note 114} Collective singulaṙ.

^{page 133 note 115} cf. N.H. ‘fruit cut from a tree and left in the fields to dry’; Kohut, Aruch Completum, vii. 173 a.

^{page 133 note 116} Sense doubtful. I take it as 3rd pl. Qal energ. of a root ḡ-r-m akin to root of Heb. and Ar. , i.e. ‘pile up in sheaves’, continuing the metaphor of qṣm.

^{page 133 note 117} A temple-official; cf. III R 59 c 34; mu-i'-ir-ru êkalli.

^{page 133 note 118} Cf. Ar. (and secondary ) ‘renew an attack’, which Eitan would restore (for ) in Is. xi. 14 (H.U.C.A. 1938, 60).

^{page 133 note 119} Cf. Acd. bantu ‘belly’, which recurs in Ugaritic.

^{page 133 note 120} Cf. Heb. (‘gird oneself for combat’); N.H. Vollers (B. A. ix. 181) connects there-with Ar.

^{page 133 note 121} Cf. Heb. vb. and Acd. n. ibšu. Cf. also Egyptian (ḥbś), Coptic , in the specific sense of ‘garment’.

^{page 134 note 122} Cf. Heb. II (Job xvi. 19).

^{page 134 note 123} Recurs as name of temple-officer in the list, Syria, 1937, 160, ii. 10 and in II Dan. i. 29, 47; ii. 2, 17. Cf. the Amarna gloss (Winckler 80, 3) šimrrum = rabişu, and see my note, P.E.Q. 1938, 107, n. 1. The spelling (with foreign ž) may indicate a crossing of the two roots (a) š-m-r = Ar. , &c., and (b) ḏ-m-r = S.Ar. ḏmr ‘protect’, just as žd in S.S. 61 seems to reflect a crossing of (a) šd ‘breast’, and (b) dd of the same meaning.

^{page 134 note 124} Ar. ; N.H. ; Acd. illuku. Perhaps also Cappadocian ḫalugaë ∥ naṣbatu (Liverpool Tablet 6; Pinches, A.A.A. 1908, 61), where naṣbatu may = Ar. de quo vide L. Bauer, Z.P.D.V. 1901, 33; G. R. Driver, Assyr. Laws, 480, equates with Acd. paṣanu; the R.S. cognate is probably nṣp, II Dan. 206, 208, &c.

^{page 134 note 125} Heb. ‘tottering’. Virolleaud's experiments with an assumed mṭ-m ‘below’ are unnecessary.

^{page 134 note 126} For g-r-ś in a military sense cf. Dt. xxxiii. 27.

^{page 134 note 127} Heb. ‘(like) grey-headed ones’.

^{page 134 note 128} Heb. II, ‘confidence’? Not altogether certain.

^{page 134 note 129} Hiph'il participle fem. sg. of rt. d-n-n = Acd. danânu ‘be strong’; cf. Tiglath-Pileser, vi. 65: qaŝtiia donnâte; Eshm. Sen. r. 29; Sen. v. 68, &c. Doubtful.

^{page 134 note 130} Acd. maḫû ‘hie away’, as I first pointed out in J.R.A.S. 193s, 19, n. 62.

^{page 134 note 131} Cf. I Dan. 170-1: Dnel lbth ymḡyn, yśtql Dnel lhklh. The verb is the Syriac ś-q-l.

^{page 134 note 132} The suffixes refer to ‘the usurper Möt’, understood. He may have been actually mentioned in one of the preceding passages now lost.

^{page 134 note 133} =‘unto satiety’; cf. Heb. , Is. xxiii. 18; lv. 2; Ezek. xxxix. 10.

^{page 134 note 134} Cf. supra, n. 90. I take this to be passive, i.e. ‘are arranged ( ?)’.

^{page 134 note 135} This may mean ‘officials’, rather than ‘soldiers’, like ṣabê in the Nuzu texts, H.S.S. ix. 6; A.A.S.O.R. xvi. 5. 1; see Oppenheim, Orient, 1938, 375. The basic idea may have been like our own ‘Gentlemen-at-Arms’.

^{page 134 note 136} I take this to mean ‘assistants’ or ‘pages’, sitting beside their masters on footstools.

^{page 134 note 137} The reading is not certain, and the meaning quite unknown. Our rendering is an approximate guess.

^{page 134 note 138} Virolleaud's Kbd ‘liver’ scarcely makes sense, whereas our reading k bd ‘for in (or, through) the hand of …’ is free of all difficulty.

^{page 134 note 139} Cf. Heb. (Vir.).

