1 Hofstadter, Richard and Metzger, Walter P. The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 506. “Man” and “men” are in the original.Google Scholar

2 See, for instance, “General Report of the Committee on Academic Freedom and Academic Tenure,” The American Political Science Review 10:2, part 2 (May 1916): 6–25.Google Scholar

3 Ibid., 18.Google Scholar

4 Ibid., 14.Google Scholar

5 Ibid., 19.Google Scholar

6 Hofstadter, Richard Academic Freedom in the Age of the College (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 243. Hofstadter is particularly referring to colleges in the early nineteenth century, but the theme of avoiding or engaging in conflict is most pertinent to this essay.Google Scholar

7 See Metzger, Walter P. “The First Investigation,“ AAUP Bulletin 48 (September 1961), 207 ff; “Report of the Committee of Inquiry on Conditions at the University of Utah” (American Association of University Professors: July 1915); “Report of the Committee of Inquiry Concerning Charges of Violation of Academic Freedom at the University of Colorado,” Bulletin of the A.A.U.P. 2, part 2 (April 1916): 34–35; and Richard Hofstadter and Walter P. Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 498–506. See, also, Louis Joughin, Academic Freedom and Tenure: A Handbook of The American Association of University Professors (Madison, The University of Wisconsin Press, 1967). The essays in the appendices are valuable to understanding the larger distinctions.Google Scholar

8 Veblen noted that the “businesslike order and system introduced into the universities … are designed primarily to meet the needs and exploit the possibilities of the undergraduate school; but, by force of habit, by a desire of uniformity, by a desire to control and exhibit the personnel and their work, by heedless imitation … it invariably happens that the same scheme of order and system is extended over the graduate work also.” Thorstein Veblen, The Higher Learning in America: A Memorandum on the Conduct of Universities by Business Men (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1918/1993), 73.Google Scholar

9 Sinclair, Upton The Goose Step: A Study of American Education (Los Angeles: West Branch, 1923), 174.Google Scholar

10 Thurstone, L.L. “Academic Freedom,“ Journal of Higher Education 1, no. 3 (March 1930), 138.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 Charters, W.W. “Editorial Comments: Academic Freedom,“ Journal of Higher Education 7, no. 6 (June 1936): 337–338.Google Scholar

12 Barrow, Clyde W. Universities in the Capitalist State: Corporate Liberalism and the Reconstruction of American Higher Education, 1894–1928 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990): 142–153.Google Scholar

13 The Vanderbilt Archives were used to access files on Hart. Among letters and other information, the archives included a student petition from 1934 and signed by 183 students. With the help of Vanderbilt's Office of Alumni Programs, 49 surviving students of Hart were identified from the petition and contacted by mail. The mailing included a copy of the petition, a letter from Alumni Programs, a letter from the author regarding the project, and a stamped envelope addressed to the author to encourage correspondence. Of the 49 students identified by the Office of Alumni Programs, 13 responses were received. Of these, three indicated that the signer of the petition was deceased. Three more indicated no knowledge or memory of Hart, the department of education, or the controversy. Together with Hart's writings and secondary sources, the seven remaining letters from students were combined with archival material to piece together as detailed an account as possible regarding the contexts of Hart and Vanderbilt University.Google Scholar

14 Potts, Kenneth J. “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community“ (Master's thesis, Vanderbilt University, 1995). See chapter 1. Potts mistakenly notes that Hart was the third youngest of four brothers (p. 10). In a 1938 Superior Telegram article, Hart is pictured with four other brothers in two different photographs (one from 1906 and one from 1938). Another brother died in infancy. See “Brothers Reunited After 32 Years at Washburn Home,” Superior (WI) Telegraph, 11 July 1938, n.p.Google Scholar

15 Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,“ 10–15. Hart ultimately divorced Calvert and married Frances Stuyvesant Uhrig in 1929.Google Scholar

16 By “moral education” Hart loosely meant liberal arts grounded in practice. He was particularly concerned that schooling be neither too vocational nor too intellectual.Google Scholar

