1 Straight was the creation of the American Missionary Association, founded in 1868. New Orleans University grew out of Union Normal. Vincent, Charles A Centennial History of Southern University and A&M College, 1880–1980 (Baton Rouge, LA: Charles Vincent, 1981), 3–6; and Fairclough, Adam A Class of Their Own: Black Teachers in the Segregated South (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2007), 192. See also, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Dwight The Evolution of the Negro College (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934); and Bullock, Henry A History of Negro Education in the South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967).Google Scholar

2 Pinchback also served briefly as Louisiana's governor during Reconstruction. Vincent, A Centennial History of Southern University and A&M College, 6–12; and “The New Southern University for the Education of Colored Students,” Louisiana Journal of Education 2 (January 1881): 269–72.Google Scholar

3 Vincent, A Centennial History of Southern University and A&M College, 63–91. See also, Frazier, James M. “The History of Negro Education in the Parish of East Baton Rouge, Louisiana“ (MA thesis, State University of Iowa, 1937).Google Scholar

4 Cade, John B. The Man Christened Josiah Clark (New York: The American Press, 1966), 96–99.Google Scholar

5 Clark served as Southern's president until 1938, when his son Felton took over. Vincent, A Centennial History of Southern University and A&M College, 111–16; Cade, The Man Christened Josiah Clark, 157–64; and Jackson, Shelby M. A Historical Sketch of Louisiana State Colleges, vol. 2 (Baton Rouge: State Superintendent of Public Education, 1960), 24.Google Scholar

6 Hurd, Michael “Collie J”: Grambling's Man with the Golden Pen (Haworth, NJ: St. Johann Press, 2007), v; Cade, The Man Christened Josiah Clark, 142–43; and Vincent, A Centennial History of Southern University and A&M College, 27–28, 133–35.Google Scholar

7 In the late 1880s, Richmond, Alfred leased a tract of land to white entrepreneur P. G. Grambling for a sawmill, and the community ultimately took his name. Doris Dorcas Carter, “Charles P. Adams and Grambling College” (MA thesis: Louisiana Tech University, 1971), 10–15.Google Scholar

8 Green, Allen meanwhile, continued to operate—now under the auspices of the Baptist church—until 1929. Carter, “Charles P. Adams and Grambling College,” 17–25; and Hurd, Collie J, 87–88.Google Scholar

9 Carter, “Charles P. Adams and Grambling College,“ 17–25.Google Scholar

10 Adams’ alliance with Huey Long kept him employed, and when the state's most powerful politician was assassinated in September 1935, the writing appeared to be on the wall for Grambling's president. In 1936, the school board asked for his resignation. Hurd, Collie J, 88–89.Google Scholar

11 In all of its various incarnations in these early years, Normal was a two-year institution. Davis, O. K. Grambling's Gridiron Glory: Eddie Robinson and the Tigers’ Success Story (Ruston, LA: M&M Printing Co., 1983), 16; Carter, “Charles P. Adams and Grambling College,” 30–36; and Hurd, Collie J, vi.Google Scholar

12 This phenomenon was by no means limited to Louisiana. Even on the major college teams of the CIAA and SIAC conferences, student-athletes often paid for their own equipment. Often student-body fundraisers helped defray the cost of keeping the school's football team solvent. Bullock, Henry Allen A History of Negro Education In the South: From 1619 to the Present (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), 172, 180–81; and Davis, Ryan J. and Gasman, Marybeth, “Path of Racial Uplift or Status Quo?: The Role of Sports at Historically Black Colleges and Universities,” in The Hidden Gifts of Black Colleges, ed., De Sousa, Jason (Sterling, VA: Stylus Publishers, forthcoming; unpublished manuscript in possession of the author), 5.