^{page 135 note 140} = ‘waiters at the table’, bn šlḥn may be the technical name of a certain type of temple-official, corresponding to the Acd. mušarkisu, for cf. Acd. paššura rakâsu (Rec. Trav. xx. 127-8, 13) and note that paššuru = šlḥn and that riksa rakâsu is a regular cultic terminus technicus.

^{page 135 note 141} Recurs in I Keret 17, where it clearly means ‘flow’. Cf. Acd. maḫâḫu, in its primary sense.

^{page 135 note 142} The word recurs in II AB, i. 41, where Cassuto (Orient. 1938, 275) has brilliantly established the meaning ‘couch’, by comparing Heb. But it may also mean ‘carpet’, for the basic notion is that of something stretched out. The style is graphically brachylogical. The meaning is that in her fury ‘Anat overturns the libation-jars and lets their contents run over the carpet. But the line might also mean: ‘It is poured out on the carpet like the oil of a sheleni. Alternatively, ṣ’ may mean ‘dish, saucer’, connecting with Ar. ; Aramaic (Pesaḥim, 111); Samaritan (= Targ. Ex. XXV, 29; Numb. vii. 13; = Targ. Gen. xliv. 2) and Syriac The basic meaning is, apparently, ‘a curved vessel’, for note that renders in Samaritan Targum, Gen. xliv. 2. The sense of our line will thus be ‘it is poured out like the oil of a shelem-offering from (b- = as often) a saucer’.

^{page 135 note 143} Although the expression rḥṣ bdm ‘to bathe in blood’ certainly occurs in O.T. (Ps. lviii. 11), it is clear from the context that the prefix b- here has the force of the Heb. private m-, as often in the R.S. texts. For the construction rḥṣ m- in Heb. cf. Prov. XXX. 12: , and cf. the analogous construction with (Jer. iv. 14; Ps. li. 4) and (Lev. xvi. 30; Jer. xxxiii. 8; Ezek. xxiv. 13; xxxvi. 25; Prov. xx. 9).

^{page 135 note 144} Vir. suggests tš'r, ‘she disposes(?)’, as in line 22 supra, but there seems to be room on the tablet for two letters only. Hence perhaps restore šar,—inf. abs. with tšar in line 37. This construction, common in B.H. (Gesenius-Kautsch, § 113, 3) is rare in Accadian (Delitzsch, Assyr. Gr. ed. 2, § 176), but not infrequent in the dialect of the Amarna Letters (Böhl, § 31 d).

^{page 135 note 145} Cf. Heb. as in 1 Sam. ix. 23.

^{page 135 note 146} i.e. ‘table by table’, &c. For this use of l- cf. the Ethiopie construction: (with ) ‘and he gave unto each two sets of clothes’ (Dillmann, Gr. 295). Analogous, though not identical, is B.H.

^{page 135 note 147} I take the vb. šer (or šar?) to be denominative from šer (Heb. &c.) ‘meat’, i.e. ‘distribute meat’.

^{page 135 note 148} This type of rain-charm recurs in S.S. 30-8 (see my rendering, S.M.S.R. 1934, 159 f.), and is paralleled by the Hierapolitan rite described by Lucian, De Syriâ Deâ, chap. 13, and by the Jerusalemitan rite described inMishnah, Sukkah 4, §§9-10. Further parallels in Scheftelowitz, Alt-Palästinensischer Bauernglaube, 1925, 93, § 41.

^{page 135 note 149} Cf. ḥ-s-p ‘pour out’ in I Dan. 51, SS, 199 and B.H. in is. XXX. 14: and Hag. ii. 16. Is it cognate, by metathesis, with (Prov. xxviii. 3; Ar. ) and II ?

^{page 136 note 150} Cf. Ar. ‘drizzle’.

^{page 136 note 151} Either a noun in apposition or a vb. in Pi'el imperative, i.e. ‘(with) heaven's small rain fatten the earth’.

^{page 136 note 152} cf. Heb.

^{page 136 note 153} Root n-s-k.

^{page 136 note 154} For stars as a symbol of multitude and abundance cf. B.H. Gen. xxii. 17; xxvi. 4; Ex. xxxii. 13; Nahum iii. 16; and in Acd. Asshurnasirpal, Ann. 1. 88: ša kima kakkabâni šamê minûta lâ išû; see Talquist, Haqedem, 1. i. 9. Cf. also in Latin: Catullus, vil. 7: aut quam sidera multa cum tacet nox, and see Headlam-Knox, Herodas, 29.

