Archives Nationales—AN

Bibliothèque Universitaire de Toulouse—BUT

Archives départementales de la Haute-Garonne—AD

1. Smith, Robert J., The École Normale Supérieure and the Third Republic (Albany, 1982); Rothblatt, Sheldon, “The Student Subculture and the Examination System in Early 19th Century Oxbridge”; McLachlan, James, “The Choice of Hercules: American Student Societies in the Early 19th Century,” and Jarausch, Konrad H., “The Sources of German Student Unrest, 1815–1848,” in Stone, Lawrence, ed., The University in Society (Princeton, 1974), v. 1, 247–303, v. 2, 449–494, 533–570 (the quotation is drawn from p. 533). Jarausch, , “Liberal Education as Illiberal Socialization: The Case of Imperial Germany,” Journal of Modern History, 50 (1978):609–630; Jarausch, , Students, Society, and Politics in Imperial Germany: The Rise of Academic Illiberalism (Princeton, 1982).Google Scholar

2. Actions not unknown elsewhere in Europe. Metternich's efforts to intimidate student movements in Germany through the Carlsbad decrees are well known. Less well known is the law of 1879 which authorized German officials to forbid associations if their existence endangered academic discipline—an effort to curb political and social dissent: see Jarausch, , Students, pp. 337–340. Earlier than in France, however, the Germans learned to tolerate the conservative corps as purveyors of elite values.Google Scholar

3. For the enrollment statistics reconstructed from the Annual Reports, the enrollment registers preserved in the BUT for 1841/42-1843/44; AD, 3160/62, for November 1910; and from Ministère de l'Instruction Publique, , Statistique de l'enseignement supérieur, 4 vols. (Paris, 1868–1900), see Burney, John M., “The University of Toulouse in the Nineteenth Century: Faculties and Students in Provincial France,” Ph.D. dissertation (University of Kansas, 1981).Google Scholar The 16 departments of the southwest are the Ariège, Aude, Aveyron, Basses-Pyrénées, Dordogne, Haute-Garonne, Hérault, Gers, Landes, Lot, Lot-et-Garonne, Haute-Pyrénées, Pyrénées-Orientales, Tarn, and Tarn-et-Garonne. 4. On the types of students assumed to be recruited into the law schools see Moody, Joseph N., French Education since Napoleon (Syracuse, 1978), p. 66; Harrigan, Patrick J., Mobility, Elites, and Education in French Society of the Second Empire (Waterloo, 1980), pp. 36, 41, 60–61, 70; and Harrigan, , “Secondary Education and the Professions in France during the Second Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 17 (1975):355.Google Scholar The figures for 1883 and 1910, although less reliable because of the large number of students who did not give their fathers' professions, nevertheless indicate a considerable shift from landowners to professionals among the fathers of law students. The decline in sons of landowners parallels the shifts of other European countries at the end of the nineteenth century as their societies urbanized and government bureaucracies and the professionalization of occupations grew. However, the sons of professionals remained a far more significant part of the Toulouse student body than in Europe at large. See, Jarausch, Konrad H., ed. The Transformation of Higher Learning, 1860–1930 (Chicago, 1983), p. 25.Google Scholar

5. Harrigan, , Mobility, p. 70. On the social and economic position of the propriétaires in the Toulouse region see Armengaud, André, Les populations de l'Est-Aquitain au début de l'époque contemporaine (Paris, 1961), pp. 79–84.Google Scholar

6. Laboulaye, Edouard, De l'enseignement de Droit en France et des réformes dont il a besoin (Paris, 1839), pp. 59–61.Google Scholar

7. “Statut portant règlement général concernant la discipline et la police intérieure des Facultés et des Écoles secondaires de médecine,” reprinted in de Beauchamp, A., Recueil des lois et règlements sur l'enseignement supérieur, 6 vols. (Paris: 1880–1909), I, pp. 521–528.Google Scholar