13 Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 15; New Orleans Times-Picayune, 30 January 1977, p. 15. See also Conley, Frances Swayzer Prez Lives!: Remembering Grambling's Ralph Waldo Emerson Jones (Victoria, BC: Trafford Publishing, 2006).Google Scholar

14 Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 15; and Grambling State Alumni Foundation, Grambling: Cradle of the Pros (Baton Rouge, LA: Moran Publishing, 1981), I. See also http://www.gram.edu/about/history.asp Google Scholar

15 Robinson even briefly tried to play for Southern before moving to smaller Leland College in nearby Baker, Louisiana. Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 3.Google Scholar

16 Southern University Digest, 1 November 1932, p. 1; 14 November 1932, p. 4, Cade, John B. Library Archives, Southern University and A&M College, Baton Rouge, LA.Google Scholar

17 Stovall, already an experienced oil man, moved to the area in 1917 from the Spindletop region near Beaumont, Texas. Linsley, Judith Walker Walker Rienstra, Ellen, and Ann Stiles, Jo, Giant Under the Hill: A History of the Spindletop Oil Discovery at Beaumont, Texas, in 1901 (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 2002), 1–4, 211–12; “Stovall, Fred A. “ in Eastern Louisiana: A History of the Watershed of the Ouachita River and the Florida Parishes, 585–86; and Burns, Ollie interview with Paul J. Letlow, 13 May 1992.Google Scholar

18 The date of Casino's opening is unknown, but one of Stovall's companies purchased the land in 1927 and the first reported activities at the facility appear in the local papers in 1930. On June 30, a 16-year-old girl drowned in the swimming pool of “the Negro amusement park two miles east of the city” after being “struck by a chair that fell from the lifeguard's tower in the center of the pool.” This is the first mention in Monroe's daily Morning World of what could be Casino Park. Memphis World, 18 September 1932, p. 5; Monroe Morning World, 27 June 1930, p. 1; 1 July 1930, p. 2; 14 July 30, p. 9; 10 October 1958, p. 5A; Peterson, Robert Only the Ball Was White: A History of Legendary Black Players and All-Black Professional Teams (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 122; Smith, DeMorris interview, 2 September 2004; Pittsburgh Courier, 9 April 1932, p. 4; “The Realty Investment Co. Ltd. to J. M. Supply Co. Inc.—Mortgage Deed, Sale of Land,” Record 79482, 23 April 1927, Conveyance Record, Ouachita Parish, Book 157, pp. 775–78, Ouachita Parish Clerk of Court; “J.M. Supply Co. Inc. to The Realty Investment Co. Ltd.—Mortgage Deed, Vendor's Lien,” Record 79482, 23 April 1927, Mortgage Record, Ouachita Parish, Book 129, pp. 707–10, Ouachita Parish Clerk of Court; “J.M. Supply Co. Inc. to Fred Stovall—Cash Deed, Sale of Land,” Record 139386, 21 May 1930, Conveyance Record, Ouachita Parish, Book 20, pp. 435–56, Ouachita Parish Clerk of Court; and Who's Who in the Twin Cities (West Monroe: H.H. Brinsmade, 1931), 167.Google Scholar

19 Insurance Map of Monroe and West Monroe, Louisiana, 1932 (New York: Sanborn Map Co., 1932), Composite, 18:28–30, 19:26; and “Property of the Heirs of William Thomas; Section 76, Township 18N, R4E” (maps) Plat Book, Ouachita Parish, Book 2, p. 2, 12. Ouachita Parish Clerk of Court.Google Scholar

20 Baseball historian Lowry, Philip J. cites these dimensions as of 1940. Ten years later, the fences were extended to 360 ft in left, 450 in center, and 330 in right. Lowry, Philip J. Green Cathedrals: The Ultimate Celebration of Major League and Negro League Ballparks (New York: Walker & Co., 2006), 135–36. Lowry's information came from interviews conducted with Negro League veterans at a 1982 Negro League Players Reunion in Ashland, Kentucky. Email correspondence with the author, 2 November 2006.Google Scholar

