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Alphabetic Inscriptions on Ivories from Nimrud

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 August 2014

A. R. Millard
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Extract

Among the carved ivories found by Layard and Loftus at Nimrud in the nineteenth century a few bear alphabetic inscriptions or single letters which may be fitters' marks. Similar pieces have been found subsequently at other sites of the first millennium B.C. and it was to be expected, therefore, that further examples might be discovered in the large collections of ivories unearthed during the current series of excavations at Nimrud by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Several inscribed pieces were found during the 1961 season and they are published here together with those from earlier seasons.

Four alphabetic inscriptions on ivories are already known. The ivory strip from Arslan Tash is of particular value as it enables a date to be given to the bedstead of which it was a part and to associated ivories. On it is a dedication, in Aramaic, “to our lord Hazael.” Hazael, king of Damascus c. 843–796 B.C. is the only known historical figure to whom such reference might apply. If, then, it is correct to attribute this ivory to the late ninth century B.C., it may be that it formed an item of the tribute taken from Damascus by Adad-nirari. III c. 804 B.C. which included ivory furniture. There are two inscribed pieces from the Loftus collection of Nimrud ivories: a knob inscribed “property of Milki-ram” (l m l k r m) and a text too damaged to be deciphered. At Ur an ivory box-lid was found, beneath a pavement laid in the reign of Nebuchadrezzar II (605–561 B.C.) which carries a two line dedication in Phoenician: “This box Amat-Ba‘al, daughter of Pat-isi, slave-girl of [the master?] presents to Ashtart. For this may she bless me during the life of the master […..] son of Yasod.

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 24 , Issue 1 , Spring 1962 , pp. 41 - 51
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 1962

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References

1 I am grateful to Professor M. E. L. Mallowan, Director of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq, and to Mr. David Oatcs, Director of the 1961 Nimrud Expedition, for allowing me to study these ivories at Nimrud and in London and for permission to publish them. My thanks are also due to Dr. R. D. Barnett, Professor G. R. Driver and Professor D. J. Wiseman for their encouragement and for several valuable suggestions which are embodied in this paper.

2 Thureau-Dangin, F.et alii, Arslan Tasb, 1931, pp. 135–138Google Scholar.

3 Unger, M. F., Israel and the Aramaeans of Damascus, 1957, pp. 82 f.Google Scholar, 163 f. Dates of Aramaean and Hebrew kings are taken from The New Bible Dictionary, 1962, article “Chronology” and from an unpublished paper by Mr. K. A. Kitchen of the University of Liverpool who has kindly permitted me to read his manuscript; for the most part they follow the system proposed by Thiele, E. R., The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, 1951Google Scholar.

4 I R 35.1 ll.1–21; Unger, E., Reliefstele Adadniraris III aus Saba‘a und Semiramis, 1916, ll. 11–20Google Scholar.

5 Barnett, R. D., Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories in the British Museum, 1956, p. 161Google Scholar; pl. CXXXII S.292u (knob), S.3 (other text).

6 SirWoolley, Leonard, AJ VII, p. 410Google Scholar.

7 Burrows, E., JRAS 1927, pp. 791–794Google Scholar; R. D. Barnett, op. cit. p. 226, U 11.

8 References are given to the rooms as marked on the plan, Plate I of this volume.

9 Excavations were made on the tell and in the town by a Danish expedition (1931–38). The ninth and eighth century remains, denoted Level E, are described in Ingholt, H., Rapport préliminaire sur Sept Campagnes de Fouilles à Ḥama en Syrie, 1940Google Scholar. Detailed reports on the structural remains and the cemeteries have also appeared; Riis, P. J., Ḥama II.3Google Scholar, Les Cimetières à crémation, 1948; Fugmann, E., Ḥama II.1Google Scholar, L'Architecture des périodes pré-hellenistiques, 1958.

10 Hrozny, B., Arch. Or. X, pls. LV–VIGoogle Scholar.

11 H. Ingholt, op. cit. pp. 115–17.

12 Recently translated and discussed by Black, M. in Thomas, D. W., Documents from Old Testament Times, 1958, pp. 242–50Google Scholar (hereafter DOTT).