8. The statistics for 1841 are drawn from the enrollment registers cited above; for 1886/87 from the Annual Report of 1887.Google Scholar

9. On the law professors see Dauvillier, J., “Le rôle de la Faculté de Droit de Toulouse dans la rénovation des études historiques et juridiques au XIXe et XXe siècles,” Annales de l'Université des Sciences Sociales de Toulouse, 24 (1976):343–384; Deloume, Antonin, Faculté de Droit de Toulouse (Toulouse, 1905); and Bressolles, G., “De l'enseignement de Droit Civil en France depuis la promulgation du Code Napoléon,” Recueil de l'Académie de Législation de Toulouse, 18 (1869):296–330. The greatest expansion of the curriculum took place between 1880 and 1900, but the Dean had to admit that the new conferences which were created failed to attract students. Hauriou, Maurice, “Création de salles de travail pour conférences et cours de doctorat à la Faculté de Droit de l'Université de Toulouse,” Revue internationale de l'enseignement, 51 (1901):547–558. On their activities in the classroom see AN, F 17 13068. Inspection General of 1839, 1849, 1841; AN, F 17 4392, Inspector's report of April 11, 1845; Puzzo-Laurent, Monique, “La Faculté de Droit de Toulouse sous le Second Empire,” Mémoire de D.E.S. (Toulouse, 1973), pp. 74–76.Google Scholar

10. BUT, 106, Dossiers d'Étudiants; AD, 3807/352, Documents Statistiques, 1891/92. Of 119 students cited for nonattendance in 1843/44 (20% of the total number), 88 saw their enrollments restored when they provided adequate excuses and most of the rest returned to good graces after short periods of probation.Google Scholar

11. AN, F 17 4391, Rector of the Academy of Toulouse to the Minister of Public Instruction, May 7, 1839; AN, F 17 4392, Inspector's report of April 11, 1845. (All references to the Rector or Dean will be to the Rector of the Academy of Toulouse or the Dean of the Faculty of Law of Toulouse; references to Minister or Inspectors will be to agents of the Ministry of Public Instruction, unless otherwise noted.) Google Scholar In the Annual Report of 1896, Dean Paget explained an increase in the number of failures to 23% by the attitudes of the students: “They have listened to the errors and stories of their fathers and of their grandfathers to whom law studies left no other memory than the pleasures of a big city and the rapid reading of a manual on the eve of the examinations.” The number of baccalaureates in letters awarded in France grew from 3,914 in 1888 to 5,162 in 1898, swelling the ranks of the Faculty of Law as students sought a marketable degree. Complaints about the dedication of these students are numerous, for example, in 1911 Hauriou wrote, “It is very rare that they study law because they have some vocation for it. They study it because they do not know what else to study or they have their eye on a position which requires the diploma.” Revue internationale de l'enseignement, 61 (1913):67.Google Scholar

12. AN, F 17 13068, Inspection General of 1839; Puzzo-Laurent, , “Faculté,” p. 39. Similar figures can be found in 1869/70.Google Scholar

13. Duméril, Henri, “Toulouse il y a 60 ans,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Sciences … de Toulouse, 12e ser., 13(1935):199–213; 14(1936):87–100.Google Scholar

14. AN, F 17 13068, Inspection General of 1842; AN F 17 13069, Inspection General of 1844. Benoist, A., “Des conditions d'admission aux études d'enseignement supérieur,” Revue internationale de l'enseignement, 4(1882):131–137.Google Scholar

15. Duméril, , “Toulouse,” p. 92.Google Scholar

16. The law professors presented the students with a belief in the unity of law and a basically conservative defense of the bourgeois social system in nineteenth-century France, based on the ideas of equality before the law, individual liberty, and private property. This is best seen in the courses on political economy: Rozy, Henry, Le Travail, le capital et leur accord (Toulouse, 1871), and Arnault, Louis, Résumé d'un cours d'économie politique (Toulouse, 1879, 1893). See also such works as Molinier, Victor, Cours d'introduction générale à l'étude de Droit (Paris, 1842); Molinier, , Cours élémentaire de Droit constitutionnel (Paris, 1887); Paget, Joseph, “Questions d'Histoire sur la formation de notre droit public et privé,” Recueil de l'Académie de Législation de Toulouse, 31(1882–1883):108–144; and Bressolles, , “Droit Civil.” Google Scholar