^{page 136 note 155} This passage is so fragmentary that it seems hopeless to attempt a commentary upon it.

^{page 136 note 156} The meaning of ttpp is uncertain. If Vir. is right in equating it with Heb. ‘beat the tabret’,.. rn two lines farther on might be a fragment of tśrn ‘she sings’, but then I do not see where the anhbm, or ‘hares’, come in.

^{page 136 note 157} alp uh bym ‘an ox whose emission is upon the sea’ recurs in I Dan. i. 205 as the technical name for a rubefacient. Is it perhaps connected with the Acd. rubuṣ (d)alpi ‘dung of the divine ox’, also a rubefacient (see Campbell Thompson, Diet. Assyr. Chemistry, 189)? Then ‘the divine ox of the sea’ might have been a popular name for the cuttle-fish whose ‘emission’ is, of course, sepia. Cf. the Greek as a popular name for the ray-fish. But this is speculative. At any rate, it would appear that ‘Anat performs the ritual act of rougeing herself (cf. I Dan. i. 205). For Acd. rubṣu ‘dung’, cf. Langdon, Bab. Wisdom, 47, line 41; B.E. 31, 74, 42, and Campbell Thompson, Proc. Royal Society of Medicine, xix. 3 (1926), p. 36, n. 3.

^{page 136 note 158} The tablet has mśt; corr. Vir.

^{page 136 note 159} Vir. equates with B.H. a red gem variously identified with coral or ruby.

^{page 136 note 160} I equate with B.H. either(a) as meaning ‘images of the god Miśor’ (mentioned by Sanchuniathon), worn by the king, like the Ma'at, or image of the goddess of rectitude, similarly worn as a pectoral by Egyptian sovereigns (see Foucart, E.R.E. vii. 713 b) to confer divine status (see C.A.M. i. 346: Cook apùd Robertson-Smith, R.S. ed. 3, p. 572) and often of red hue (Petrie, Amulets, No. 172); or (6) as a sign of juridical authority, like Heb. The rite may well be a projection from the custom of adorning divine images with pectorals in analogous Asianic mystery-cults (see Polybius 21, 37; Dion. Halic. Ant. Rom. 11.19,4; Cornutus, chap. 6; Hepding, Attis, 128-9).

^{page 136 note 161} On these deities see supra, n. 97.

^{page 136 note 162} Y'bdr may be the name of a temple. As a parallel to bt rb we may perhaps explain it from Eth. ; ‘be wide, spacious’, which renders in Is. v. 9. Then dr will be Ar. ‘circuit, area’, &c., and the name will mean ‘the spacious’ (for the form cf. Yachin, name of the temple-pillar at Jerusalem).

^{page 137 note 163} If hwt is really the Acd. awatu, cf. the epistolary formula, e.g. K. 824, r. 1. (= Harper, 290; Delattre, P.S.B.A. 1901, 64): awat šarri ana (m)Sin-tabni aḫu. …

^{page 137 note 164} Cf. Acd. quradu ‘hero’ (Baneth). This is the stock epithet of Ninurta, who is the Mesopotamian counterpart of Aleyan-Ba'al. Note that the name Aleyan itself means much the same thing, deriving from rt. l-e-y (Acd. le'u) ‘be powerful’; see in the last instance Birkeland, Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskab, 1938, No. 9.

^{page 137 note 165} The interpretation follows Dussaud, who compares Ar. ‘invite to a repast’. The form (with -yy) demands further study.

^{page 137 note 166} rt. l-ḥ-m II ‘eat’ (Dussaud).

^{page 137 note 167} The suffix -m may here be the enclitic -ma, thus removing Virolleaud's difficulties (Syria, 1937, 261-2).

^{page 137 note 168} I explain ar, provisionally, from Ar. ‘honey’, and bdd as equivalent to Heb. (for b- = m- see supra, n. 143). On honey as a symbol of regeneration see my note, J.R.A.S. 1935, 12, n. 22.

^{page 137 note 169} Cf. Ar. ‘greenwood’ (Vir.). I would add that Samaritan Targum in Gen. i. 12 uses to render Heb.

^{page 137 note 170} Meaning unknown. Something like ‘verdure’ is required by the context. Dussaud compares Ar. the primary meaning of which seems to be ‘well-watered soil’. This is attractive, but the correspondence of Arabic ghayin with R.S. ‘ayin is precarious (pace Guérinot, Syria, 1938, 39, all of whose examples are, in my opinion, incorrect, as I hope to show elsewhere), whilst that of with ṣ is all but impossible.