21 Herein lies another discrepancy in the historical record. The Southern University Register, the Bushmen's school newspaper, noted that the game was to be played at night. Casino Park did not have lights. But the only other option was Forsythe Park, the stadium used for Monroe's white minor league baseball team. That stadium was also the home of Neville High's Tigers. More than likely, Southern's expectation that the game would take place at night was not fulfilled. Casino Park seems the only logical venue for the event. Monroe Morning World, 14 October 1932, p. 7; 24 December 1932, p. 6; 25 December 1932, p. 9; 26 December 1932, p. 6; 27 December 1932, p. 6; and Southern University Digest, 1 November 1932, p. 1, John B. Cade Library Archives, Southern University and A&M College, Baton Rouge, LA.Google Scholar

22 See Aiello, Thomas “Black Newspapers’ Presentation of Black Baseball, 1932: A Case of Cultural Forgetting,“ NINE: A Journal of Baseball History and Culture 17 (Spring 2009: 31–44; Aiello, Thomas “The Southern against the South: The Chicago Conspiracy in the 1932 Negro Southern Baseball League,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 102 (Spring 2009): 7–27; Aiello, Thomas “The Composition of Kings: The Monroe, Louisiana Monarchs, 1932,” The Baseball Research Journal 35 (Spring 2007): 1–14; Aiello, Thomas “Negroes Are Different in Dixie: The Press, Perception, and Negro League Baseball in the Jim Crow South, 1932,” The Hall Institute of Public Policy—New Jersey (April 2007), http://www.hallnj.org; and Aiello, Thomas “The Casino and Its Kings are Gone: The Transient Relationship of Monroe, Louisiana with Major League Black Baseball, 1932,” North Louisiana History 37 (Winter 2006): 15–38.Google Scholar

23 Monroe's two dailies, the Monroe Morning World and the Monroe News Star, were not the only newspapers to ignore the game. In fact, Shreveport's black weekly, the Shreveport Sun, would be the only state newspaper to announce the existence of the game. The New Orleans Times-Picayune ignored the game. The Baton Rouge State-Times covered the LSU freshman team in depth, providing sustained analysis of the team's game with Ouachita Junior College, but never mentioned that the city's other team was also in Monroe for the Armistice Day holiday. The Ruston Daily Leader, Lincoln Parish's largest newspaper, mentioned nothing about the game in its Armistice Day coverage. The paper's only Negro coverage on Armistice Day was a crime report recounting the actions of Robert, and Bass, Henry “negro[es] living in Ward 7, on a charge of stealing hogs.“ New Orleans Times-Picayune, 12 November 1932, p. 9; Rouge, Baton State-Times, 10 November 1932, p. 18; 11 November 1932, p. 11; 12 November 1932, p. 8; and Ruston Daily Leader, 10 November 1932, p. 1; 11 November 1932, p. 1.Google Scholar

24 New Orleans Item, 6 May 1919, p. 8. See also, Aiello, Thomas “The Proximity of Moral Ire: The 1919 Double-Lynching of George Bolden,“ Ozark Historical Review, 35 (2006): 20–33.Google Scholar

25 Meanwhile, in Louisiana Negro Normal's home parish, Lincoln, Ruston High School played Ouachita Parish High School at home that Armistice Day, losing 19–0. Outlying high schools in Dubach and Lisbon played to a scoreless tie. The Louisiana Tech freshman team defeated Louisiana (white) Normal 2–0. The other college team in Lincoln Parish, Louisiana Tech, played the day following Armistice Day at Mississippi College in Clinton. They lost 20–7. Monroe News Star, 1 November 1932, p. 6; 9 November 1932, p. 7; 10 November 1932, p. 8; 11 November 1932, p. 12; 12 November 1932, p. 6, 7, 8; and Ruston Daily Leader, 9 November 1932, p. 1, 2; 11 November 1932, p. 1; 15 November 1932, p. 1.Google Scholar