13 On Nuḫašše see SirGardiner, Alan, Ancient Hglplian Onomastica I, 1947, pp. 168–71Google Scholar; Smith, S., The Statue of Idrimi, 1949, pp. 56 f.Google Scholar For Elaḫuti, Luḫuti, Lu‘ash in cuneiform documents Lewy, J., Or. XXI, pp. 393 ff.Google Scholar Lewy would distinguish between Lu‘ash and Ḫatarikka since the second occurs in Assyrian texts as the name both of a city and of a country. It is possible, however, that this is an example of a place with two names, Lu‘ash, the more ancient, applied to the region and Ḥadrak primarily to the city. Luḫuti does not appear in Assyrian inscriptions after the time of Shalmaneser III (858–824 B.C.) nor Ḥadrak before that period. Similar alternation of names may be observed with Arpad (bit Agus), Damascus (bît Ḫazail) and Samaria (bît Humri).

14 Lewy, J., Hebrew Union College Annual XVIII, p. 449, n. 108Google Scholar; Or. XXI, p. 421Google Scholar.

15 Identified with ’pš mentioned in the text, DOTT p. 250.

16 A. Dupont-Sommer would place it just before Adad-nirari III's Syrian campaign, c. 80; B.C. (Les Araméens, 1949, p. 47Google Scholar); cf. M. Munn-Rankin apud Williams, M. V. Seton, Iraq XXIII, Pt. 1, p. 73Google Scholar. Black, M., DOTT, p. 242Google Scholar argues for the later date (the last line but two of the page should read c. 775 B.c.); cf. M. Unger, op. cit. pp. 85–89.

17 RLA II, p. 460Google Scholar.

18 Wiseman, D. J. in DOTT. p. 50Google Scholar. Smith, S., Cambridge Ancient History III, p. 28Google Scholar, links Adadnirari's invasion with Zakir's victory.

19 RLA II, p. 460Google Scholar.

20 II Kings xiv.25, 28.

21 Wiseman, D. J., Iraq XVIII, Pt. 2, p. 128Google Scholar.

22 Winckler, H., Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, I, 1889, pp. 103–5, 174 ff.Google Scholar

23 Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum II, no. 75. The seal, BM. 89154, is reproduced by kind permission of the Keeper of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities at the British Mseum.

24 A. Dupont-Sommer avec la collaboration de L'Abbé, M.Starcky, J., Les Inscriptions Araméennes de Sfiré, 1958Google Scholar.

25 ibid. Plate XXIX.

26 Inscriptions of Kilamuwa, in Phoenician, (late ninth century B.c.) and of Bar-Rekub (late eighth century B.C.) are translated in ANET, pp. 500–501. Inscriptions of Panammu I (early eighth century B.C.) and Panammu II (erected by Bar-Rekub, his son) are published in von Luschan, F., Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli III, pp. 51 f.Google Scholar, ibid. IV, pp. 55–84. On the poorly preserved Hittite (?) text in Aramaic script from Ördek Burnu see Lidzbarski, M., Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik III, 1915, pp. 192–206Google Scholar; Friedrich, J., Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler, 1932, pp. 38–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Karatepe see Barnett, R. D., Leveen, J. and Moss, C., Iraq X, Pt. 1, pp. 56–74Google Scholar; Honeyman, A. M., PEQ 1949. pp. 21–39Google Scholar.

27 Three from Sfireh dated in the mid-eighth century B.C.; the Zakir stele and the stele of Bar-Hadad, king of Aram, found near Aleppo recently translated in DOTT. pp. 239–241. W. F. Albright dates this c. 850 B.C. (BASOR 87, pp. 23–9Google Scholar) but J. Starcky, after examining the original, suggests a later date, op. cit. p. 135, n. 1, “il nous parait difficile de donner à cette dédicace une date plus haute qu'à celle de Zakir.”