17 Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,“ 21. See, also, John Childs, American Pragmatism and Education: An Interpretation and Criticism (New York: Henry Holt, 1956), 213. Childs clarifies that it was Hart who introduced Counts to Dewey, in a course on ethics. As one indication of how Hart's success paled in comparison to Counts', Childs only mentions Hart once in the entire text, as Counts’ teacher. In contrast, Counts is the subject of an entire chapter (Chapter 8) and is mentioned throughout the text.Google Scholar

18 See Hart, Joseph K. “The Problem of Unemployment,“ Welfare: The Journal of Municipal and Social Progress 213 (1914): 18–21.Google Scholar

19 A new chairman, Frederick Bolton, was hired in 1912 to replace Edward O. Sisson without the consent of the faculty. Sisson brought Hart to Seattle and was a supportive of Hart. Bolton and Hart became adversaries. The university also faced resignations, state legislative politics, and campus scandals during this time that inhibited two searches for a president.Google Scholar

20 Landes wrote that “During the past three years, the personal antipathy, animosity, and distrust existing among and between you have increased steadily in intensity until now a state of bitterness exists between you which has destroyed the cooperation and coordination absolutely necessary for the successful administration of the department…. This condition of affairs has brought reproach to the institution and can be tolerated no longer.” Henry Landes to Dean Frederick E. Bolton, Professor Herbert G. Lull and Professor Joseph K. Hart, May 17, 1915, quoted in “Report of the Sub-Committee on the Case of Joseph K. Hart of the University of Washington,” submitted by Harry Beal Torrey, Chairman, W.D. Briggs, and O.K. McMurray, Bulletin of the American Association of University Professors 3 (April 1917), 13; Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,” 31. Importantly, Landes was not the person who hired Bolton, Thomas Kane did. Landes inherited the problems Kane left, then left, himself, when Henry Suzzallo was hired as president for 1915–1916.Google Scholar

21 [Seattle] Star, “Dismissal of Hart Will Be Given Hearing,” July 19, 1916, n.p., University of Washington Archives, President's File A-M, “Hart, Joseph K.” Special Collections Biography Pamphlet File.Google Scholar

22 Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,“ 23. Potts also cites a letter to H.P. Torrey from Lydia McCutcheon, July 30, 1916 (University of Washington Libraries, Manuscripts, and University Archives, Vertical File, Folder 1775); and “An Appreciation of Joseph K. Hart,” testimonial presented to Hart, Autumn 1915, signed by fifty Seattle community leaders, Reed College Archives.Google Scholar

23 Hart moved to Reed College, in Portland, Oregon, in part because of his AAUP case. William T. Foster, then president of Reed College had followed the Hart case closely. Only one year earlier Foster hired A.A. Knowlton, one of the fired professors from the University of Utah. Coincidentally, one of the investigators for the AAUP, Henry Beal Torrey, was also from Reed College. A further coincidence was the presence at Reed of former Washington colleague Edward O. Sisson (the department head who hired Hart and preceded Bolton), whom Foster had hired away from Washington in 1912 (beginning the problems which beset the department of education). While Torrey did not find facts to substantiate Hart's allegations of conspiracy, cover-up, and academic freedom infringement, he was struck by Hart's sincerity and character. Whether Foster and Torrey were in close communication about Hart is, at this point, speculative. Hart did send a letter asking Foster for a job, in May of 1916, but Foster initially refused on the grounds that there was no vacancy for Hart to fill. That changed in August 1916 and Foster ultimately offered Hart a job and Hart accepted. See Joseph K. Hart to William T. Foster, May 29, 1916, Reed College Archives; William T. Foster to Joseph K. Hart, August 17, 1916, Reed College Archives. See, also, Philo A. Hutcheson, A Professional Professoriate: Unionization, Bureaucratization, and the AAUP (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2000), 6–9; Walter P. Metzger, ed., Professors on Guard: The First AAUP Investigations (New York: Arno Press, 1977); Richard Hofstadter and Walter P. Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), 469–506; and Burton R. Clark, The Distinctive College: Antioch, Reed, and Swarthmore (Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1970), 104.Google Scholar