17. Gillis indicates that after the “discovery of adolescence” in nineteenth-century England and Germany, clear bounds were marked between the end of secondary education and a period from 18 to 30 which he labelled “young manhood.” This term seems to fit the Toulouse students, who, while still financially dependent on their families, lived independently in the city, awaiting a marriage which usually came in the late twenties. Gillis, John R., Youth and History: Tradition and Change in European Age Relations, 1770 to the Present (New York, 1971), p. 103. Lourmière, Michel, et al., “La nuptialité à Toulouse de 1800 à 1848,” Mémoire de Maîtrisse (Toulouse, 1974), p. 138, indicates that marriage usually took place between the ages of 25 and 30. For examples of the expression of independence which young men felt upon entering the French Faculties, see de Combettes de Leabourlie, Louis, Souvenirs d'un étudiant. Toulouse en … (Toulouse, 1870), p. 248; and de Rémusat, Charles, Mémoires de ma vie, Tome I: Enfance et jeunesse (Paris, 1958), p. 239.Google Scholar

18. AN, F 17 13068, Inspection General of 1842, noted the number of students working seriously in Toulouse was very small and that most students spent their time in the cafés and theaters. Henri Duméril noted the reputation of Toulouse among the students at the time he first entered the Faculty of Law in the 1870s; but he also noted that students who lived with their families often did not partake of the city's entertainments: Duméril, , “Toulouse,” pp. 87–88. Lizop, R., “Emile Cartailhac: Vieil étudiant (1845–1921),” Bulletin de l'Université de Toulouse, 42(1933):291; and L'Étudiant de Toulouse, November 20 to November 27, 1892, also provide glimpses of this café life. L'Étudiant: Echo du Quartier Latin, February 1 and 8, 1896, a Parisian paper, indicated that students elsewhere, in this case Marseilles, had a similar passion for the cafés.Google Scholar

19. Agulhon, Maurice, Le cercle dans la France bourgeoisie, 1810–1848 (Paris, 1977).Google Scholar

20. BUT, 106, Mahuzies to Dean, May 20, 1843, he blamed this son's failure to attend classes in part on “the spirit of a young man enjoying an unaccustomed liberty.” Henry Pons wrote to the Dean, May 9, 1843: “I know that toward the end of Carnival the young men enjoy themselves (se dissipent) a little too much in the big cities and I demanded that my son come home and pass the time with his family.” Cantarel, September 3, 1843, feared the influence of the other students on his son: “I fear that frequenting young men who love their pleasures more than their studies has led my son on a bad road.” Some parents kept their sons home for the first year of study rather than risk the dangers of a large city. See the comments of Dean Dufour in the Annual Report of 1874. In 1892 of 178 students authorized by the Faculty not to attend classes, most of them because they held posts as professors, officers, clerks, etc., which prevented them from doing so, 35 were excused because their fathers refused to expose them to the risks of life in a large city. AD, report of Dean to Faculty Council, 1892.Google Scholar One father complained that if the Faculty continued to confront his son with his failure to attend classes, they would damage his chances of a future career: BUT, 106, Bonnefons, to Dean, , February 26, 1843.Google Scholar The expenses of law studies were estimated in the career manuals. An example, which calculated the costs of three years' study at the Faculty of Law of Paris to be 7000 francs, with the figure somewhat less in the provinces, is Charton, Edouard, ed., Guide pour le choix d'un etat ou dictionnaire des professions (Paris, 1842, 1851, 1880), 2nd ed., p. 60. The Dean's comments, AD, 3160/9, Dean to Rector, December 28, 1865, indicated that only 30 of 650 students did not intend to use the degree and said the Faculty rarely saw the sons of the “grandes families” who had no real need of a profession.Google Scholar