^{page 137 note 171} i.e. ‘in my power’, ‘m in Ugaritic is often = Heb. hence cf. Heb. in this sense.

^{page 137 note 172} Cf. Acd. lasâmu ‘run’; cf. IV R ² 9 a, 38-9: the Moon-god la-as-ma-sa birkašu; King, Magic, 18, 2: alasum urkika, &c.

^{page 137 note 173} Ifte'al imperative of rt. w-ḥ-y = Ar. ‘hasten’ (for Ar. ḫ = R.S. ḥ cf. Guérinot, Syria, 1938, 39, but note that in both cases there adduced, viz. ḥbr = and ḥmr = , Acd. has a similar softening, viz. immeru and ebru).

^{page 137 note 174} Cf. Acd. išdu (Vir.).

^{page 137 note 175} Brachylogical. This detail, be it noted, is especially stressed in the corresponding Greek versions of the Adonis-myth.

^{page 137 note 176} Suffix here has dative force.

^{page 137 note 177} Cf. Heb. I (Vir.).

^{page 137 note 178} = Heb. ; recurs in Nikkal, 32.

^{page 137 note 179} The exact expression occurs in Accadian in King, Magic, 21, 17: abnê birqa išâta.

^{page 137 note 180} Not impossibly two lines have here coalesced, the original having run in some such fashion as this: abn brq ['m rḡm, hwt] dltd‘ śmm, rgm ltd‘ nśm ‘levinbolt along with thunder (cf. Heb. ; Ar. rt. ), a word which I fain the heavens would mark, a message I fain mankind would note’. For the idea that the whole of nature sighs for the lost lord of vegetation cf. Bion, Epitaphios Adōmdos, 30 ff. ed. Hermann: (‘Ah for the Cyprian,’ say all the woods, / And ‘Ah, Adonis’ all the oaks bewail, / And Aphrodite's woes the streams lament / And mountain-springs do for Adonis weep. / By every grove, by every mountain dell, / Sad swallows cry another threnody: / ‘Adonis in his loveliness is dead!’).

^{page 138 note 181} Acd. nîšê.

^{page 138 note 183} Instead of nbḡyh, by attraction to ank. Cf. Ar. Aram. This shows that forms like ttb’ in the R.S. texts come from the quite distinct root t-b-‘ = Acd. tebû. Guérinot (Syria, 1938, 39) is therefore wrong in giving b-'-y as the Ugaritic equivalent of Ar. and in citing this as an example of the equation: Proto-Semitic ghayin = Ugaritic ‘ayin—an equation which is in any case very doubtful. The word is here a terminus technicus of the mystery-cult, as analogously in the Egyptian ritual of Osiris (see Moret, La Mise à Mort du Dieuen Égypte, 18). Cf. in a similar sense—and probably with direct allusion to the terminology of such cults — in Hos. v. 15. ’. This reproduces a regular epistolary formula, for which cf. T.A. (Winckler) 79, 9: lidi šarri bêlî; ibid. 81, 6: lû idi šarru bêlia; ibid. 86, 6; 88, 9, &c.

^{page 138 note 184} Usually taken to mean ‘god of the Northland’, i.e. the lost Aleyan-Ba'al. But I suggest that in this passage el is the demonstrative adjective (Heb. and Phoen. &c.) and spn an imperative pl. energ. from rt. ṣ-p-y = Heb. &c. (cf. Ugaritic noun ṣp, I Keret, 149). The verb is used in much the same sense in Mic. vii. 7: (cf. also Lam. iv. where we may perhaps read:

^{page 138 note 185} Since qdś is here parallel to r'm, it may perhaps possess the sense of Acd. quddušu, ‘bright, clean, shining’; cf. Maqlu vi. 36: šadê quddušûti and, since quddušu = ellu (V R 24 c-d, 8), cf. also T.M. vi. 36: šadê ellûti. Similarly in Ps. xvi. 6 (used of !) is and rt. = Ar. ‘shine’, i.e. = Acd. ellu = quddušu = qdś of our text.

^{page 138 note 186} See supra, n. 72.

^{page 138 note 187} Demonstrative pronoun hl (cf. S.S. 32-3: hl-h; Ar. +suffix -m (cf. Heb. ). The suffix has temporal force, as in Heb. &c., and the sense is ‘thereupon’.

^{page 138 note 188} A verb 0f frequent occurrence in R.S. texts (e.g. II AB, ii. 12; iv. 27), the meaning of which is something like ‘catch sight of, espy’, though the etymology is not quite clear.

^{page 138 note 189} i.e. the composite deity Gpn-w-Ugr.