24 In spite of this fact, or because of it, Hart's time at Reed was productive. His book Democracy in Education was written during this time. See Joseph K. Hart, Democracy in Education: A Social Interpretation of the History of Education (New York: Appleton-Century, 1918). For more on Reed College, see Clark, The Distinctive College, 91–119. See, also, William T. Foster, “Reed College,” School Review 23 (February 1915): 97–104; and Merle Curti, The Social Ideas of American Educators (Patterson, NJ: Pageant Books, Inc., 1959), 542–580.Google Scholar

25 Hart was opposed to what Barrow chronicles as a use of institutions of higher education for corporate and war interests devoid of critique (and under the guise of patriotism). See Barrow, Universities and the Capitalist State, 142–153. See, also, Carol S. Gruber, Mars and Minerva: World War I and the Uses of the Higher Learning in America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1975); and Merle Curti, “The American Scholar in Three Wars,” Journal of the History of Ideas III (June 1942), 241ff; and Hofstadter and Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States. Google Scholar

26 See “The Case of Dr. J. K. Hart,” Reed College Archives, n.d. See, also, Dorothy O. Johansen, “History of Reed College,” unpublished manuscript, Reed College Archives, 121n. Google Scholar

27 Sinclair, The Goose Step, 177.Google Scholar

28 Ibid., 170.Google Scholar

29 Hart, Joseph K. Light from the North: The Danish Folk Highschools, Their Meanings for America (New York: Henry Holt, 1927), 8. See, also, Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,” 45–74.Google Scholar

30 Potts, See “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,“ 51ff. Potts gives a detailed account of the work Hart did during this period.Google Scholar

31 Hart, See Light from the North. Google Scholar

32 Ibid., 110–111.Google Scholar

33 Hart, Joseph K. Adult Education (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1927); idem., Inside Experience: A Naturalistic Philosophy of Life and the Modern World (New York: Longmans, Green, 1927); idem., Light From the North: The Danish Folk Highschools, Their Meanings for America (New York: Henry Holt, 1925); and idem., Prophet of a Nameless God: A Poem Founded on some Passages in the Books of the Kings and Rendering the Legend of Elijah into its Modern Meanings (New York: Harold Vinal, 1927).Google Scholar

34 Hart regarded John Dewey highly and shared in much of Dewey's worldview. Dewey, in fact, wrote the introduction to Hart's 1927 text, Inside Experience. See xxi-xxvi.Google Scholar

35 Hart, Inside Experience, 230–231.Google Scholar

36 Hart, See Adult Education. Google Scholar

37 Greene, Maxine The Dialectic of Freedom (New York: Teachers College Press, 1988), 7–29.Google Scholar

38 See Larsen, Lawrence H. The President Wore Spats: A Biography of Glenn Frank (Madison, WI: Worzalla Publishing Company, 1965).Google Scholar

39 Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,“ 82.Google Scholar

40 See (Madison) Capital Times February 11 and 13, 1930. See, also, Wisconsin State Journal February 8, 1930.Google Scholar

41 David Cronon, E. and Jenkins, John W. The University of Wisconsin: A History, 1925–1945 vol. 3 Politics, Depression, and War (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1994), 111. Meiklejohn was the force behind the Experimental College, which integrated liberal arts with community work in a version of “outreach” to the surrounding area. See, for example, Alexander Meiklejohn, Education Between Two Worlds (New York: Atherton Press, 1966). Hart is cited on page 75.Google Scholar

42 Hart was, indeed, nationally recognized. By 1929, his publications included 23 articles and 12 books. He had been the associate editor of The Survey, and was, at the time, a leading (if internally controversial) figure at Wisconsin. One of his most successful books, A Social Interpretation of Education, received widespread acceptance. One indication of his importance and success, as noted earlier, was John Dewey's introduction to Hart's Inside Experience, xxi-xxvi See, also, Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,” 84–89.Google Scholar