21. For the uses of a license degree in law see Jacquemart, Paul, ed., Professions et Métiers: Guide pratique pour le choix d'un carrière, 2 vols. (Paris, 1892), v. 1, p. 319; and Dieudonné, Alfred, Guide manuel de l'Étudiant en Droit, 1882–1883 (Paris, 1882), pp. 72–73. For a discussion of the difficulties in becoming an avocat see Charton, , ed., Guide, 2nd ed., pp. 50–51. The careers of graduates traced in biographical dictionaries such as Robert, Albertet Cougny, , Dictionnaire des Parlementaires français (Paris, 1889–1891, continued by Jean Jolly, Paris, 1960–1977); Vapereau, Gustave, Dictionnaire universal des contemporains (Paris, 3rd ed., 1865; 5th ed., 1880); and Villain, Jules, La France moderne , Tome, III, Haute-Garonne et Ariège (St. Etienne et Montpellier, 1913); as well as indications of future career plans found in Faculty correspondence for 1843/1814 in BUT, 106; for 1859 in AD, 3160/219; and for 1865 and 1866 in AD, 3160/9, appear to confirm the idea that the students' careers included the legal professions such as avocat, avoué, and notaire, as well as government posts as consuls, prefects, and careers in Enregistrements, Finances, Postes, and Foreign Affairs.Google Scholar

22. Le Midi Fédéral, May 14, 1898.Google Scholar

23. See Bouglé, Celestin, The French Conception of “Culture Générale” and Its Influence upon Instruction (New York, 1938).Google Scholar

24. Liberty from the “essentially negative and repressive” nature of discipline in the lycées, where general education was provided. See Anderson, Robert D., Education in France, 1848–1870 (Oxford, 1975), pp. 20–29. Laboulaye, , Droit, p. 60, expressed a concern for the apathy that might result among law students, “for whom liberty is a crucial need,” if they were subject to the same discipline as the secondary students.Google Scholar

25. German students meeting in Wartburg in 1848, for example, demanded such items as “the end of separate faculties and the restoration of the principle of unity; for the abolition of university attendance as a prerequisite for certain civil service jobs; for a greater role for the students in the election of academic officials and the appointment of professors; for student self-government and the abolition of separate academic courts; and for complete freedom of teaching and studying …” among others. McClelland, Charles E., State, Society, and University in Germany, 1700–1914 (Cambridge, 1980), p. 223; see also Jarausch, , “Sources.” Scottish students, particularly in Edinburgh, began to find a firm voice in the governing of universities with the establishment of the Students' Representative Council in the 1880s. Ashby, Eric and Anderson, Mary, The Rise of the Student Estate in Britain (Cambridge, Mass., 1970), pp. 9–10, 22–27.Google Scholar

26. Nastorg, Clement, “Les premiers années de l'Institut Catholique,” unpublished manuscript, n.d. (circa 1970). La Semaine Catholique, January 8, 1882, the diocesan newspaper, implored students not to desert the Catholic Faculty of Law and not to worry that official careers would be closed to them if they stayed in the Faculty, but its pleas had little effect.Google Scholar The concentration on a professional degree is demonstrated by a student writing in 1910, who complained that if students had a reputation for being lazy it was because they were required to take too many courses which did not have a direct bearing on their future careers, courses which he felt could be left in the Faculty of Letters. Toulouse-Université, v. 2 (April 1910).Google Scholar

