1 Negro philanthropy also supported institutions that defied the racial caste system. Anderson, James D. discusses Negro philanthropy, missionary philanthropy, and other forms of HBCU financial support in The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988), chapter 7.Google Scholar

2 The AMA and other missionary philanthropists hired integrated faculties, but paternalistic attitudes precluded them from hiring African-American presidents. See Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South, 244.Google Scholar

3 “An Act to Incorporate the Trustees of Tougaloo University,” May 1871, folder 11, box 112, American Missionary Association Archives [hereafter AMAA], Addendum, (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, Amistad Research Center [hereafter ARC]., Tulane University, New Orleans, LouisianaGoogle Scholar

4 Mississippi had two other private four-year HBCUs, neither of which shared Tougaloo's level of prestige.Google Scholar

5 Tougaloo, had one white student prior to the 1960s. In 1879, the first normal school graduating class included Miner, Luella daughter of Tougaloo's Treasurer. Campbell, Clarice and Rogers, Oscar Allan Jr., Mississippi: The View from Tougaloo (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1979), 14.Google Scholar

6 Census of the Population: 1950, Volume II, Part 24, Mississippi (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1952), 148.Google Scholar

7 United States Census, Volume II, 28–29, cited in Dittmer, John Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 34.Google Scholar

8 The Citizens’ Council 2, no. 2 (November 1956), 1, Citizens’ Council Newspapers, 1956–1957, Accession Number 90.25, Tougaloo College Archives [hereafter TCA], Tougaloo, Mississippi.Google Scholar

9 General Laws of the State of Mississippi, 1956, Chapter 365, Section 5, 521.Google Scholar

10 Johnston, Erle to Federation of Constitutional Government, 4 May 1964, Johnston, Erle “Canton Lions Club Speech,” 13 May 1964, Johnston, Erle to Glazier, Herman 16 March 1965, and Johnston, Erle to Johnson, Paul 29 March 1965, cited in “Sovereignty Commission Agency History,” 3, summary report included in Sovereignty Commission Files, Mississippi Department of Archives and History [hereafter cited MDAH], Jackson, Mississippi.Google Scholar

11 United States Senate, 79th Congress, 2d Session, Hearings Before the Special Committee to Investigate Senatorial Campaign Expenditures, 1946 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947), 19, 88–90, cited in Dittmer, Local People, 3.Google Scholar

12 Invited speakers included Bunche, Ralph Baldwin, James Nathan, Otto Riesman, David Seeger, Pete and Baez, Joan See Gabrielle Simon Edgecomb, “Ernst Borinski: Positive Marginality: ‘I Decided to Engage in Stigma Management, ‘” in From Swastika to Jim Crow: Refugee Scholars at Black Colleges (Malabar, FL.: Krieger Publishing, 1993), 117–128. Borinski further angered segregationists by inviting Tougaloo students to join his German and Russian classes at Millsaps College. See folder Biography, box 1, Ernst Borinski Papers, TCA.Google Scholar

13 Hurley, Ruby to Mangrum, John 28 March 1956, and Mangram, John to Hurley, Ruby 25 January 1960, no folder, box Mangram, John D. TCA.Google Scholar

14 Carson, Clayborne In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

15 The difference in rate of participation between public and private college students is discussed in Elton Harrison, “Student Unrest on the Black College Campus,” Journal of Negro Education 41 (Spring 1972): 113–120; Orbell, John “Protest Participation Among Southern Negro College Students,” American Political Science Review 61 (June 1967): 446–456; and Rosenthal, Joel “Southern Black Student Activism: Assimilation vs. Nationalism,” Journal of Negro Education 44 (Spring 1975): 113–129.Google Scholar

16 Reddix, Jacob to Jones, Albert 1 April 1961, Sovereignty Commission Files 10-105-0-2-1-1-1, MDAH (all Sovereignty Commission Files are from the MDAH); Peoples, John A. Jr., To Survive and Thrive: The Quest for a True University (Jackson, Town Square Books, 1995), 58; and “Report Classes Boycotted at Jackson State,” Jackson Daily News, 7 October 1961, Sovereignty Commission Files 10-105-0-4-1-1-1.Google Scholar