43 Joseph, K. Hart to James Kirkland, Vanderbilt University Archives, all in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

44 The $5,000 annual salary is important. As Potts notes, Hart's salary at Vanderbilt was the same as it had been at Wisconsin. On one view, this should have alerted Kirkland to the question “Why would a national figure leave an already esteemed university to join a much less established faculty for the same money?” In fact, $5,000 was an exceptionally high salary for Vanderbilt professors at the time. Whether word of his salary was known and fostered initial resentment is speculative, but only one other professor, Edwin Mims, made $5,000 per year. See Potts, “Joseph Kinmont Hart: Educator for the Humane Community,” 90. See, also, Paul K. Conkin, Gone With the Ivy: A Biography of Vanderbilt University (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1985), 360–362. The salary ultimately indicates the successful initiative of Walter Fleming, dean of the College of Arts and Sciences (until 1927 and who was replaced by Franklin Paschal), who wanted to elevate the caliber and quality of the Vanderbilt faculty. See, also, Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 351–367.Google Scholar

45 Hart, Joseph K. “Some Reasons for the Current Emphasis Upon Educational Discussions,“ in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” Emphasis in the original.Google Scholar

46 Ibid. Google Scholar

47 Ibid. Google Scholar

48 Conkin, See Gone With the Ivy, 166–173.Google Scholar

49 Ibid., 166. By adopting the “affiliation-without-funding” stance, Kirkland interestingly duplicated the position of the Methodist church in 1870s.Google Scholar

50 Ibid., 167. See, also, D.C. Gilman to Kirkland, April 8, May 13, 1905, Kirkland Papers, box 26, ff 27; Kirkland to Gilman, May 16, 1905, Kirkland Papers, box 24, ff 3; and Kirkland to Mary Kirkland, September 16, 1905, October 1, 1906, Merritt College Archives.Google Scholar

51 Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 169. See, also, Paul K. Conkin, Peabody College: From a Frontier Academy to the Frontiers of Teaching and Learning (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 2002).Google Scholar

52 Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 169.Google Scholar

53 Ibid., 170. See Sherman Dorn, A Brief History of Peabody College (Nashville, TN: Peabody College of Vanderbilt University, 1996), 7–28; and George Dillingham, The Foundation of the Peabody Tradition (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1989). For a more celebratory view of Kirkland's role, see Edwin Mims, History of Vanderbilt University (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1946), 227–235.Google Scholar

54 Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 178.Google Scholar

55 Ibid. Google Scholar

56 Kirkland to Payne, George Peabody College Archives, box 2109; Board Minutes, February 17, 1912 and July 2, 1912.Google Scholar

57 The south Nashville site was approximately sixteen acres and was already developed. The land adjacent to Vanderbilt was only fourteen acres, thus requiring Vanderbilt rather than Peabody to pay for the land-swap deal.Google Scholar

58 Conkin suggests that both men acted like spoiled children. Trivial irritants like fees and special restrictions for students taking courses were almost commonplace. Payne believed, correctly, that Kirkland had always wanted a close affiliation with Peabody, one in which Vanderbilt could determine overall educational policies. He argued that Kirkland wanted a dependent college of education in his backyard. Kirkland could not accept the fully independent and even brash new Peabody. He kept bemoaning the failure of his earlier courtship, what he once described as “the real disappointment of my life.'” See Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 292. See, also, Conkin, Peabody College, 129–154.Google Scholar

59 Johnson, Henry C. Jr., and Johanningmeier, Erwin V. Teachers for the Prairie: The University of Illinois and the Schools, 1868–1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972), 29. See, also, Jurgen Herbst, And Sadly Teach: Teacher Education and Professionalization in American Culture (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989); Lawrence A. Cremin, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876–1957 (New York: Vintage, 1961); David Tyack and Elisabeth Hansot, Managers of Virtue: Public School Leadership in America, 1820–1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1982); Ellen Condliffe Lagemann, An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Educational Research (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000), 1–17; and Gerald L. Gutek, Education and Schooling in America (Engelwood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1983), 346 ff. Google Scholar

