As the world comes together through the WHO design and consultation process on a new medical counter-measures platform, we propose an enhanced APT-A (Access to Pandemic Tools Accelerator) that builds on the previous architecture but includes two new pillars – one for economic assistance and another to combat structural inequalities for future pandemic preparedness and response. As part of the APT-A, and in light of the Independent Panel on Pandemic Preparation & Response's call for an enhanced end-to-end platform for access to essential health technologies, we propose a new mechanism that we call the Pandemic Open Technology Access Accelerator (POTAX) that can be implemented through the medical countermeasures platform and the pandemic accord currently under negotiation through the World Health Assembly and supported by the High-Level Meeting review on Pandemic Prevention, Preparedness, and Response at the United Nations. This mechanism will provide (1) conditional financing for new vaccines and other essential health technologies requiring companies to vest licenses in POTAX and pool intellectual property and other data necessary to allow equitable access to the resulting technologies. It will also (2) support collective procurement as well as measures to ensure equitable distribution and uptake of these technologies.

Many governments employed mandates for COVID-19 vaccines, imposing consequences upon unvaccinated people. Attitudes towards these policies have generally been positive, but little is known about how discourses around them changed as the characteristics of the disease and the vaccinations evolved. Western Australia (WA) employed sweeping COVID-19 vaccine mandates for employment and public spaces whilst the state was closed off from the rest of the country and world, and mostly with no COVID-19 in the community. This article analyses WA public attitudes during the mandate policy lifecycle from speculative to real. Qualitative interview data from 151 adults were analysed in NVivo 20 via a novel chronological analysis anchored in key policy phases: no vaccine mandates, key worker vaccine mandates, vaccine mandates covering 75% of the workforce and public space mandates. Participants justified mandates as essential for border reopening and, less frequently, for goals such as protecting the health system. However, public discourse focusing on ‘getting coverage rates up’ may prove counter-productive for building support for vaccination; governments should reinforce end goals in public messaging (reducing suffering and saving lives) because such messaging is likely to be more meaningful to vaccination behaviour in the longer term.

This article identifies issues relating to the use of genetics and genomics in risk-rated insurance that may challenge existing regulatory models in the UK and elsewhere. We discuss three core issues: (1) As genomic testing advances, and results are increasingly relevant to guide healthcare across an individual's lifetime, the distinction between diagnostic and predictive testing that the current UK insurance code relies on becomes increasingly blurred. (2) The emerging category of pharmacogenetic tests that are predictive only in the context of a specific prescribing moment. (3) The increasing availability and affordability of polygenic scores that are neither clearly diagnostic nor highly predictive, but which nonetheless might have incremental value for risk-rated insurance underwriting beyond conventional factors. We suggest a deliberative approach is required to establish when and how genetic information can be used in risk-rated insurance.

The consequences of legal access to medical marijuana for individuals' well-being are controversially assessed. We contribute to the discussion by evaluating the impact of the introduction of medical marijuana laws across US states on self-reported mental health considering different motives for cannabis consumption. Our analysis is based on BRFSS survey data from close to eight million respondents between 1993 and 2018 that we combine with information from the NSDUH to estimate individual consumption propensities. We find that eased access to marijuana through medical marijuana laws reduce the reported number of days with poor mental health for individuals with a high propensity to consume marijuana for medical purposes and for those individuals who likely suffer from frequent pain.

Health systems’ insurance/funding can be organised in several ways. Some countries have adopted systems with a mixture of public–private involvement (e.g. Australia, Chile, Ireland, South Africa, New Zealand) which creates two-tier health systems, allowing consumers (groups) to have preferential access to the basic standard of care (e.g. skipping waiting times). The degree to which efficiency and equity are achieved in these types of systems is questioned. In this paper, we consider integration of the two tiers by means of a managed competition model, which underpins Social Health Insurance (SHI) systems. We elaborate a two-part conceptual framework, where, first, we review and update the existing pre-requisites for the model of managed competition to fit a broader definition of health systems, and second, we typologise possible roadmaps to achieve that model in terms of the insurance function, and focus on the consequences on providers and governance/stewardship.