^{page 138 note 190} This situation recurs in II AB, ii. 16-20, where the goddess Asherat performs the same actions when she catches sight of ‘Anat and Ba'al approaching. Just as Asherat there follows these actions with the exclamation (lines 21-2) ek mḡy Aleyn-B'l, ek mḡyt Btlt ‘nt, so here ‘Anat follows them by exclaiming ek mḡy Gpń-w-Ugr. We may presume, therefore, that the actions in question are in some way connected with the goddess’ attitude towards the arrival of the ‘visitors’ in each case. As a clue to the meaning I note the parallelism both of prepositions (viz. b-, b'd-n and ‘l-n, see infra) and of nouns denoting parts of the body (viz. p'nm, ksl, pnm, and r).

^{page 138 note 191} Virolleaud compares Syrian Ar. ‘leap’, but this comparison is precarious, for is probably a mere dialectic form of which would be written tss in Ugaritic. Our word may be connected with Ar. and calcavit, a cognate of which may possibly be seen in the obscure of Ps. xcix. 1.

^{page 138 note 192} I take this to be a parallel to b- in bh and to ‘In in the next line. Then cf. Heb. in the sense of ‘at the side of’. For the suffixed -n cf. ‘l-n and note thereon below. In this usage the preposition retains something of the original physical connotation postulated by G. R. Driver, Z.D.M.G. 1937, 346.

^{page 138 note 193} Literally, ‘at her side, she breaks her flank’, i.e. she contorted herself in excitement, as if to break her ribs.

^{page 139 note 194} A lengthened form of the preposition ‘l; cf. II AB, iv. 44: špṭn wen d'ln-h; V AB, v. 14: ‘ln š….. Cf. also ‘mn, a lengthened form of ‘m, in V AB, iii. 37: thmt ‘mn kbkbm; Death of Ba'al, v. 20: škb ‘mn-h; Nikkal 32: ‘mn Nkl ḫtny. Similar is Phoenician and (for Heb. and ) in Eshmun'azzar 9.

^{page 139 note 195} From rt. w-d-‘ = Ar. Eth. ‘sweat’. Cf. Heb. nouns (Ex. xliv. 18) and Syriac ; Acd. zûtu. For the expression ‘In pnh td’ cf. Heb. Gen. iii. 19: (LXX: ) and Theophr. de Sudore, 33 f.: . The phrase suggests the great excitement of ‘Anat.

^{page 139 note 196} From rt. n-ḡ-ṣ (cf. Battle of Rain and Sea, line 17; Iraq, 1937, 29: Itnḡṣn pnth) = Ar. ‘heave, quiver’.

^{page 139 note 197} Cf. Acd. panâte; Phoen. The antithesis anś seems to render this preferable to combination with Heb. as suggested by Virolleaud.

^{page 139 note 198} Cf. Ar. pars obversa, the antithesis of pnt.*

^{page 139 note 199} This god functions as the go-between between Ba'al and the discomfited Mōt in Death of Ba'al, i. 11, and it is evidently as the announcer of Mōt's utter defeat that he is here welcomed. The meaning of the name is uncertain; ‘god of Byblos (Egyptian Kpn) and Ugarit’ has been suggested.

^{page 139 note 200} = Aram. (cf. Ex. xvi. 5); Acd. mannu.

^{page 139 note 201} Cf. Ar. ‘rise’.

^{page 139 note 202} Abstractum pro concreto, as again in Battle of Rain and Sea, 9 (Iraq, 1937, 27) and as in S. Arabian (Lidzbarski, Ephem. 11. 358). Conversely, we have d'tk, ‘thine acquaintance’, in I AB, vi. 49.

^{page 139 note 203} ‘Anat here rehearses the full tale of her triumphs, including the defeat of various hostile animals (viz. tnn, bšn, ‘gl, and klbt).

^{page 139 note 204} Meaning deduced from the context.

^{page 139 note 205} This refers to the Battle against Sea ( Ym) and River (Nhr) described in another text from Ras Shamra, edited by the present writer in Iraq, 1937, 21-32. The passage confirms my conjecture (ibid. 23) that ‘Anat played an important role in the combat. In the Old Testament, as is well known, this triumph is transferred to Yahweh (Ps. xciii; Hab. iii. 8; Job vii. 12).

^{page 139 note 206} Heb.

^{page 139 note 207} The suffix is here the usual mimmation, not the termination of masc. pl. As Virolleaud points out (La Déesse ‘Anat, 53), the river-god Nam (Nhr) is known in Accadian texts as ilu rabû.

