^{page 109 note 1} Burton-Brown, T., The Coming of Iron to Greece (Wincle, Cheshire [1955]), 93Google Scholar; cf. Page, D. L., History and the Homeric Iliad (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1959) 118, 121Google Scholar (especially the italicized words).

^{page 109 note 2} Gurney, O. R., The Hittites, 2nd ed. (Harmondsworth, 1954), 36.Google Scholar References to the Hittites not specifically noted are from this work.

^{page 110 note 1} Erman, A., Life in Early Egypt, trans. Tirard, H. M. (London, 1894), 49.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 2} Lorimer, H. L., Homer and the Monuments (London, 1950), 36.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 3} Gurney, O. R., op. cit. 38.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 1} Wace, A. J. B., C.A.H. ii (1924), 467.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 2} De Bellis, ii. 22. 1.Google Scholar For N. Africa see Evagrius, , Ecclesiae Historia, iv. 29.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 1} Ecclesiastical History, trans. Sellar, A. M. (London, 1912), 203 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 2} de Chauliac, Guy, La Grande Chirurgerie (Paris, 1890), 167 ff.Google Scholar; Boccaccio, , Decameron, iGoogle Scholar; Baker, Galfridus le, Chronicon, ed. Thompson, E. M. (Oxford, 1899), 99 f.Google Scholar; Baluze, É., Vitae Paparum Avenionensium, ed. Mollat, G., i (Paris, 1914), 251Google Scholar; Gasquet, F. A., The Black Death of 1348 and 1349, 2nd ed. (London, 1908), 2, 19, 26, etc.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 3} Green, J. R., Short History of the English People (London, 1878), 241Google Scholar; Thompson, A. H., Trans. Bristol & Glos. Arch. Soc. xxviii (1915), 120.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 4} Previté-Orton, C. W., Shorter Cambridge Medieval History (Cambridge, 1952), 847.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 5} Manson's Tropical Diseases, 13th ed. (London, 1950), 276 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 1} Sophokles shows plague at Thebes destroying cattle and men, O. T. 26 (? 429 b.c.).Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 2} e.g. with ergot poisoning, as by Kobert, R., ‘Über die Pest des Thucydides’, Janus, iv (1899), 240 ff.Google Scholar; cf. Finley, J. H., Thucydides (London, 1947), 158.Google Scholar For further references see Williams, E. Watson, ‘The Sickness at Athens’, Greece & Rome, Second Series, iv (1957), 100 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 3} Epidemics, iii. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 4} Exod. ix. 10.

^{page 113 note 5} Deut. xxviii. 27.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 6} 2 Kings xx. 7.

^{page 113 note 7} Hooker, E. M., ‘Buboes in Thucydides?’, J.H.S. lxxviii (1958), 82.Google Scholar For other references see Williams, E. Watson, l.c. Gregory of Tours, op. cit. iv. 24Google Scholar (a.d. 571), writes ‘vulnus in modum serpentis’ for ‘a swelling like that from a snake-bite’; Fuller, T., The Church-History of Britain (London, 1655), 145Google Scholar, uses ‘Soar’ for the swollen glands of the King's Evil: ‘such Condescention in a King, to stroak that Soar’.

^{page 114 note 1} iii. 32.

^{page 114 note 2} Ibid. iv. 21.

^{page 114 note 3} Ibid. iv. 25.

^{page 114 note 4} x. 33.

^{page 114 note 5} Thuc. vi. 71.

^{page 114 note 6} Gurney, O. R., op. cit. 164.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 7} Cf. Iliad xxiii. 164.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 1} Gurney, O. R., op. cit. 60, 157.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 2} Woolley, L., A Forgotten Kingdom (Harmondsworth, 1953), 163.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 3} Gurney, O. R., op. cit. 164.Google Scholar K. Bittel found 50 examples of cremation among 72 burials of the period 1600–1200 b.c. There were extensive animal sacrifices, so that these might be royal or noble cremations. Cf. Lloyd, S., Early Anatolia (Harmondsworth, 1956), 138.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 1} Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 107.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 2} Petrie, W. M. F., Illahun, Kahun and Gurob (London, 1891), 16.Google Scholar

^{page 116 note 3} Exod. viii f.

^{page 116 note 4} Mrs. E. M. Hooker (op. cit.) thinks that the word usually translated ‘flies’ would be better rendered ‘fleas’; she suggests that the ‘frogs’ were probably rats, but were thus described because they came up out of the river mud. Cf. Diodorus Siculus, i. 10. 2, ‘the soil of the Thebaid at certain times generates mice in such numbers and of such size as to astonish all who have witnessed the phenomenon’.

^{page 116 note 5} A. Carr in Cambridge Companion to the Bible (Cambridge, 1904), 125. It has been objected that the Exodus must have been earlier because Merneptah, in his ‘Song of Triumph’, exults that ‘Israel is desolated, his seed is not’. This has been hailed as the first written mention of Israel; but the inscription of Idrimi of Alalakh (c. 1385) records that when he fled to Canaan he found refuge with the 'Apiru (Hebrews); Woolley, L., op. cit. 129.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 1} Ibid. 163.

^{page 117 note 2} Num. xiv. 37, xvi. 49.

^{page 117 note 3} Cf. Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 64Google Scholar; Gaster, T. H., Antiquity, xiii (1939), 304CrossRefGoogle Scholar; C. F. A. Schaeffer, ibid. xxix (1955), 228.

^{page 117 note 4} Desborough, V., Protogeometric Pottery (Oxford, 1952), 297 f.Google Scholar See Appendix, p. 125.