This paper explores the keywords of ‘National’, ‘Health’ and Service’ in the road to the NHS in 1948. It uses a form of Qualitative Content Analysis to analyse key documents in the period leading to the ‘Appointed Day’ when the NHS was created in 1948. In terms of ‘national’, most documents favoured Local Authorities, with ‘National’ coming rather late in the day. For ‘health’, most of the documents ‘talk’ of a broad or ‘positive’ health, but they lack any specific details, and seem to focus on a narrower curative medical service. Finally, most proposals relating to ‘service’ are based on insurance and a ‘90% service’, with the free and universal (100%) service arriving rather late in the period. Clearly, the three keywords could be combined in many ways, resulting in many possible types of NHS. However, bringing them together suggests that it was probably only with Beveridge onwards that the three keywords of national, health and service (citizenship) combined to form Bevan's NHS.

The allocation of resources is a crucial part of political decision-making in healthcare, but explicit priorities are rarely set when resources are distributed. Two areas that have received some attention in research about legitimacy and priority-setting decisions in healthcare are the role of technical expert agencies as mediating institutions and the role of elected politicians. This paper investigates a political priority-setting advisory committee within a regional authority in Sweden. The aim is to explore how a political body can serve as a mediating institution for priority-setting in healthcare by disentangling the arrangements of its work in terms of what role it performs in the organisation and what it should do. The findings illustrate that promoting the notion of explicit priority-setting and the political aspects inherent in priority-setting in political healthcare management can contribute to consolidating political governance and leadership. There is, however, a complex tension between stability and conflicting values which has implications for the role of politicians as citizens' democratic representatives. This paper enhances our understanding of the role of mediating institutions and political properties of healthcare priority-setting, as well as our understanding of political and democratic healthcare governance in local self-government.

This paper considers whether and how managed competition arrangements could be introduced into the Aotearoa health and disability system. The paper describes the key features of the system, including new organisational arrangements established from 1 July 2022. It discusses major reforms and managed competition plans that were developed in the 1990s, with the managed competition plans abandoned fairly early on, as a result of major issues with the reforms that had been implemented and with problems in designing a fair payment system for competing health plans. The paper goes on to argue that the development of capitated, risk-bearing and competing Primary Health Organisations set up in the 2000s should be considered in terms of managed competition, and the paper points to the issues that have arisen in Aotearoa due to a lack of regulations that would have better supported the better achievement of effectiveness, efficiency, and equity goals over the past 20 years. Finally, the paper also looks ahead to whether and how managed competition might again be considered in Aotearoa and the extent to which the system currently includes key pre-conditions to support such arrangements.

This article discusses the results and prospects of the market reform in Dutch health care which came into force in 2006. Attention is paid to the results of the health insurance reform, the experience with the shift from passive to active purchasing and the impact of the reform on healthcare provision and cost control respectively. Other topics discussed are the consequences of the reform for administrative costs, institutional trust in health insurance, and the power balance in health care after reform. The central message is that the high expectations of the market reform have not come true. Dutch health care features a high degree of hybridity and there are indications that the system is becoming ever more hybrid: the system operates much less market-like than the market frame suggests. Currently, the policy narrative on the reform is changing. Policymakers and policy documents underscore the need for cooperation in provider networks and more state direction. The Dutch experience with health care reform illustrates the pendulum theory. After a period of a belief in competition and less state direction the pendulum in policymaking swings back to a belief in cooperation and a pro-active role of the state.

The Australian health system is characterised by high quality care by international standards, produced by a mix of public and private provision and funding of healthcare services. Despite good overall results, three issues are of concern. The first issue relates to the public procurement of healthcare, whose flaws have impacted individuals' access to care, and the high out-of-pocket spending. The second issue concerns the sustainability of the private health insurance market, given the government's goal of relieving cost and capacity from the public scheme, incentivising participation. Third, there are existing inefficiencies and inequities related to the duplication resulting from the interaction between public and private schemes. To ensure a sustainable, efficient and equitable health system, structural reforms are necessary to achieve long-term performance improvements. Using a framework for mixed public–private health systems, we assess the extent to which the Australian healthcare system achieves preconditions for efficiency and affordability in competitive healthcare markets.