17 Private institutions remained autonomous from the state, but missionary associations kept close tabs on their institutions. The AMA headquarters forced presidents to request permission on everything from curriculum to repairs. According to Richardson, Joe Christian Reconstruction: The American Missionary Association and Southern Blacks, 1861–1890 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 136: “seldom did the AMA delegate authority to its administrators commensurate with their responsibilities.”Google Scholar

18 Some institutions founded by Negro philanthropy were even more radical within the Southern order since they hired African American presidents to head the institutions. Missionary philanthropists refused to appoint African American presidents until the middle twentieth century.Google Scholar

19 Dittmer, Local People, 85–86.Google Scholar

20 Butler, J. Michael “The Mississippi Sovereignty Commission and Beach Integration, 1959–1963: A Cotton-Patch Gestapo?“ Journal of Southern History 68: 1 (February, 2002): 107–148.Google Scholar

21 Payne, Charles I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 286.Google Scholar

22 Moore, Austin to Graffman, Gary 2 February 1964, folder 450, box 9, Ed King Collection, TCA.Google Scholar

23 “Negro Girls Turned Away from Church,” Clarion-Ledger, 14 October 1963, and “12 Arrested at Churches here Sunday,” Clarion-Ledger, 21 October 1963, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-1-31-1-1-1.Google Scholar

24 Students and staff, including the president, traveled to the Democratic National Convention as Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party delegates. Holt, Len The Summer That Didn't End: The Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Project of 1964 (New York: Da Capo Press, 1965), 339–340. The campus also hosted SNCC volunteers, and a few Tougaloo students themselves participated in the Summer Project.Google Scholar

25 Beittel, Adam D. interview with Henderson, George 2 June 1965, Jackson, Mississippi, 1–2, folder Biettel, A.D. box 6, John Quincy Adams Manuscript Papers, Oral History Project, Millsaps College Archives, Jackson, Mississippi Google Scholar

26 Wilder, Robert O. to Beittel, A. D. April 20, 1960, folder 17, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Touglaoo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

27 Beittel's experience at Talladega is taken from Drewry, Henry N. and Doermann, Humphrey Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 148–152.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., 150, citing [no title], New York Times, 9 June 1952, 18.Google Scholar

29 The Tougaloo Board of Trustees included a racially diverse group from the North and South. African American members included Dickerson, Earl B. (Chicago, IL), Hunt, Blair (Memphis, TO), McCoy, A. H. (Jackson, MS), Olive, B. G. Jr., (Memphis, TO), and Willis, Nelson (Baldwin, MI). White members included Kenneth Brown (Clayton, MO), Hodding Carter (Greenville, MS), Lawrence Durgin (Providence, RI), Fain, Irving (Providence, RI), Fiers, A. Dale (Indianapolis, IN), Mary Dale Fiers (Indianapolis, IN), Wesley Hotchkiss (New York, NY), Renner, Mrs. Richard (Cleveland Heights, OH), Emory Ross (New York, NY), Stone, A. C. (Cincinnati, OH), Spragg, Howard (New York, NY), Mrs. [Mossie] Wyker (Berea, KY), and the Chairman, Robert Wilder (Warren, PA).Google Scholar

30 Writ of Temporary Injunction, Chancery Court of the First Judicial District of Hinds County, Mississippi, 6 June 1963, folder 374, box 8, Ed King Papers, TCA. The state of Mississippi understood Salter to be a white male, but Salter identified himself as a Wabanaki (Abenaki) Indian. Salter, John R. Jr., Jackson, Mississippi: An American Chronicle of Struggle and Schism (Malabar, FL: Krieger, Robert E. Publishing, 1979), 5.Google Scholar

31 “Tougaloo Bill Appears Dead,” Clarion-Ledger, 14 April 1964, Subject Files Tougaloo College, 1960–1969, MDAH.Google Scholar

32 Senate Bill No. 1672 of the Mississippi Legislature, Regular Session 1964, folder Accreditation Revocation (state), box Tougaloo College History, TCA.Google Scholar

33 “Action on Tougaloo is Due for Delay,” Clarion-Ledger, 6 March 1964, folder Accreditation Revocation (state), box Tougaloo College History, TCA.Google Scholar