^{page 117 note 5} Skeat, T. C., The Dorians in Archaeology (London, 1934), 48.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 6} Tzetzes ad Lye. Alexandra 1141.Google Scholar

^{page 117 note 7} Livy, iv. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 1} Broneer, O., Antiquity, xxx (1956), 9 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 118 note 2} Gurney, O. R., op. cit. 38 f.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 3} Woolley, L., op. cit. 162.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 4} Cf. Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 35.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 5} Lloyd, S., op. cit. 192.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 6} ‘Philistines from Caphtor’: Amos ix. 7. Cf. Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 150.Google Scholar

^{page 118 note 7} Cf. Erman, A., op. cit. 49, 540Google Scholar; Hall, H. R., C.A.H. ii (1924), 275Google Scholar; Breasted, J. H., History of Egypt, 2nd ed. (London, 1951), 477.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 1} Num. xxv. 9.

^{page 119 note 2} For events in Greece I have relied mainly on Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. and (on cremation) J.H.S. liii (1933), 161Google Scholar; also on V. Desborough, T. C. Skeat, and O. Broneer, opp. citt., and Webster, T. B. L., From Mycenae to Homer (London, 1958), 136 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 3} Broneer, O., op. cit. 13Google Scholar; also A.J.A. lii (1948), 111 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 4} Webster, T. B. L., op. cit. 137.Google Scholar

^{page 119 note 5} Palmer, L. R., ‘New Light on the Bronze Age’, The Listener, 27 10 1960, 725 f.Google Scholar; this date (about 1200 b.c.) for the fall of Knossos would explain why Knossos and Pylos used exactly the same script. In Mycenaeans and Minoans (London, 1961)Google Scholar Palmer proposes 1150, mainly on the strength of minor linguistic changes which tend to show that Knossos, the centre of eastern Mediterranean trade, was more ‘up-to-date’ than Pylos, perhaps a provincial backwater.

^{page 119 note 6} Chadwick, J., The Decipherment of Linear B (Harmondsworth, 1961), 106.Google Scholar In 1200 Peisistratos the son of Nestor should have been king of Pylos, and aged about 40 (Od. iii. 413Google Scholar, xv. 197), and his cousin Melanthos (father of Kodros) a small boy. Orestes is said to have died in 1175.

^{page 119 note 7} Thuc. i. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 1} ii. 18. 8, iii. 1. 5; iv. 3. 3.

^{page 120 note 2} v. 76.

^{page 120 note 3} Homer and the Monuments, 39.Google Scholar The final sack of Mycenae and attack on Athens indicate a new wave of expansion by the Dorians; this apparently brought them to Crete also (c. 1100), whence Achaian refugees fled to the new Assarlik.

^{page 120 note 4} Skeat, T. C., op. cit. 29Google Scholar; Broneer, O., Antiquity xxx (1956), 16.Google Scholar

^{page 120 note 5} Misfortunes from wars and the plague did not touch the Achaians (of Achaia in the Peloponnese) so much as all the other Greeks; Paus. vii. 7. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 1} vii. 171.

^{page 121 note 2} Paus. ii. 13. 1Google Scholar, 26. 1 f., vii. 1. 9.

^{page 121 note 3} Op. cit. 271, 306 f.

^{page 121 note 4} Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 105.Google Scholar

^{page 121 note 5} Pendlebury, J., J.H.S. vii (1887), 64.Google Scholar

^{page 122 note 1} 1 Sam. v. 6 ff.

^{page 122 note 2} Woolley, L., op. cit. 171.Google Scholar Perhaps a recurrence of plague prompted the decision to abandon the old city and start afresh on a new site.

^{page 122 note 3} Tiglath-Pileser died that year, and Assyria collapsed in complete disorder for more than a century. We may remember that the army of Sennacherib was destroyed by plague when he invaded Palestine (701); and when in 655 Assurbanipal had to return from the subjugation of Egypt to suppress a revolt at home the whole of Assyria was swept by a disastrous plague from which it never recovered. Is it possible that Tiglath-Pileser brought more home from Carchemish than the ‘tribute’ which he had demanded?

^{page 122 note 4} 1 Sam. xxxi.

^{page 122 note 5} The Israelites had had a sharp reminder only a few years earlier. Smith, W. R. (Lectures on the Religion of the Semites, 2nd ed. [London, 1894], 372)Google Scholar writes that cremation was adopted in dealing with plague, but his reference (Amos vi. 10) does not support this. Many commentators have condemned the passage in 1 Sam. xxxi as corrupt, a convenient way of disposing of what is not understood. Cremation is not mentioned, but is clearly implied, in 1 Chron. x.

^{page 123 note 1} 2 Sam. xxiv. 15.

^{page 123 note 2} Amos iv. 10.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 3} Whether the Ionian migrations, starting soon after the earliest cremations in Athens, were influenced by a recurrence of plague there is a matter of pure speculation. That they were possible shows how greatly the population of the western Anatolian coast had been reduced since the time when Lukka and Arzawa had been able to repulse the Hittite army itself.

^{page 123 note 4} Cf. Tzetzes ad Lyc. Alexandra 1194.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 5} Lorimer, H. L., op. cit. 106, 108.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 6} Isa. xxxvii. 36.Google Scholar

^{page 123 note 7} ii. 141.

^{page 123 note 8} Precisely the same story is told of the Cretan Teucer and the foundation of the ‘temple’ of Apollo Smintheus in the Troad: οἱ γ⋯ρ μ⋯ες παρ⋯ Κρ⋯σι σμ⋯νθοι καλο⋯νται, Tzetzes ad Lyc. Alexandra 1307.Google Scholar

^{page 124 note 1} v. 4. 6.