Managed competition frameworks aim to control healthcare costs and promote access to high-quality health insurance and services through a combination of public policies and market forces. In the United States, managed competition delivery systems are varied and diffused across a patchwork of divided markets and populations. This, coupled with extremely high national health spending per capita, makes a more unified managed competition strategy an appealing alternative to a currently struggling healthcare system. We examine the relative effectiveness of three existing programmes in the U.S. that each rely upon some principles of managed competition: health insurance exchanges instituted by the Affordable Care Act, Medicaid managed care organisations, and Medicare Advantage plans. Although each programme leverages some competitive features, each faces significant hurdles as a candidate for expansion. We highlight these challenges with a survey of academic health economists, and find that provider and insurer consolidation, highly segmented markets, and failing to incentivise competitive efficiencies all dampen the success of existing programmes. Although managed competition for all is a potentially desirable framework for future health reform in the U.S., successful expansion relies on addressing fundamental issues revealed by imperfect existing programmes.

South Africa offers universal health coverage through large public and private systems. The private system is characterised by a regulated market for health insurance, referred to domestically as medical schemes. From 2000, the private system was undergoing a reform process consistent with theoretical approaches for regulated competition for health insurance. However, from 2008, the reform process was interrupted, leaving in place a partial framework which included open enrolment, community rating and regulated minimum benefits but excluded, inter alia, risk equalisation. The incomplete reform, however, provides an opportunity to examine the system outcomes that result from a partial approach. This paper therefore reviews the system outcomes of the partial reform using a descriptive data analysis. The findings then inform an evaluation of the extent to which the preconditions for regulated competition have been met as indicated by the theory of regulated competition in healthcare. The paper therefore highlights the areas where regulatory interventions need to be prioritised in South Africa to achieve the objectives of regulatory competition that are able to achieve access, fairness and efficiency. The analysis points to significant failures at the level of health insurance competition in South Africa with resulting outcomes consistent with the theory of regulated competition.

Systems of managed competition naturally seek the middle ground between competition and regulation. This debate essay makes the case for adjusting the level of regulation according to the characteristics of the submarket in question. We first develop a theoretical framework that can be used to identify the services in which relatively free competition will be beneficial. The framework is grounded in the economic literature and consists of eight criteria. Targeted regulatory tools are then discussed that can be used to structure submarkets in which these criteria are not (fully) met. Applying this framework and targeted interventions, regulators gain the flexibility to react to potential market failures, without foregoing the benefits of managed competition where it works well. This analysis is highly relevant for countries in transition to managed competition. Regulators can identify potential failure in submarkets for medical services, and apply the necessary regulatory tools to prepare for a smooth transition.

This article examines the effect of information and communication technologies (ICT) and democracy on early child health using data from 51 African countries. We first specify and estimate a panel data model using ordinary least squares and two-stage least squares over the period 2001–2019. We apply the Hodrick–Prescott filter before analysis. Our results show that the extension of mobile phone use significantly contributes to the improvement of early child health in Africa. This effect is indifferent to the state or the level of democracy. Also, the internet diffusion plays a positive role in early child health when the democracy environment improves and becomes better. We suggest policies in favour of a large access to ICT tools and internet infrastructure as well as the promotion of democracy in Africa to better prevent infant mortality.

Policies to decrease low-acuity emergency department (ED) use have traditionally assumed that EDs are a substitute for unavailable primary care (PC). However, such policies can exacerbate ED overcrowding, rather than ameliorate it, if patients use EDs to complement, rather than substitute, their PC use. We tested whether Medicaid managed care enrolees visit the ED for nonemergent and PC treatable conditions to substitute for or to complement PC. Based on consumer choice theory, we modelled county-level monthly ED visit rate as a function of PC supply and used 2012–2015 New York Statewide Planning and Research Cooperative System (SPARCS) outpatient data and non-linear least squares method to test substitution vs complementarity. In the post-Medicaid expansion period (2014–2015), ED and PC are substitutes state-wide, but are complements in highly urban and poorer counties during nights and weekends. There is no evidence of complementarity before the expansion (2012–2013). Analyses by PC provider demonstrate that the relationship between ED and PC differs depending on whether PC is provided by physicians or advanced practice providers. Policies to reduce low-acuity ED use via improved PC access in Medicaid are likely to be most effective if they focus on increasing actual appointment availability, ideally by physicians, in areas with low PC provider supply. Different aspects of PC access may be differently related to low-acuity ED use.