^{page 139 note 208} Cf. Is. li. 9; Ps. lxxiv. 13; Job vii. 12. The present text shows that in the last of those passages is to be interpreted as a proper name, i.e. the demon of the Sea.

^{page 139 note 209} Ifte'al of rt. ś-b-m which Vir. ingeniously compares with Ar. ‘bit’, citing Job xl. 25–6 (E.V. xli. 1–2): ‘Canst thou draw out Leviathan with an hook, or press down his tongue with a cord?

^{page 139 note 210} Ar. Heb. (Aramaism?) Acd. bašmu(?). Cf. Is. xxvii. 1. The exploit is mentioned again in Death of Ba'al, i. 1 ff., and it is significant that the deity Gpn-w-Ugr is associated with that event (Death of Ba'al, i. 11-12), just as his arrival on the scene is specifically mentioned in this case (supra, line 48). The god is likewise associated with the discomfiture of Mōt and his associates in II AB, vii. 54.

^{page 139 note 211} Cf. Ps. lxxiv. 14 and note that the monster slain by Ninurta—Mesopotamian counterpart of Aleyan-Ba'al—is sometimes described as seven-headed. Hooke (The Origins of Early Semitic Ritual, 39) calls attention to the seven-headed dragon on a seal from Tell Asmar. A hymn put into the mouth of the Babylonian Marduk describes him as controlling ‘the feathered monster of seven heads, like the huge serpent of seven heads’ (Smith-Sayce, Chaldean Genesis, 1880, 87).

^{page 140 note 212} i.e. Mōt, described in II AB, viii. 24 as mdd elm, where elm means ‘netherworld deities’; cf. the elohim conjured from the underworld (arṣ; cf. Acd.erṣitum) by the witch of Endor in 1 Sam. xxviii. 3, and elm ∥ mtm in I AB, vi. 47-8.

^{page 140 note 213} The allusion is obscure. I do not know of any glyptic representation which will help us.

^{page 140 note 214} Meaning obscure. In V AB, ii. 12 ‘tkt means ‘she proceeded to renewed attack’ (Ar. ), whence el 'tk might mean ‘the attacking deity’, but this is precarious. Perhaps a place-name (cf. in Judah, 1 Sam. xxx. 30). If so, final -k may represent the element ki/-gi of several N. Syrian toponyms (see Speiser, Mesop. Origins, 154, n. 113).

^{page 140 note 215} A Cerberus is clearly intended, but no Semitic example of such a creature is known. The conception is, however, widespread (e.g. Yama and his two dogs, Ṛig Veda, x. xiv. 10–12; Atharva Veda, VIII. 1.9; dogs guarding Chivrat bridge in Avestan mythology, Vendidad xiii. 9; Eskimos and Iroquois believe in a dog who guards the entrance to Paradise and the bridge of souls).

^{page 140 note 216} Vir. ingeniously compares of ‘Eqron (2 Kings i. 2ff.). The spelling with foreign(?) ž may indicate a foreign (Hurrian??) deity, perhaps assimilated by our poet to Hebrew zebūb ‘fly’, to accord with the previous mention of hostile animals!

^{page 140 note 217} Having routed Mot and his followers, ‘Anat dispatches them to the netherworld. Compare the treatment meted out oto the rebel gods (i.e. the followers of Tiamat and the seven sons of Enmešarra) in Mesopotamian myth, and to the Titans Greek story.

^{page 140 note 218} In Death of Ba'al, i. 10–11 Aleyan-Ba'al is called explicitly b'l mrym Ṣpn, but in this episode he has not yet achieved complete sovereignty, and is therefore bidden first expel (ṭ-r-d) his enemies entrenched on that selfsame height. b = m, as often.

^{page 140 note 219} Cf. Heb. (Vir.) and Ar. in the primitive sense of ‘to drag, draw, pull’.

^{page 140 note 220} Cf. Heb. ‘forelock’ (Ezek. viii. 3). This is a common token of slavery; for parallels and discussion see Eitrem, Gaster Anniversary Volume, 1936, 107–9; in the Mahābh¯rata, King Duryodana drags the consort of Draupadi by the hair as a sign of slavery, after winning at dice; in Iliad, xix.

^{page 140 note 126} ff., Atê is similarly dragged by the hair; on the monument from Klagenfurt (Cumont, Mon. 335 ff.) Mithra drags Hēlios by the hair. Cf. also on the Egyptian palette of King Narmer, and frequently on late cylinder-seals.

