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The Quest for the “Community” of Q: Mapping Q Within the Social, Scribal, and Textual Landscape(s) of Second Temple Judaism*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 January 2018

Simon J. Joseph
Simon J. Joseph*
Affiliation:
California Lutheran University
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Abstract

Was there a “Q community”? There are many who think that any quest for a “Q community” is a fool's errand. In this paper, I revisit this vexing question by focusing on several distinctive textual coordinates with which we can map Q's author within the social, textual, and theological landscape(s) of Second Temple Judaism. Since the author of Q was capable of crafting innovative scriptural allusions and adapting inherited Jesus traditions, I suggest that Q is not an isolated “Galilean” phenomenon but a textual production that combines Galilean Jesus traditions in conversation with contemporary Jewish apocalyptic traditions and can be located alongside the wider “Essenic” networks that pre-dated and co-existed with the Palestinian Jewish Jesus movement.

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Articles
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 111 , Issue 1 , January 2018 , pp. 90 - 114
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 2018 

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Footnotes

*

This article represents an expanded version of a paper presented in the Q Section of the Annual Meeting of the SBL, Atlanta, GA, 21 November 2015. I would like to thank Alan Kirk and Daniel Smith for the invitation. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for HTR for their constructive criticism and comments.

References

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2 This article presupposes the theoretical validity of the Two-Source Hypothesis. For a recent methodological discussion, see Bazzana, Giovanni, Kingdom of Bureaucracy: The Political Theology of Village Scribes in the Sayings Gospel Q (BETL 274; Leuven: Peeters, 2015) 2–3 Google Scholar.

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7 Ibid., 245–46.

8 Ibid., 249.

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18 Ibid., 316.

19 Ibid., 317.

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37 Q 7:1–10; Q 10:13–15.

38 John S. Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention: Recent Studies on Q,” in Conflict and Invention, 1–14, at 4, describes relying on these place-names as “an extraordinarily weak argument.”

39 Tödt, Heinz Eduard, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition (trans. Barton, Dorothy M.; London: SCM, 1965)Google Scholar.

40 Tödt, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition, 268–69. See also Lührmann, Dieter, Die Redaktion der Logienquelle (WMANT 33; Neukirchener-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1969) 94–96 Google Scholar; Kloppenborg, John S., “‘Easter Faith’ and the Sayings Gospel Q,” in The Apocryphal Jesus and Christian Origins = Semeia 49 (ed. Cameron, R.; Atlanta: Scholars, 1990) 71–99 Google Scholar.

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45 Ibid., 188.

46 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 85.

47 Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention,” 5–6; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 200.

48 Vaage, Leif E., “How I Stopped Being A Q-Scholar,” in Scribal Practices and Social Structures Among Jesus Adherents: Essays in Honour of John S. Kloppenborg (ed. Arnal, W. E., Ascough, R. S., Derrenbacker, R. A. Jr., and Harland, P. A.; BETL 285; Leuven: Peeters, 2016) 213–31Google Scholar, at 222, rightly notes that The Formation of Q does not depend “in any way on one kind of historical subject having been the agent of the observed discursive patterns.”

49 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 84 [emphasis added].

50 Ibid., 85.

51 Ibid., 90–91.

52 Ibid., 94.

53 Ibid., 99.

54 Ibid., 100 [emphasis added].

55 Arnal, William E., Jesus and the Village Scribes: Galilean Conflicts and the Setting of Q (Minnapolis: Fortress, 2001)Google Scholar; idem, “The Trouble with Q,” Forum 3 (2013) 7–79.

56 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 85–117, surveying ἐκβάλλω (“dispatch”) (Q 10:2), οἰκετεία (“household slaves”) (Q 12:42), and θησαυρός (“treasure/storeroom”) (Q 6:45; Q 12:33–34).

57 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 9, 12. Cf. Arnal, “The Trouble with Q,” 62: “Do we have direct and reliable evidence for the existence, specifically in Galilee, of the office of κωµογραµµατεύς? No, in fact, we do not.”

58 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 165 [emphasis added].

59 Renan, Ernest, Vie de Jésus (Paris: Michael Levy, 1871 [1863])Google Scholar.

60 Arnal, William, The Symbolic Jesus: Historical Scholarship, Judaism, and the Construction of Contemporary Identity (London: Equinox, 2005) 21 Google Scholar.

61 Reed, Archaeology, 6. For examples, see Bauer, Walter, “Jesus der Galiläer,” in Aufsätze und Kleine Schriften (ed. Strecker, G.; Tübingen: Mohr, 1967) 91–108 Google Scholar; Grundmann, Walter, Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum (Leipzig: Wigand, 1940)Google Scholar. For criticism, see Heschel, Susannah, The Aryan Jesus: Christian Theologians and the Bible in Nazi Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Head, Peter, “The Nazi Quest for an Aryan Jesus,” JSHJ 2 (2004) 55–89 Google Scholar.