60 Dorn, A Brief History of Peabody College, 20–23. See, also, Conkin, Peabody College, 155–175.Google Scholar

61 Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 293; Conkin, Peabody College, 235.Google Scholar

62 Cremin, Lawrence A. Shannon, David A. and Evelyn Townsend, Mary, A History of Teachers College, Columbia University (New York: Columbia University Press, 1954); and John D. Pulliam, History of Education in America (Columbus, OH: Charles E. Merrill Publishing Company, 1982), 113.Google Scholar

63 Pulliam, History of Education in America, 111.Google Scholar

64 Gutek, Education and Schooling in America, 345.Google Scholar

65 Ibid. Google Scholar

66 Hart, and Harris, Thomas M. (hired as a Teaching Fellow in Education in 1932). See Hart to Kirkland, May 28, 1932, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” Hart, in essence, was the department, while Peabody had 17 members before it even opened. See Dorn, A Brief History of Peabody College, 21–22.Google Scholar

67 Elizabeth Read to Deron Boyles, September 21, 2000, in author's possession. Hart's wife at this time was his second wife, Frances Stuyvesant Uhrig. The Harts were wed in 1929.Google Scholar

68 Kathryn, G. Millspaugh to Deron Boyles, October 25, 2000, in author's possession.Google Scholar

69 Adelaide Shull Davis to Deron Boyles, October 17, 2000, in author's possession.Google Scholar

70 Ibid. Emphasis in the original. Mims, of the English department, has already been noted, but D.C. Cabeen, of the Romance languages department, would prove to be a significant foe for Hart, resulting in Hart ultimately threatening to sue Cabeen for libel. See Hart to Kirkland, December 3, 1934, in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

71 Samuel, H. Moorer to Deron Boyles, February 7, 2001, in author's possession.Google Scholar

72 In a letter to Vanderbilt Chancellor James Kirkland, just after Hart's dismissal from Vanderbilt in 1934, Cabeen wrote in support of the chancellor's action. He includes the following: “During the Christmas vacation of 1931 I attended the meeting of the Modern Language Association at Madison, Wisconsin. I secured, (through a relative, Dr. Warren Weaver, then head of the department of mathematics at the University of Wisconsin), an introduction to Dr. J.C. [sic] Anderson, Dean of the School of Education at the same institution. Dean Anderson, who gave me permission to quote him, furnished me with the following information upon [sic] Dr. Hart: That from the beginning the latter had been a disturbing factor, finding fault with everything. Asked by Dean Anderson to give his idea of an ideal curriculum for a school of education, Dr. Hart outlined one which coincided almost exactly with the three courses which he (Dr. Hart) was then teaching, and assigning little value to any other courses in the School. Finding co-operation with Dr. Hart impossible, Dean Anderson, in the year 1929–1930, asked President Glen Frank to authorize Dr. Hart's dismissal, on technical and professional grounds solely. The latter, claiming that he was being persecuted because of his liberal opinions, worked up wide support among the radical papers of Wisconsin and members of the State legislature, and thus brought heavy pressure upon President Frank. Dean Anderson, backed by his Faculty, stood firm however, insisted upon Dr. Hart's dismissal, and finally secured it. Dean Anderson told me that he had learned that when Dr. Hart was being dismissed from a former position, in the Far West, (Reed College or the University of Washington, I do not remember which), the latter stirred up such feeling against the President (Dr. Suzzallo?) that he almost succeeded in getting him dismissed and himself (Dr. Hart) put into the presidency.” D.C. Cabeen to J.H. Kirkland, June 5, 1934, in Vanderbilt University Archives, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” Cabeen was incorrect insofar as Hart was never actually fired from Wisconsin.Google Scholar