Primary care is often the weakest link in health systems despite its acknowledged central importance in promoting population's health at economical cost. A key reason for the lacunae is that both scholars and practitioners working on the subject typically underestimate the enormity of the task and the range of complementary measures required to build an effective primary care system. The objective of the paper is to highlight theoretical gaps and practical limitations to strengthening primary care. The challenges and difficulties are illustrated through a case study of China where primary care continues to struggle despite the government's strong political, financial and policy support in recent years. In this paper, we review the development of primary health care in China and how it is governed, provided, and financed, highlighting the gaps and misalignments that undermine its performance. We argue that governance deficiencies coupled with flawed financing and payments arrangements are major impediments to improving performance. China's experience offers valuable lessons for other governments seeking to strengthen primary health care.

This comparison of institutions of science advice during COVID-19 between the Westminster systems of England/UK and Ontario/Canada focuses on the role of science in informing public policy in two central components of the response to the pandemic: the adoption of non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) and the procuring of vaccines. It compares and contrasts established and purpose-built bodies with varying degrees of independence from the political executive, and shows how each attempted to manage the tensions between scientific and governmental logics of accountability as they negotiated the boundary between science and policy. It uses the comparison to suggest potential lessons about the relative merits and drawbacks of different institutional arrangements for science advice to governments in an emergency.

Health systems internationally face demands to deliver care that is better coordinated and integrated. The health system financing and delivery model may go some, but not all the way in explaining health system fragmentation. In this paper, we consider the road to care integration in two countries with Beveridge style health systems, England and Denmark, that are both ranked as highly Integrated systems in Toth's health integration index. We use the SELFIE framework to compare the policies and reforms that have affected care integration over the past 30 years in the two countries. The countries both started their reform path by reforming to introduce choice and competition, but did so in different ways that set them on different pathways. Nevertheless, after two decades, the countries ended the period with largely similar structures that emphasised the creation of a cross-sectoral governance structure. In the relatively centralised England, by introducing decentralised Integrated Care Systems, and in the relatively decentralised Denmark with a centralising element in the form of new Health Clusters.

It must have been early 2000, around the start of the new Millennium. I was working as a junior lecturer/researcher at the then Institute for Health Care Policy and Management at Erasmus University in Rotterdam, the Netherlands. Still barely familiar with Dutch health care as a policy system, let alone with European health care policy systems I decided that it would be a good idea to attend a seminar of the recently established European Health Policy Group. I had heard good stories about this new multidisciplinary group, founded by Elias Mossialos and Adam Oliver. My PhD thesis supervisor, Tom van der Grinten, also went there, as did some of my colleagues from the Department of Health Economics and Health Insurance, people like Erik Schut and Wynand van de Ven for example. They were close colleagues of me, although our respective disciplines from which we studied health care policy were different.

It is acknowledged that health technology assessment (HTA) is an inherently value-based activity that makes use of normative reasoning alongside empirical evidence. But the language used to conceptualise and articulate HTA's normative aspects is demonstrably unnuanced, imprecise, and inconsistently employed, undermining transparency and preventing proper scrutiny of the rationales on which decisions are based. This paper – developed through a cross-disciplinary collaboration of 24 researchers with expertise in healthcare priority-setting – seeks to address this problem by offering a clear definition of key terms and distinguishing between the types of normative commitment invoked during HTA, thus providing a novel conceptual framework for the articulation of reasoning. Through application to a hypothetical case, it is illustrated how this framework can operate as a practical tool through which HTA practitioners and policymakers can enhance the transparency and coherence of their decision-making, while enabling others to hold them more easily to account. The framework is offered as a starting point for further discussion amongst those with a desire to enhance the legitimacy and fairness of HTA by facilitating practical public reasoning, in which decisions are made on behalf of the public, in public view, through a chain of reasoning that withstands ethical scrutiny.