62 Lohmeyer, Ernst, Galiläa und Jerusalem (FRLANT 34; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1936)Google Scholar.

63 Chancey, Mark A., The Myth of a Gentile Galilee (SNTS MS 118: Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 170–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 Ibid., 5.

65 Moxnes, Halvor, “When did Jesus become a Galilean? Revisiting the Historical Jesus debate of the Nineteenth Century,” in Jesus – Gestalt und Gestaltungen. Rezeption des Galiläers in Wissenschaft, Kirche und Gesellschaft. FS Gerd Theißen (ed. von Gemünden, P., Horrell, D. G., and Küchler, M.; NTOASUNT 100; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2013) 391–409, at 407CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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69 Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention,” 4.

70 John Kloppenborg did not seem to originally identify Q 16:18 in any stratum (in The Formation of Q), but subsequently added Q 16:16, 18 to “the earliest level of Q” (Excavating Q, 146).

71 See especially Allison, Dale C. Jr., The Intertextual Jesus: Scripture in Q (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2000)Google Scholar.

72 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 97.

73 Robbins, C. Michael, The Testing of Jesus in Q (SBL 108; New York: Peter Lang, 2007) 158 Google Scholar, argues that “the absence of God in the world is paraded, effecting both an indictment of the temple and its ministry.” Olegs Andrejevs, “Q 10:21–22 and Formative Christology” (Ph.D. diss., Loyola University Chicago, 2013) 138–39, notes that “some accounting appears necessary for the fact that the devil can be present within the temple's sacred confines,” concluding that the text represents “a polemic against the Jerusalem temple establishment” (142).

74 Hultgren, Arland J., The Rise of Normative Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994) 37 Google Scholar.

75 Frenschkowski, “Galiläa oder Jerusalem?,” 548, notes that “Q enthält scharfe Jerusalemkritik, die sich gut aus der angespannten Lage der Jerusalemer Gemeinde erklären läßt” (549). Frenschkowski concludes that “Q ist ein, vielleicht sogar das entscheidende Dokument der Jerusalemer Urgemeinde . . . Q wurde in Jerusalem gesammelt und zusammengestellt – wenn auch aus galilāischem Traditionsgut” (549).

76 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 379.

77 Smith, Daniel A., The Post-Mortem Vindication of Jesus in the Sayings Gospel Q (LNTS 338; London: T&T Clark, 2006)Google Scholar.

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80 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 17.

81 Richard B. Vinson, review of Jesus and the Village Scribes, by Arnal, William, Int 56.3 (2002) 336 Google Scholar, finds the hypothesis “unpersuasive.” Cf. Dewey, Joanna, review of Jesus and the Village Scribes, ATR 85.1 (2003) 183–84Google Scholar; Pearson, “A Q Community in Galilee?,” 490 n. 59.

82 Arnal, Jesus and the Village Scribes, 151.

83 Horsley, Richard A., Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (New York: Harper & Row, 1987) 209–21Google Scholar.

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85 Arnal, Jesus and the Village Scribes, 157; Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence, 209–21; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, at 171, 211, 215.

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89 Ibid., 66. Cf. Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973) 90 Google Scholar.

90 Rollens, “Does ‘Q’ Have Any Representative Potential?,” 66–67.

91 Ibid., 67.

92 Ibid., 69.

93 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 265 n. 6.

94 Rollens, “Does ‘Q’ Have Any Representative Potential?,” 77, constructs a “dichotomy” between “viewing a text as a symbolic window versus regarding it as a discursive product.”

95 Ibid., 75, 74.

96 Ibid., 66, 77.

97 Ibid., 69, maintains that Q still provides “important data about the authors” and “demand[s] a certain social location for its authors.”

98 Eusebius reports how the Jewish villages of Nazareth and Kokhabe were the homes of the Desposynoi (Hist. Eccl. 1.7.14–15). Epiphanius tells us that the Ναζαρήνοι lived in Beroea, Pella, and Kokhabe (in the Transjordan) (Pan. 29.7.7–8; 30.2.8) but originated in Jerusalem (29.7.7).

99 Piper, Ronald A., Wisdom in the Q Tradition: The Aphoristic Sayings of Jesus (SNTS MS 61; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

100 Streeter, B. H., The Four Gospels: A Study in Origins (London: Macmillan, 1924) 230 Google Scholar, suggests that the sayings of Jesus were first preserved in Aramaic in Jerusalem and subsequently translated to reach a wider circulation, with “Q” being composed in Greek in Antioch.