73 Hart, Light from the North, 141–142.Google Scholar

74 Millspaugh to Boyles.Google Scholar

75 Read to Boyles. Interestingly, and as an aside, none of the students who responded remember Hart badly.Google Scholar

76 Hart, Joseph K. “The Relation of the Social Worker to Education,“ Journal of Social Forces 1, no. 5 (March 1923), 574.Google Scholar

77 In one way, Hart's stance came back to haunt him. That is, he, like many Vanderbilt faculty, also derided Peabody's standards. He became the object of similar criticism, however, and found himself on the defensive in much the same way Peabody faculty might have felt.Google Scholar

78 Joseph, K. Hart to James Kirkland, May 25, 1932, Vanderbilt University Archives, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” Emphasis in original. Hart added, “One additional point: five students, grades for whom do not appear in the above tables, dropped out of my classes in order not to incur low grades. If you will add in these five students B either as D's or F's, the showing of easiness will be still less sustained.”Google Scholar

79 Joseph, K. Hart to James Kirkland, January 24, 1933, Vanderbilt University Archives, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” “M.W.H.” wrote a note regarding Hart's grading and listed “high grade students'” grades to buoy the accusation against Hart that there was a problem with his grading practice. See note, initialed “M.W.H.” and corresponding listing, n.d., in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” One of the names noted was Mary H. Gunster, who received a B in Economics 1; A in French 16; C in Philosophy 11; B in Spanish 3; a withdrawal from French 20; and the infamous F in Education 11. A total of thirty one students have their grades listed on the small note card-size pages. While the education course grades each student received were their lowest, in three cases, Ds were received in one other class. Eighteen students who received D also had at least one C out of an average of 6 classes each. Eight students earned A or B in all classes except Hart's Education 11.Google Scholar

80 The Bulletin of Vanderbilt University, The Graduate School, Nashville, TN, 1990–1991, 33.Google Scholar

81 “Sign the Pledge On This Quiz, Faculty!” The Vanderbilt Hustler 30 March 1934, 1. In the next edition of the The Hustler, an errata qua “Quiz No. 2” appeared. “One week ago today,” the editorial read, “the HUSTLER published an editorial entitled ‘Sign the Pledge on This Quiz, Faculty!', which was conveyed in poor form and to a great extent misunderstood. The several instances of bad English may be attributed partly to haste and partly to the extent in which we were engrossed in the idea which we attempted to make plain. An unfortunate typographical error in the last word of the editorial was falsely interpreted by some readers as an intentional slap at the University.” See “Editorial: Quiz No. 2,” The Vanderbilt Hustler, 7 April 1934.Google Scholar

82 Nita, L. Shanks to Deron Boyles, September 28, 2000, in author's possession. See, also, Conkin, Gone With the Ivy: A Biography of Vanderbilt University, 363–367. In fact, West later admitted that he had “lifted” part of the editorial from a Saturday Evening Post article. See Herbert Sanborn to W.T. Hale, June 9, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934,” 8–9.Google Scholar

83 The Vanderbilt Hustler, 18 April 1934. As Conkin points out, some may think Kirkland's reaction a bit extreme—particularly those who lived through campus protests in the 1960s. In 1934, at Vanderbilt, and after Kirkland spent forty-one years (out of the forty-four years he would be chancellor) cultivating his ideal university, however, the reaction might even have been tame.Google Scholar

84 Ibid. Google Scholar

85 Hart received formal notice of his firing in a letter from Kirkland dated June 1, 1934. See Kirkland to Hart, June 1, 1934, Chanc. Off, RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” See, also, Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 364. See, also, Herbert Sanborn to W.T. Hale, Jr., June 9, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934,” p. 9. Sanborn, a professor of philosophy, wrote a scathing rebuke of the committee, the board of trust, and the chancellor in his letter to Hale, who was the Secretary of the Board of Trust. He questioned the authority of the committee, asserted that faculty rights had been violated, and claimed academic freedom infringement on the part of the university. He also severely criticized the logic entailed in the decision, drawing a parallel to a hypothetical in which the department of philosophy be closed at Columbia because certain powerful people did not like the work of John Dewey. Sanborn went so far as to state that Kirkland “himself, in a conversation held with me in his office considered the incumbent in the Department of Education [Hart] responsible [for the student newspaper editorial].” (p. 9)Google Scholar