34 Senate Bill No. 1794 of the Mississippi Legislature, Regular Session 1964, folder Accreditation Revocation (state), box Tougaloo College History, TCA.Google Scholar

35 Beittel, A. D. to Fidler, William [AAUP], 6 June 1964, Beittel, A. D. to Price, Hollis [President, LeMoyne College], 27 May 1964, and Beittel, A. D. to Gordon Sweet [Southern Association of Colleges and Schools], 6 June 1964, folder Accreditation Revocation [state], box Tougaloo College History, TCA).Google Scholar

36 Campbell, and Rogers discuss the attempted revocation of Tougaloo's accreditation in Mississippi: The View from Tougaloo, chapter 18.Google Scholar

37 In 1954, Tougaloo merged with Southern Christian Institute which increased foundational support but also enrollment and campus costs.Google Scholar

38 Beittel, A. D. to Members of the Board of Trustees of Tougaloo College, 1 September 1964, folder 94.01 Beittel retirement, box Beittel, A. D. Unprocessed; and Campbell and Rogers, Mississippi: The View from Tougaloo, 196.Google Scholar

39 [no author], “Church Group Cancels Support of Tougaloo,” Jackson Daily News, 20 September 1963, folder Board of Trustees Fall 1963, box A. D. Beittel Unprocessed, TCA. The Disciples of Christ financially supported Southern Christian Institute prior to its merger with Tougaloo College in 1954. Their funding continued after the merger, but the Mississippi branch ended its giving program in 1963.Google Scholar

40 Fain, Irving was a Providence businessman, and Lawrence Durgin was pastor of the Congregational Church in Providence.Google Scholar

41 Board of Trustees Minutes report their action as unanimous and with Board consent. It is unclear if any Trustees, whether African American or white, dissented. Ed King, in his interview with the author, mentioned that some of the Trustees were unaware of this special meeting and may have disagreed with the position taken (Ed King, interview with author, 28 August 2003, Jackson, Mississippi).Google Scholar

42 Hotchkiss, Wesley to Wilder, Robert 10 April 1964, folder Tougaloo College, 1964–65, box Miscellaneous Correspondence, Barnaby Keeney Office File Register, Brown University Archives [hereafter BUA], Providence, Rhode Island.Google Scholar

43 Beittel mentioned these factors in his letter of resignation, Beittel to Members of the Board of Trustees of Tougaloo College, 1 September 1964.Google Scholar

44 Beittel, A. D. to Keeney, Barnaby 5 April 1964, folder 18, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Touglaoo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

45 Keeney, Barnaby to Beittel, A. D. 9 April 1964, no folder, box 1, Brown-Tougaloo Collection, TCA.Google Scholar

46 Keeney, Barnaby to Durgin, Lawrence 9 March 1964, folder Tougaloo College, 1964–65, box Miscellaneous Correspondence, Barnaby Keeney Office File Register, BUA.Google Scholar

47 Keeney, Barnaby to Wilder, Robert 10 April 1964, folder Tougaloo College, 1964–65, box Miscellaneous Correspondence, Barnaby Keeney Office File Register, BUA.Google Scholar

48 Several letters expressed anger at the implication that Brown attempted to interfere in Tougaloo business. See Wilder, Keeney to 10 April 1964, Wilder, Hotchkiss to 10 April 1964; Miller, Merle to Hotchkiss, Wesley 13 April 1964, and Hotchkiss, Wesley to Beittel, A. D. 15 April 1964, no folder, box 1, Brown-Tougaloo Collection, TCA.Google Scholar

49 Hotchkiss, Wesley to Owens, George Mr. and Mrs. 20 April 1964, folder 18, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

50 Beittel remained in Jackson after his retirement and became Director of the Mississippi Program of the American Friends Service Committee. Reverend Ed King resigned in 1967, and joined the staff of Delta Ministry, an arm of the National Council of Churches.Google Scholar

51 Release, Press 18 May 1964, folder Beittel-Brown Connection, box Beittel, A. D. Unprocessed, TCA.Google Scholar

52 Ibid.Google Scholar

53 In his letter of resignation, Beittel stated that the College's assets grew from $1,648,423.35 in 1960, to $2,730,421.03 in 1964. Likewise, he reported a deficit of $34,982.67 in 1961, and a surplus of $15,486.41 in 1964 (Beittel to Members of the Board of Trustees of Tougaloo College, 1 September 1964, 2, TCA).Google Scholar