28 The badly damaged inscription from Arslan Tash is drawn in F. Thureau-Dangin, op. cit., p. 88. fig. 30. For the inscribed altar from Tell Halaf see Friedrich, J., Die Inschriften von Tell Halaf, 1940, pp. 69–78Google Scholar; Bowman, R. A., AJSL LVIII, pp. 359–67Google Scholar.

The inscription of Mesha’, king of Moab, would also fall into this series if J. Starcky's inference that it was written by scribes trained in Syria was accepted, op. cit. p. 138.

29 Ingots published in von Luschan, F. and Andrae, W., Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V, pl. XXXVIIIGoogle Scholar; sheath ibid. pl. XLVII, cf. Galling, K., BASOR 119, pp. 15–18Google Scholar.

30 Bricks from Ḥama, H. Ingholt, op. cit. pp. 115–7, Pl. XXXIX nos. 1–5. Ivory from Arslan Tash, F. Thureau-Dangin, op. tit. pp. 135–8.

31 A seal from Khorsabad, , AJSL XLIX, pp. 53–5Google Scholar; another seal Avigad, N., IEf VIII, pp. 228–30Google Scholar; weights from Nimrud, CIS II, nos. 1–14. On Aramaic inscriptions and script generally, see Rosenthal, F., Die Aramäistiche Forschung, 1939Google Scholar.

32 Lidzbarski, M., Altaramäische Urkunden aus Assur, 1912, pp. 5–15Google Scholar.

33 Two ostraca were found by Layard, , CIS II, nos. 44, 45Google Scholar; BM. 48277, and one more recently, ND. 6231, see Segal, J. B., Iraq XIX. Pt. 2, pp. 139–45Google Scholar.

34 Compare (Hosca v. 13, x.6) which is probably the translation of some similar phrase, see Brown, F., Driver, S. R., Briggs, C. A., Hebrew English Lexicon of the Old Testament, 1906, p. 937aGoogle Scholar.

35 Jean, C. F. and Hoftijzer, J., Dictionnaire des Inscriptions Sémitiques 1960, p. 48Google Scholar.

36 Cooke, G. A., North Semitic Inscriptions, 1902, p. 18, line 11Google Scholar.

37 See n. 26.

38 e.g. Exodus xxxii.32; Isaiah xliii.25.

39 On the constructions with waw see Driver, G. R., Problems of the Hebrew Verbal System, 1936, pp. 85–144Google Scholar.

40 The Gezer Calendar is of the eleventh or tenth centuries B.C., DOTT, pp. 201–3. A seal from Megiddo may date from the reign of Jeroboam I (c. 931–910 B.C.) according to Yeivin, S., JNES XIX, pp. 205–212Google Scholar.

41 See Difinger, D., Le Iscrizioni Antico-Ebraiche, 1934, pp. 21–68Google Scholar.

42 ibid, and Moscati, S., L'epigrafia ebraica antica (1935–1950), 1951, pp. 27–39Google Scholar. Milik, J. T. in Discoveries in the Judaean Desert II, 1960Google Scholar, assigns them to the reign of Joash (c. 798–782 B.C.). Y. Yadin has recently proposed a lower date, in the reign of Menahem (c. 752–742 B.C.), Scripta Hierosoljmita VIII, 1960, pp. 9–17Google Scholar.

43 Published by Sukenik, E. L., PEQ 1933, pp. 152–4Google Scholar; cf. Albright, W. F., PEQ 1936, pp. 211–15Google Scholar

44 Maisler, B., JNES X, pp. 265–7Google Scholar.

45 Yadin, Y., Hazor II, 1960, pp. 70–75Google Scholar. For other graffiti Diringer and Moscati op. cit.

46 Crowfoot, J. W., Crowfoot, G. M., Kenyon, K. M., Samaria-Sebaste III, 1957, p. 33Google Scholar.

47 D. Diringer, op. cit. pp. 81–102; S. Moscati, op. cit. pp. 40–43.

48 IEJ III, pp. 137–52Google Scholar; V, p. 163; Reifenberg, A., IPOS XXI, pp. 134–7Google Scholar.

49 J. T. Milik, loc. cit. pp. 93–100, pl. XXVIII.

50 Apart from the many seals and weights, see DOTT pp. 218–30, the largest collection are the groups of inscribed jar handles from Gibcon, J. B. Pritchard, Hebrew Inscriptions and Stamps from Gibeon, 1959Google Scholar.