26 Shreveport Sun, 11 October 1932, p. 5.Google Scholar

27 Southern University's school newspaper reported on the contest before the game. “November 11, Armistice Day, will find the Bushmen in Monroe, facing Coaches Jones and Joyner with their Louisiana Normal aggregation. This game will be played at night and the business fans of the City of Monroe and neighboring towns will have an opportunity to witness the gridiron battle.” But the paper, published every other week, used the space allotted for football to lament the school's loss to Alabama State the week prior. Though it acknowledged the game's existence, it did not report on its outcome. Southern University Digest, 1 November 1932, p. 1; 14 November 1932, p. 4; Cade, John B. Library Archives, Southern University and A&M College, Baton Rouge, LA.Google Scholar

28 Gasman, Davis and “Path of Racial Uplift or Status Quo?“ 7; and Miller, Patrick B. “To ‘Bring the Race along Rapidly': Sport, Student Culture, and Educational Mission at Historically Black Colleges During the Interwar Years,“ History of Education Quarterly 35 (Summer 1995): 119.Google Scholar

29 Op cit note 46 for New Orleans university distinction.Google Scholar

30 They would finish the season with losses to Texas College and Langston College. “Football Record, 1932,” Southern University of Baton Rouge Athletic Department; and Shreveport Sun, 29 October 1932, p. 1, 8.Google Scholar

31 Here exists a slight discrepancy in the historical record. Clark had given the annual Founder's Day speech—celebrating Southern's anniversary—on May 9. But the April 1 Southern University Digest noted that Clark had contracted malaria soon after. According to the student newspaper, his illness kept him away from the university for ten days, with Clark finally recovering on 28 March 1932. More than likely, the student newspaper's diagnosis of “malaria” was an illness less dire, disallowing Clark his fuller university schedule but allowing him to make the Monroe speech. Louisiana Weekly, 26 March 1932, p. 3; and Southern University Digest, 15 March 1932, p. 1; 1 April 1932, p. 1; Cade, John B. Library Archives, Southern University and A&M College, Baton Rouge, LA.Google Scholar

32 The legacy of Clark's influence still exists in the home of his football team's first contest with Grambling in the form of the J. S. Clark Magnet School, one of several similarly named schools throughout the state.Google Scholar

33 Watterson, John Sayle College Football: History, Spectacle, Controversy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 144.Google Scholar

34 The “Old Lou” would eventually fade as an L.S.U. moniker. Mississippi State would eventually abandon the nickname “Aggies” in favor of “Bulldogs.” And that year, 1932, Ole Miss would hold a student body election to select a mascot. With Tigers, Aggies, and Razorbacks around them, “Ole Miss” seemed inadequate. The students chose “Rebels.” Monroe Morning World, 15 October 1932, p. 1, 8; 16 October 1932, p. 1, 8.Google Scholar

35 Interestingly, though the myth became part and parcel of white Southern identity, the oral tradition itself was distinctly multiracial. Gorn, Elliot J. “‘Gouge and Bite, Pull Hair and Scratch': The Social Significance of Fighting in the Southern Backcountry,“ American Historical Review 90 (February 1985): 18–23, 27. See also Grantham, Dewey W. The Regional Imagination: The South and Recent American History (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1979).Google Scholar

36 Gorn, “Gouge and Bite, Pull Hair and Scratch,“ 27–33. Freudians would likely see in this phenomenon at least a de facto form of introjection—a shift in identity based on a perceived need. Introjectors take on the personality of friends, icons, sports teams in order to recover from a suspected lack in themselves. See Freud, Sigmund “Mourning and Melancholia,“ in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, vol. XIV (1914–1916), On the History of the Psycho-Analytic Movement, Papers on Metapsychology, and Other Works, ed. Strachey, James (London: The Hogarth Press, 1957), 236–58.Google Scholar