27. De Beauchamp, , Recueil, v. 1, p. 162.Google Scholar

28. On these troubles see Vauthier, G., “Les étudiants en Droit en 1823,” Revue internationale de l'enseignement, 63(1912):264–268; Liard, Louis, L'enseignement supérieur en France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1888–1894), v. 2, 160–161; Coutin, André, Huit siècles de violence au Quartier Latin (Paris, 1969), pp. 167–183; and Spitzer, Alan B., Old Hatreds and Young Hopes: The French Carbonari against the Bourbon Restoration (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), pp. 37, 56, 229, 274. On the troubles in Toulouse, Fourcassié, Jean, Une ville à l'époque romantique: Toulouse (Paris, 1953), pp. 121–22; and BUT, 118, Deliberations of the Academic Council of Toulouse, July 1, 1820.Google Scholar

29. Spitzer, , Carbonari, p. 37, and Spitzer, , “Restoration Political Theory and the Debate over the Law of the Double Vote,” Journal of Modern History, 55 no. 1 (1983):54–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30. The full text of the ordinance is found in de Beauchamp, , Recueil, v. 1, pp. 439–445.Google Scholar

31. As shown by the regional character of student recruitment, this ordinance was successful, although the trend toward studying in the Faculty closest to your home may have started as early as the 18th century. Dumont, Albert, Notes sur l'enseignement supérieur en France, 1884 (Paris, 1884), pp. 4–5, found this regional recruitment was also true of other Faculties.Google Scholar

32. De Beauchamp, , Recueil, v. 1, pp. 521–528.Google Scholar

33. In 1822 the Royal Council of Public Instruction raised the punishments of two students caught in liberal demonstrations to exclusion from all Academies of the realm after the local Academic Council gave them lesser punishments. In 1824 the Royal Council raised the punishments for two students who were caught dueling from expulsion from the Faculty for six months to expulsion for two years. BUT, 119, Deliberations of April 17, 1822, and May 20, 1824.Google Scholar

34. Ibid., Deliberations of April 17, 1822; July 9, 1822; and May 14, 1824. Vauthier, , “Étudiants,” p. 265.Google Scholar

35. The original speech of this student appeared in La Gazette de Languedoc, March 5, 1844, and his letter appeared there on March 25. On his punishment, BUT, 123, Deliberation of March 17, 1844. This too is a case where the Ministry insisted on firmness when the Rector favored ignoring the incident. AN, F 17 4392, Rector to Minister, March 9, 1844; Minister to Rector, March 13, 1844.Google Scholar

36. AN, F 17 4392, Minister to Rector, March 17, 1846. Aminzade, Ronald, Class, Politics and Early Industrial Capitalism: A Study of Mid-Nineteenth Century Toulouse, France (Albany, 1981), pp. 51, 136–139, 178–179, cites students as being 8% of those noted in police reports as legitimist party activists from 1830–1870 (16 students), and as 11% (32 students) of those arrested or under surveillance as republican militants during the July Monarchy. No legitimist party leaders are cited as being students. Of the republicans, only 3 of 106 under active police surveillance from 1830–1844 were students, none of the 159 from 1845 to 1847. Out of 530 republicans under surveillance from 1849 to 1852, nine were students, but only two were noted as actual members of republican associations or secret societies. Most students who appear in Aminzade's tables of republican militants, do so for arrests for demonstrations and riots—varieties of protest quite similar to traditional forms of student action. The small percentage of students who may have been active disappeared during the Second Empire as the republican movement took on more of a working class tint. Given the thousands of students who passed through Toulouse during the July Monarchy and the Second Republic, these figures would make it difficult to establish a case for any student political activism.Google Scholar

37. AN, F 17 4392, reports of Inspectors, April 11 and April 21, 1845. La Gazette du Languedoc, March 15 and March 17, 1845, complained of the illegality of the measure and on March 28 attacked the Dean in print as did L'Émancipation, March 21, 1845. Thus the Dean was being attacked both from the right and the left. The students told their version of events in a letter to the Gazette, March 25, 1845.Google Scholar