^{page 140 note 221} Cf. Acd. uṣṣuru ša uznašu, of servitude (Vir.). Cf. also the way in which the artist Aison (5th cent. B.c.) represented Theseus as dragging the Minotaur by the ear, and the representations of the ‘hero-god’ pulling the ear of a vanquished beast on seals of the Persian period (e.g. Legrain, Culture of the Babylonians, Nos. 915, 920, 921, 928, 930, 944-7, &c).

^{page 140 note 222} l- here means ‘from’, as often in Ugaritic. Cf. S. Arab. GLASER 1000 A 15, and Phoen. Aḫiram Sarcophagus: , according to the interpretation of Albright, J.P.O.S. II. 77.

^{page 140 note 223} -m is here the emphatic enclitic; cf. Acd. mannuma ‘who in the world?’

^{page 140 note 224} Sarcastic, like the English ‘just let an enemy rise!’ Grammatically, this is the protasis of an hypothetical sentence the apodosis of which is suppressed by aposiopesis. Similar is the negative form with , in Ps. xxvii. 13:

^{page 141 note 225} Repetition of V AB, iii. 33 ff. See Commentary in loc.

^{page 141 note 226} The parallel passage, VI AB, iii. 11 has tktḥ, according to Virolleaud, but twtḥ is supported by V AB, iii. 17 and even in VI AB, iii. 11 I see twtḥ (), rather than tktḥ () quite clearly on the photograph—a reading which I have checked under a lens.

^{page 141 note 227} The mdl of Ba'al is mentioned, along with his rain (mṭr) and wind (rḥ), in Death of Ba'al, v. 7. I think it means quite simply ‘bucket’ (Heb. &c), sc. out of which the waters of heaven are poured.

^{page 141 note 228} Cf. Heb. I. Another rt. b-'-r, probably meaning ‘lead'’ (cf. Heb. II) occurs in other passages of R.S. literature, but is scarcely apposite here. It must be admitted, however, that if Barth is right (W.U. 6ff.) in associating Heb. I with Ar. we should expect the spelling *ybḡr, if this is here the R.S. cognate.

^{page 141 note 229} The restoration is provisional. I take qrn here to mean ‘ray’; cf. Hab. iii. 4; Acd. qarnu of the moon (cf. III Dan. i. 9–10: al yḥdš yrḫ …. bqrn ymnh = qaran immitišu); Ar. primi radii solis, &c.

^{page 142 note 230} From rt. š-n-y ‘repeat’. With Ginsberg (Ugarit Texts, 19), I take the word to mean ‘repetition’, rather than, with Virolleaud, ‘One who repeats’.

^{page 142 note 231} The ‘nn elm (‘devotee of the netherworld gods’?) is mentioned again in II AB, viii. 14–15 and the ‘nn Ašrt ibid, iv.-v. 59. The former passage has points of similarity with our text. It refers to the proper domain of Mōt and rims: al ttn pnm ∥ tk qrth hmry ∥ mk ksu šbth ∥ ḫḫ arṣ rḥlth ∥ wn ḡr (usually read in one word: wnḡr!) ‘nn elm ∥ al tqrb Ibn-elm Mt, ‘Set not thou thy face ∥ within his cavernous citadel ∥ for there indeed is the throne of his abiding ∥ the hole (cf. Eth. Ar. Heb. 1 Sam. xiii. 6) of the earth which is his estate, ∣ and lo, there is the cave of that votary of the underworld. ∥ So approach not chthonian Mō;t!’ It is to the same cavernous realm that the votaries of the netherworld, i.e. the helpers of Mōt, are now consigned. The word ḡr of that text is clearly the uḡr of ours.

^{page 142 note 232} Cf. Ar. strenuus esse, &c, and the development in Eth. pugnare, litigare, contendere. The idea is that of waging daring, even arrogant, combat.

^{page 142 note 233} Cf. Acd. šanânu ‘be a match for’, especially u. ed in triumphing in battle (cf. Z. A. iii. 319, 91: šanânu ∥ lîtu), and perhaps also Eth. litigare.

^{page 142 note 234} Connected with ḡr ‘cave’ (Heb. &c), but I cannot explain the initial u-. The association with ḡr is supported not only by II AB, viii. 14: wn ḡr, but also by the recurring juxtaposition of enbb and ḡr in R.S. 1929, vi. 9: wrbṣ Iḡrk enbb.

^{page 142 note 235} Mentioned ∥ rpa/um (‘shades’) in I AB, vi. 46 and IV Dan. i. 2.

^{page 142 note 236} Cf. Ar. ‘superimpose’ (Vir.). Hence mšpd = ‘layer, stratum’?