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38 Graves also noted, as have others, that the South has been the theater for many wars—and the Civil War in particular. With the resentment of Reconstruction and the “attack” of northern capital into the South following its 1865 defeat, that feeling of assault never abated. The resulting defensive mentality made the atavism of the violence-honor paradigm almost inevitable. McWhiney, Grady Cracker Culture: Celtic Ways in the Old South (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1988), 23–50, 146–70; Graves, John Temple The Fighting South (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1943), 5, 14, 15–18; Sanders, Marion K. Dorothy Thompson: A Legend in Her Time (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1973), 159–66, 184–87; Cash, W.J. The Mind of the South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941), 424–28; and Mencken, H. L. “The Sahara of the Bozart,” in The American Scene: A Reader, ed. Cairns, Huntington (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977), 157–68. For more on the Southern marriage of violence and honor, see Weaver, Richard M. The Southern Tradition at Bay: A History of Postbellum Thought (Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway, 1989), 43–56; and Tindall, George B. “Southern Mythology,” in The South and the Sectional Image: The Sectional Theme Since Reconstruction, ed. Grantham, Dewey W. Jr. (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), 8–22. For more on this critique, and on the critique of Cash in particular, see Eagles, Charles W. ed., The Mind of the South Fifty Years Later (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1992).Google Scholar

39 Barnhart, Tony Southern Fried Football: The History, Passion, and Glory of the Great Southern Game (Chicago: Triumph Books, 2000), 7–8.Google Scholar

40 Watterson, College Football, 316–18; and Kuettner, Al March to a Promised Land: The Civil Rights Files of a White Reporter, 1952–1968 (Sterling, VA: Capital Books, 2006), 23–24. Though some major Southern college teams integrated in the 1960s, integration in something more than a token form came in 1971, when Alabama's Paul Bryant integrated the Crimson Tide football team. On 12 September 1970, integrated USC trounced Alabama at Birmingham's Legion Field. It was all the convincing Bryant needed. And as Alabama went, so went the rest of “white” Southern football. Barnhart, Southern Fried Football, 8–9.Google Scholar

41 Watterson, College Football, 293; and Wyatt-Brown, Bertram Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 327. For more on the white Southern relationship with sport in the Old South see Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor, 339–61. See also Wyatt-Brown, Bertram Honor and Violence in the Old South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

42 Ernsberger, Jr. Bragging Rights: A Season Inside the SEC, Football's Toughest Conference (New York: M. Evans and Co., 2000), 3, 5. See also John, Warren St. Rammer Jammer Yellow Hammer: A Journey Into the Heart of Fan Mania (New York: Crown, 2004). For a contemporary analysis of the current state of this paradox, see Travis, Clay “Taking ‘The’ as a Spoil of Victory,” http://sportsline.com/spin/story/10567328/2 (accessed 18 January 2008), addressing the phenomenon of Southeastern Conference football teams chanting “S.E.C.” after major victories against teams from outside the region. It may also be useful to note the consistency with which historians and commentators use religion as a metaphor for explaining mainstream Southern college football. Journalist Tony Barnhart compared it to “that old-time religion.” So too have Walsh, Christopher J. Bolton, Clyde, Ernsberger, Richard Jr., Travis, Clay, and countless others. See Barnhart, Tony Southern Fried Football: The History, Passion, and Glory of the Great Southern Game (Chicago: Triumph Books, 2000), 6, 11; Walsh, Christopher J. Where Football Is King: A History of the SEC (Lanham, MD: Taylor Trade, 2006), 4; Bolton, Clyde Unforgettable Days in Southern Football (Huntsville, AL: The Strode Publishers, 1974), 11; Ernsberger, Richard Jr., Bragging Rights: A Season Inside the SEC, Football's Toughest Conference (New York: M. Evans and Co., 2000), 2–3; and Travis, Clay Dixieland Delight: A Football Season on the Road in the Southeastern Conference (New York: Harper, 2007), 2–3.Google Scholar