51 Torczyner, H., The Lachish Letters, 1938Google Scholar; the ostracon from Ophel, D. Diringer op. cit. pp. 74–80; a letter from Mezad Hashavyahu, Naveh, J., IEJ X, pp. 129–39Google Scholar.

52 Lapp, P., BASOR 158, pp. 19–21Google Scholar.

53 Segal, J. B., Iraq XIX, Pt. 2, p. 140, II (concave side) line 11Google Scholar.

54 Albright, W. F., BASOK 149, p. 34Google Scholar.

55 D. Diringer, op. cit., pl. V, 41. The name also appears on a stamp seal from Ur (BM. 123006; U.E., X pl.XXXIV, no. 576).

56 Albright, W. F. in Scripta et Documenta I: Miscellanea Biblica B. Ubach Ditata, 1953, p. 131Google Scholar.

57 No meaning is known for the root z l’.

58 F. Thureau-Dangin, op. cit., pp. 135–8.

59 Sukenik, E. L.apud Crowfoot, J. W., Samaria-Sebaste 2, The Early Ivories, 1938, pp. 6–8, Pl. XXVGoogle Scholar.

60 Beside the Kilamuwa and Karatcpe inscriptions (sec n. 26) there are only the short dedication on a bronze bowl from Cyprus (CIS 1, no. 22), assigned to the eighth century B.C., and the tomb inscription, also from Cyprus, discussed by Albright, W. F., BASOR 83, pp. 14–16Google Scholar, who dates it early in the ninth century B.C.

61 Wiseman, D. J. and Howard, M., Iraq XVII, Pt. 1, pp. 4, 5, 15Google Scholar.

62 R. D. Barnett, op. cit., p. 112, n. 3.

63 Cf. Oates, D., Iraq XXI, Pt. 2, p. 105Google Scholar.

64 F. Thureau-Dangin, op. cit., pl. XXVI, no. 21.

65 Cooke, S. A., North Semitic Inscriptions, 1902, pp. 195–9Google Scholar.

66 Driver, G. R., Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C., 1957, p. 69Google Scholar.

67 The Samaria and Qasilc ostraca and the papyrus from Murabba’at, see n. 38, both Milik and Yadin discuss the ciphers in the papers cited. Dr. Barnett has noted that a closely related system of numerals was used by the writers of Hittite Hieroglyphic inscriptions, both in Imperial times and in the ‘neo-Hittite’ period. Examples can be found on jars from Hattuša, Bittel, K., Boğazkóy. Die Kieinfunde der Grabungen 1906–1912, 1937, Tafel 38·2Google Scholar ∣ ∥ ∥ ∥ ∥ ≡ (possibly 9 + 30), in the inscriptions on lead from Assur, Hrozný, B., Les Inscriptions Hittites Hiéroglyphiques II, 1933, p. 127Google Scholar, lettre a, col. IV,1.14 (50), p. 131, lettre, c, col. III, 1.2 — (10), col. IV, 1.2. (5) p 146, letter g, col I‘1.3 (11); and, on the stele from Jekke (Iraq X. Pt. 2, Fig. 34) line 4 (15) and front, line 4 = (20).

68 op. cit., pp. 46–49.

69 Rost, P., Die Keilschrifttexte Tiglat-pilesers III 1893, pp. 26–27Google Scholar.

70 Tavlor Prism of Sennacherib, col. iii, 18–41, IR, 37–42.

71 H. Winckler, op. cit., I, 46–50, 103–105.

72 Lie, A. G., The Inscriptions of Saraon II, King of Assyria, 1929, ll. 23–57Google Scholar.