^{page 142 note 237} Cf. Heb. ‘springs’ (Vir.).

^{page 142 note 238} Cf. Heb. Acd. matâḫu ‘span, extend’.

^{page 142 note 239} Formed from ḡr ‘cavern’, as if = ‘troglodytes’. Cf., in a similar vein, Hesiod, Theog. 717 ff. (on the expulsion of the Titans): The gradation šn … šlš merely indicates exaggerated degree, and is not to be taken literally. Cf. šb’ …. šmnt. Death of Ba'al, v. 8–9; Hunting of Ba'al, 51-2; I Keret 8-9; V AD, v. 12, 27; Cf. also I Keret 94-5: ašr šn šn hlk ašr šlš, ‘they marched, they went in twos, they marched in threes’. In O.T. cf. Mic. v. 4: Amos. i. 3, &c.; Job xxxiii. 14 (see A. Kahana, Pêrūsh Mada'i, in loc.).

^{page 142 note 240} = Heb. as often in Ugaritic.

^{page 142 note 241} Cf. (a) II AB, ii. 15: bnśe ‘nh wtphn hlk B'l Aštrt; kt'n hlk, Btlt ‘nt tdrq, Ybmt … ‘with the lifting of her eye, she espied the advent of Ba'al, son of Asherat; when she observed (his) coming, the Virgin ‘Anat …..(?), yea, Y-b-m-t … …; (b) II Dan. v. n; bnše ‘nh wyphn, balp śd rbt kmn, hlk Kšr; wy'n wy'n tdrq ḫss hlk ‘with the lifting of his eye he espied …. the advent of Kashir; then he observed it, he observed it (crying): ….. (?), ḫasis is coming!’ From these passages, which closely resemble our own in phraseology, it is clear that the verb d-r-q denotes an action performed when the advent of some one is seen. In the Danel passage, as here, this action is followed by the proffering of food, whilst in II AB, ii. 27 it is followed by the proffering of gold and silver vessels (containing drink?). I therefore suggest that the word, combining with Aram. , Ar. , Heb. , and Acd. zarâqu, &c, denotes the act of pouring water to wash the feet of a guest, for note the same action, followed by the proffering of food, in Gen. xviii. 4; xix. 2; xxiv. 32; xliii. 24, and Judges xix. 21.

^{page 143 note 242} i.e. El. Either because the guest (‘Anat) is herself a woman, or else because Ba'al addresseshimself to the harem of El, it is the bnt abh (the female counterpart of the bn-El elsewhere mentioned in R.S. texts), rather than the male servitors (ḡlmm), who are here called upon to pour out the water. Vir. sees in ybnt a proper name, appealing to II AB, vi. 36: ht ybnt dt ksp, but this is unsatisfactory for, as Ginsberg first showed, that passage must be read: (b)hty bnt dt ksp ‘I have builded my house of silver’. The bnt abh (sc. El) were probably represented in the pantomime, of which this text is the libretto, by female members of the sacred college (cf. Acd. marat ilim!).

^{page 143 note 243} The phrase is explicable from Oriental custom. El, like any Arab master of the house, is taking his rest in his harem, from which a man may only be drawn away on very pressing business. But the business of ‘Anat's mission is pressing, and the harem-women are therefore bidden ‘put away from him his female companion (ašt)’. Cf. Lane, The Modern Egyptians, chap, v, Minerva Library ed., p. 128: ‘Often he (the Arab) retires to recline in his hareem, where a wife or female slave watches over his repose. … On such occasions, and at other times when he wishes to enjoy privacy, every person who comes to pay him a visit is told by the servant that he is in the hareem; and no friend expects him to be called thence except on very urgent business.’

^{page 143 note 244} Cf. II AB, iv–v. 107–8. The fading (mre) is slaughtered to welcome the guest (‘Anat) in accordance with Oriental usage; cf. Robertson Smith, A Journey in the Hedjaz III, in Lectures and Essays, 527: ‘Among the Bedouins the slaughter of a sheep takes place only on festive occasions or on the arrival of a guest’.

^{page 143 note 245} I do not profess to know the true meaning of wtk pnh (‘and …. her face?’) but if, as Virolleaud originally suggested, wtk derives from rt. n-k-y ‘smite’ (Heb. &c), it is possible that this is an idiomatic expression equivalent in sense to Heb. and resembling semasiologically the Ar. (de quo vide Gesenius, Thes. s.v. ).

^{page 143 note 246} Cf. V AB, ii. 38 ff., and Commentary in loc.