43 For more on the development of Southern black higher education, see Anderson, James D. The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Wolters, Raymond The New Negro on Campus: Black College Rebellions of the 1920s (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975); Willie, Charles V. and Edmonds, Ronald R. ed., Black Colleges in America: Challenge, Development, Survival (New York: Teachers College Press, 1978); The Commission on Colleges, Black Colleges in the South: From Tragedy to Promise (Atlanta: Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, 1971); and Roebuck, Julian B. and Murty, Komanduri S. Historically Black Colleges and Universities: Their Place in American Higher Education (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993). Most of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century black universities have also commissioned works individually examining school history.Google Scholar

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45 Gasman, Davis and “Path of Racial Uplift or Status Quo?“ 7; and Ashe, A Hard Road to Glory, 7–8, 23–24. For more on the development of black college football in the twentieth century, see Hurd, Michael Black College Football, 1892–1992: One Hundred Years of History, Education, and Pride (Virginia Beach: The Donning Co., 1993); and Chalk, Ocania Black College Sport (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1976).Google Scholar

46 The early century University of New Orleans was a Methodist institution unrelated to the current University of New Orleans, founded as an integrated university in 1958. In 1935, Straight and New Orleans would combine to form Dillard University. Streator, George W. “Football in Negro Colleges,“ Crisis 39 (April 1932): 129–30, 139, 141; “SWAC History,” http://www.swac.org/ssp/history (accessed 18 January 2008); and Wall, Bennett H. Louisiana: A History (Wheeling: Harland Davidson, 2002), 211, 290, 346.Google Scholar

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49 That said, the conferences surrounding Southern and Normal generally had better reputations than their larger counterparts. The Southwestern Athletic Conference remained largely uncontroversial, but the lack of criticism was surely due in part to the league's national irrelevance. The nearby Gulf Coast gained a measure of infamy for instating a rule that disallowed the suspension of a player if a formal protest was not made within seven days of the alleged infraction. Miller, “To ‘Bring the Race along Rapidly,'” 122–124; Streator, “Negro Football Standards,” 86; and Streator, “Football in Negro Colleges,” 130.Google Scholar

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51 Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 11; Hurd, “Collie J,” 179; and Grambling State Alumni Foundation, Grambling: Cradle of the Pros, 1–2.Google Scholar

52 “Prez” Jones, as he came to be called, would stay at Grambling until 1977, overseeing the exponential growth of the small two-year school into a full-fledged university. Hurd, “Collie J,” 179; Grambling State Alumni Foundation, Grambling: Cradle of the Pros, 1–2; and Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 5. See also Conley, Frances Swayzer Prez Lives!: Remembering Grambling's Ralph Waldo Emerson Jones (Victoria, BC: Trafford Publishing, 2006).Google Scholar

53 Miller, “To ‘Bring the Race along Rapidly,'“ 118.Google Scholar

54 By 1936, Ouachita Junior College had become Louisiana State University Northeast Center. Monroe News Star, 17 November 1936, p. 7; 20 November 1932, p. 11; 22 November 1932, p. 12; and Hurd, “Collie J,” 176–77.Google Scholar

55 There would also be other changes surrounding the institutions and organizations surrounding that 1932 season. Casino Park would become a white minor league baseball park in the 1940s before being razed the following decade. Louisiana State University Northeast Center, nee Ouachita Junior College, would undergo a series of name changes, eventually becoming Northeast Louisiana University, then the University of Louisiana at Monroe. Their mascot, too, would change, from the Indian to the Warhawk. Grambling would also undergo a final name change in the 1970s, becoming Grambling State University. LSU, like all major universities under the auspices of the NCAA, would abandon its freshman football team, USC would abandon its “squirrel-cage shift,” and New York University would abandon football all together. Davis, Grambling's Gridiron Glory, 7; and Pittsburgh Courier, 11 October 1947, reprinted in Hurd, “Collie J,” 180.Google Scholar

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57 Hurd, “ Collie J,“ 183–86.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., 182; For a general account of the event since its inception as the “Bayou classic” in 1974, see the game's official website, http://www.statefarmbayouclassic.com/history_theevent.shtml. See also Hurd, “Collie J“ 173–88.Google Scholar