38. Examples can be found in the weekly reports of the Dean of the Faculty of Law: AD, 3160/230, June 21, July 2, and July 19, 1862, after the arrests of some students for disturbances in the theaters; and AD, 3160/231, reports of May 28, and June 5, 1869, after troubles in the class of d'Hugues at the Faculty of Letters. The city officials weren't always so wise. Police reaction to demonstrations by students for discounts on theater tickets led to serious troubles in 1882, although on the whole the police tried to be cautious in dealing with the students. See the police reports in AD, 4 M 96, and Le Progrès Liberal, December 14 and 16, 1882.Google Scholar

39. Examples include the International Congress of Students at Liege, attended by 55 Parisian students, many of them subsequently punished, AN F 17 4402, report of the Vice-Rector of the Academy of Paris. A second Congress was held in Brussels in 1867 with far fewer students in attendance after radicals had used the first meeting as their own forum: Journal des Étudiants, April 17, 1867; Compte Rendu officiel du Congrès des étudiants (both published in Belgium). On attempts to form clubs at Montpellier and Nancy, the latter the first of the Associations générales: AN, F 17 4399, Dean of the Faculty of Medicine to the Rector of Montpellier, March 16, 1873; Logette, Aline, Histoire de la Faculté de Droit de Nancy (1768–1864–1914) (Nancy, 1964), pp. 195–196. Clubs of Catholic students which formed in many cities including Toulouse in the early 1870s appear to have merged into the new Catholic Institutes after 1877, see the reports to the Minister in AN, F 17 4400.Google Scholar The responses of the Faculties and Academies to the inquiries on disciplinary regulations are found in the Ministry of Public Instruction, Enquêtes et documents relatifs à l'enseignement supérieur , Tome, V: Discipline dans les Facultés et les Écoles (Paris, 1883), especially pp. 121–125. The decree of 1883 is found in the Beauchamp, , Recueil, v. 3, pp. 734–737. Later modifications made the language on discipline even less restrictive and turned the area over to the individual universities, see the decree of July 21, 1897, in ibid., v. 4, pp. 669–705.Google Scholar

40. The whole of Weisz, George, The Emergence of Modern Universities in France, 1863–1914 (Princeton, 1983), is important here but see especially pp. 55–133 on the interests the reformers were trying to meet. Weisz summarizes these attitudes in “The Anatomy of University Reform, 1863–1914,” in Baker, Donald N. and Harrigan, Patrick J., eds., The Making of Frenchmen (Waterloo, 1980), pp. 369–370.Google Scholar

41. Discours aux Étudiants (Paris, 1900), contains the speeches many of these men made to the Association générale des Étudiants de Paris; for example that of Lavisse on pp. 25–38. See also Lavisse, Ernest, Études et Étudiants (Paris, 1890); Liard, Louis, Universités et Facultés (Paris, 1890); and Gide, , “L'Association des Étudiants de Montpellier,” Revue internationale de l'enseignement, 13(1887):52–67.Google Scholar

42. Bruneau, William A., “The French Faculties and Universities, 1870–1902,” Ph.D. Dissertation (University of Toronto, 1977).Google Scholar

43. Rascol, Louis, Claude-Marie Perroud (1839–1919) (Paris, 1941), pp. 258–259. The original goals, including the idea of a maison des étudiants, were sketched in Association des Étudiants, Guide de l'Étudiant à Toulouse (Toulouse, 1890).Google Scholar

44. L'Étudiant de Toulouse, November 27 to December 4, 1892. This same issue justified the traditional type of student demonstration in the streets: “Certainly there are cases where students can and ought to demonstrate, that is when a flagrant injustice is done to them; when for example, one of them is the object of an arbitrary, unjustified punishment.” Examples of other meetings of students opposed to the Association can be found in La Dépêche, January 22, 1888; and AD, 4 M 107, police report, January 11, 1898.Google Scholar