101 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 316.

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103 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 123 n.17.

104 Kloppenborg, John S., “The Sayings Gospel Q and the Quest of the Historical Jesus,” HTR 89 (1996) 307–44, at 330 n. 101Google Scholar. Cf. Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 405 n. 72: “It would appear that a synthesis of Isaian texts was already in circulation by the time of the composition of Q” [emphasis in original].

105 James M. Robinson, “The Sayings Gospel Q,” REL 484. Unpublished Instructor's Class Notes, Claremont Graduate School, Fall 1992, 5.

106 Ibid., 5.

107 Collins, John J., “The Works of the Messiah,” DSD 1 (1994) 98–112, at 107Google Scholar. VanderKam, James C., “The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament,” BAR 41.2 (2015) 42–53 Google Scholar, 78–79, posits that 4Q521 and Q both drew from “shared traditions.”

108 Isa 26:19, 29:18–19, 35:5–6, 61:1.

109 Q's quotations (from the LXX) include Q 4:4 (cf. Deut 8:3); Q 4:8 (cf. Exod 20:8; Deut 6:13); Q 4:12 (cf. Deut 6:16); Q 7:22 (cf. Isa 29:18–19, 35:5–6, 42:6–7, 61:1–2); Q 7:27 (cf. Exod 23:20).

110 Sanders, E. P., The Historical Figure of Jesus (London: Allen Lane, 1993) 198 Google Scholar, identifies the divorce saying as “the best attested tradition” in the Gospels.

111 On the divorce sayings, see Fitzmyer, Joseph A., “The Matthean Divorce Texts and Some New Palestinian Evidence,” TS 37 (1976) 197–226 Google Scholar; Levine, Amy-Jill, “Jesus, Divorce, and Sexuality: A Jewish Critique,” in The Historical Jesus through Catholic and Jewish Eyes (ed. le Beau, B. F.; Harrisburg: T&T Clark, 2000) 113–29Google Scholar.

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119 The Qumran community may have anticipated future sacrificial worship (1QM 2.5–6).

120 See esp. 11QT 51.11–15; CD 5.6–9; 1QpHab 8.10, 12.8–10; 1QS 5.6, 8.3, 9.4.

121 See, e.g., Kloppenborg, John S., The Formation of Q: Trajectories in Ancient Christian Wisdom Collections (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987)Google Scholar; Piper, Wisdom in the Q-tradition.

122 Harrington, Daniel J., Wisdom Texts from Qumran (New York: Routledge, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Ten Reasons Why the Qumran Wisdom Texts Are Important,” DSD 4 (1997) 245–54.

123 Elgvin, Torleif, “Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Early Second Century BCE – The Evidence of 4QInstruction,” in The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years After Their Discovery: Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20–25, 1997 (ed. Schiffman, L. H., Tov, E. and VanderKam, J. C.; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society / Shrine of the Book, Israel Museum, 2000) 226–47Google Scholar.

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129 Braun, Willi, “Socio-Mythic Invention, Graeco-Roman Schools, and the Sayings Gospel Q,” MTSR 11.3 (1999) 225 Google Scholar, envisions “the social and the literary formation of Q in a school ‘space.’ That is, both the group and its document display an evident bent on investing in the power of text production . . . in response to the experience of displacement.”

130 Sandmel, Samuel, “Parallelomania,” JBL 81 (1962) 1–13 Google Scholar. Sandmel warned against extravagant claims of parallels but sought to “encourage” the quest for literary parallels, “especially in the case of the Qumran documents” and the New Testament (1) [emphasis added].

131 Johnson-DeBaufre, Melanie, Jesus among Her Children: Q, Eschatology, and the Construction of Christian Origins (HTS 55; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005) 42 Google Scholar, suggests that our readings should reflect “which of the diverse meanings of Christianity is both textually persuasive and ethically preferable for thinking about Christian identity in a diverse world.”

132 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 195.

133 Q 11:39–41, 11:42ab.

134 The Essenes numbered over four thousand men, women, and children in villages and towns (Antiquities of the Jews 18.1.5, 20–21; Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit 75). Josephus describes the Essenes as living “in every town” (Jewish War 2.124; A.J. 13.31.1).

135 On the “Essene Gate,” see B.J. 5.145. On Judah (at the time of Antigonus), see B.J. 1.78-80; A.J. 13.311–313. On Menachem (at the time of Herod the Great), see A.J. 15.372–379. On Simon (during the reign of Archelaus), see B.J. 2.111; A.J. 17.345–348.

136 Stowers, “The Concept of ‘Community,’” 249 [emphasis added].