86 “Meeting No. 20 (continued),” report of the Committee on Educational Policies of the College of Arts and Sciences, April 5, 1934, in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

87 Hart, Kirkland to June 1, 1934, op. cit. Google Scholar

88 Ibid. Fleming died in 1932 after retiring from Vanderbilt in 1929. While he was instrumental in a number of ways in getting the department started, one might wonder about Kirkland's speculative post mortem, especially as a justification for discontinuing the department.Google Scholar

89 Hart to Kirkland, June 4, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934,” 1.Google Scholar

90 Ibid. Google Scholar

91 Ibid., 3.Google Scholar

92 Ibid. Google Scholar

93 Ibid. Emphasis in the original.Google Scholar

94 Ibid., 4. One gets the sense that Hart's past experiences at Washington, Reed, and Wisconsin helped him form the polished due process language he uses.Google Scholar

95 Ibid. Google Scholar

96 Student petition, n.d. (circa 1934), Vanderbilt University Archives, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

97 Hart, Kirkland to June 4, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

98 Kirkland, Hart to June 9, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

99 Kirkland, Hart to July 22, 1934, Chane. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

100 Hutcheson, See A Professional Professoriate, 6–9.Google Scholar

101 W.W. Cook to Kirkland, September 19, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

102 Cook, Kirkland to September 28, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

103 Kirkland, Cook to October 1, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.” Ironically, Kirkland was the president of the American Association of Colleges (AAC) in the same year, 1925, as the AAC endorsed the AAUP guidelines. See Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 365.Google Scholar

104 Cook, Kirkland to October 4, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

105 Kirkland, Cook to October 15, 1934; Kirkland to Cook, October 17, 1934; and Cook to Kirkland, October 19, 1934, all in Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

106 Cook, Kirkland to October 22, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

107 Ibid. See Barrow, Universities and the Capitalist State, 194–203.Google Scholar

108 Kirkland, Hart to December 3, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

109 Conkin, Gone With the Ivy, 352 Google Scholar

110 Ibid. Google Scholar

111 Ibid., 353.Google Scholar

112 Ibid., 366.Google Scholar

113 Barrow, Universities and the Capitalist State. Google Scholar

114 Ibid., 195.Google Scholar

115 Cook, Kirkland to October 22, 1934, Chanc. Off., RG 300, “Joseph K. Hart, 1929–1934.”Google Scholar

116 Ibid., 195–196. See, also, Nicholas Murray Butler, Scholarship and Service (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1921).Google Scholar

117 See, for example, Hofstadter, and Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom in the United States, 498–506. See, also, James McKeen Cattell, University Control (New York: Arno Press, 1913/1977).Google Scholar

118 Ibid., 499. See, also, Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard, Parrington (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 285 ff. Google Scholar

119 Letter from McKeen Cattell, J. to Seligman, E.R.A. 8 March 1917, Cattell Papers, Columbia University Library, cited in Hofstadter and Metzger, The Development of Academic Freedom, 500.Google Scholar

120 Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians, 286.Google Scholar

121 “General Report of the Committee on Academic Freedom and Academic Tenure,” The American Political Science Review 10, no. 2, part 2 (May 1916), 19.Google Scholar

122 Unwilling, or unable, to sacrifice his principles at Vanderbilt, Hart (with some irony given Kirkland's long-standing dream of having a Columbia/Teachers College-type arrangement) went on to teach as an adjunct professor at Teachers College, Columbia and at the New School in New York City. His old student, George Counts placed him as a member of the editorial board of The Social Frontier, along with luminaries like Charles Beard, Merle Curti, Lewis Mumford, Boyd Bode, and John Dewey. Hart eventually retired, in 1940, to Amenia, New York and died in March of 1949 at the age of 73.Google Scholar