45. On the Étudiants Socialistes, AD, 4 M 102, police reports of February 23, May 18, May 30, and November 21, 1894. Tougne, S., “L'opinion publique Toulousaine face à l'antisemitisme des années 1898 et 1899,” Mémoire de maîtrise (Toulouse, 1971), pp. 102–105; and police reports in AD, 4 M 107, on the Ligue antisémitique de Toulouse. Vidal, Georges, “Rapports sur les Associations des Étudiants,” Bulletin de l'Université de Toulouse (1899), pp. 285–286, reports on the clubs of Catholic students.Google Scholar

46. Association des Étudiants, Guide, pp. 7–9. Jean Jaurès cites the Association as one of the examples of the nascent university spirit at Toulouse in La Dépêche, July 30, 1890.Google Scholar

47. Vidal, , “Rapport,” pp. 282–284. The literary review of the group made a list of its merits, L'Association des Étudiants, 5(November 1895):14–15.Google Scholar

48. Vidal, , “Rapport,” pp. 287–289.Google Scholar

49. For an overview of these matters see Gerbod, Paul, “La sociabilité étudianté depuis 1870,” in Baker, and Harrigan, , eds., Frenchmen, pp. 507–517; and de la Fournière, Michel and Borella, Francois, Le Syndicalisme Étudiant (Paris, 1957), pp. 36–38. The latter claim that the Associations survived because they did not mix in political or philosophical questions.Google Scholar

50. Toulouse-Université, v. 1 (1909):38–42 [a student review which appeared in 1909, 1910, and briefly in 1914]. L'Étudiant, June 26, 1913.Google Scholar

51. L'Étudiant, May 15, 1913, June 10, 1911, April 1, July 1, July 8, 1911, February 22, 1912, July 24, 1913, June 4, 1914. In the issue of July 2, 1914, Renaut and Lalaurie attributed the ignorance among the students about the U.N.E.F. to the lack of an official journal, and blamed that lack on the Parisian students who feared that the provincial students might try to interfere in Parisian affairs. The writers stated that out of fifteen university centers, seven or eight possessed reviews, one to three had newspapers, but most of these had a literary character “très net.” Only their own paper was, in their view, concerned with “questions corporatives.” Google Scholar

52. Ibid., May 15, May 22, and May 29, 1913, for examples as well as, AD, 4 M 114, police commissioner to Prefect, February 13, 1912.Google Scholar

53. Weisz, , Emergence, pp. 274, 302–307.Google Scholar

54. See the table. The Faculty of Law still had more students than the other Faculties in 1900/01 with 1033 (500 of whom took enrollments, 277 only took examinations, and 306 remained on the rolls while doing neither), the Faculty of Medicine and Pharmacy had 689 students (435 for the doctorate in medicine), and the Faculty of Letters and the Faculty of Sciences both counted 188 students: University of Toulouse, Annuaire, 1901/02. A profound change was coming over the university, however, with the growth of technical institutes connected to the Faculty of Sciences. According to the Deans' reports in Documents sur Toulouse et sa région (Toulouse, 1910), by 1910 the Faculty of Law had 1332 students (709 of whom took enrollments), the Faculty of Medicine had 566 students, the Faculty of Letters 231 students, and the Faculty of Sciences 688 students, more than half of them in the institutes, 170 of them foreign students. Nye has figured that in 1886 the Faculty of Law accounted for 64% of the students in Toulouse, 9% were in Letters, 9% in Sciences, and 14% in Medicine. By 1927/28, only 20% of the students were in law, 15% in letters, 25% in medicine or pharmacy, and 40% were studying the sciences either in the Faculty or its institutes. Nye, Mary Jo, “The Scientific Periphery in France: The Faculty of Sciences at Toulouse (1880–1930),” Minerva, 13(1975):394.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. Pinner, Frank A., “Western European Student Movements through Changing Times,” in Lipset, S.M. and Altbach, P.G., eds., Students in Revolt (Boston, 1970), pp. 69–70.Google Scholar

56. Toulouse-Université, v. 1 (1909):40.Google Scholar