54 Beittel, A. D. to Board of Trustees, 29 May 1964, 2, folder Board of Trustees, box A. Beittel, D. TCA.Google Scholar

55 Johnston, Erle to Salter, John 17 August 1981, folder Brown University-Tougaloo College Cooperative Program, box Brown files on Tougaloo, Tougaloo Office File Register, BUA.Google Scholar

56 [no first name] Hopkins, to Erle [Johnston, , 2 April 1964, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-18-1-1-1.Google Scholar

57 Johnston, Erle to File, 13 April 1964, 1, 2, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-17-1-1-1.Google Scholar

58 Zero, Mr. to Sovereignty Commission, 5 May 1964, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-19-1-1-1 through 2-1-1.Google Scholar

59 Johnston, Erle to Hotchkiss, Wesley 17 April 1964, 1, 2, folder 18, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

60 Rogers, Shelby to Earle [sic] Johnston, [May 1964], 1, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-13-1-1-1.Google Scholar

61 Johnston, to File, 24 April 1964, 1, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-16-1-1-1. Ed King's name and title were blacked out in the record, but it is certain that he is the individual to whom the report refers.Google Scholar

62 Johnston, to File, 24 April 1964, 1 (both quotes).Google Scholar

63 Salter left Tougaloo in 1963.Google Scholar

64 For a discussion of Tougaloo's relationship with SCEF, see Johnston, to Hotchkiss, 17 April 1964 and Woods, Jeff Black Struggle, Red Scare: Segregation and Anti-Communism in the South, 1948–1968 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2004), 201–204. For a discussion of COFO, see Johnston, Erle “Report on Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, 1964–1967,” 6, folder 388, box 8, Ed King Papers, TCA. For a discussion of SNCC, see Johnston, to File, 24 April 1964. SCEF, COFO, and SNCC were interracial organizations dedicated to the end of racial segregation and the fulfillment of equal rights for all American citizens.Google Scholar

65 Ibid., 3, 5, 6.Google Scholar

66 Ibid., 6, 6, 8.Google Scholar

67 Johnston, Erle to (Governor) Johnson, Paul and (Lieutenant Governor) Gartin, Carroll 5 May 1964, Sovereignty Commission Files 3-74-2-23-1-1-1.Google Scholar

68 Johnston, Erle to Glazier, Herman 9 June 1964, folder Tougaloo College, 1964–65, box Miscellaneous Correspondence, Barnaby Keeney Office File Register, BUA.Google Scholar

69 Sewell, Elizabeth , Beittel “For A. D. “ 20 May 1964, folder 19, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

70 Held, John to [Wesley] Hotchkiss, 2 June 1964, folder 19, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

71 Anthony, Paul to Wilder, Robert 2 May 1964, folder 18, box 110, AMAA, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

72 Law, Reverend Bernard Duncan, Reverend Gray, M. Jr., and Perry, Rabbi Nussbaum, E. to Board of Trustees, 4 May 1964, folder 18, box 110, American Missionary Association Archives, Addendum (1869–1991, n.d.), Series A, Subseries Tougaloo Correspondence, ARC.Google Scholar

73 See Hotchkiss, Wesley to Lightborne, Reverend James Jr., 10 June 1964, no folder, box 1, Brown-Tougaloo Collection, TCA.Google Scholar

74 Douglass, Truman to Gibbons, Ray (Council for Christian Social Action), 5 June 1964, 2, no folder, box 1, Brown-Tougaloo Collection, TCA. Truman Douglass was the Executive Vice President of the United Church Board for Homeland Ministries and a friend of Trustee Wesley Hotchkiss.Google Scholar

75 Hotchkiss, Wesley to Spike, Robert 24 June 1964, no folder, box 1, Brown-Tougaloo Collection, TCA.Google Scholar

76 Thompson, Daniel Private Black Colleges at the Crossroads (Westport, CT.: Greenwood Press, 1973), 245–254 Google Scholar