Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-zzh7m Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T05:22:31.780Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Land ownership, tax farming and the social structure of local credit markets in the Ottoman Balkans, 1685–1855

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 May 2017

Irfan Kokdas*
Affiliation:
Izmir Kâtip Çelebi University
*
Irfan Kokdas, Department of History, Izmir Kâtip Çelebi University, Faculty of Humanities & Social Sciences, Izmir-35630, Turkey; email: irfan.kokdas@ikc.edu.tr.

Abstract

This article studies how the emergence of new political elites and changes in land tenure relationships shaped the socio-economic profile of local credit markets in the Ottoman Balkans between the late seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries. By using probate inventories and court records for the cities of Salonika (including Karaferye), Vidin and Ruse, I compare how the expansion of tax-farming institutions and the concentration of land ownership influenced the social characteristics of lending activities. I find that, in spite of institutional and political similarities, the evolution of local credit markets did not follow a homogeneous pattern. Contrary to the consensus view in the existing literature, local political and military elites, which most tax farmers and large landowners belonged to, did not play a dominant role as moneylenders. Civilians (such as merchants and artisans) together with other social groups, including janissaries and religious functionaries, provided the bulk of informal credit to local communities (including elites) in the three urban areas.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © European Association for Banking and Financial History e.V. 2017 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

This article is partially based on the findings of my PhD dissertation. I gratefully acknowledge the generous support of the State University of New York at Binghamton, Leibniz-Institut für Europäische Geschichte-Mainz and Forschungsbibliothek Erfurt/Gotha for my research project. I am also grateful to two anonymous referees and the guest editors of this special issue for their helpful comments and suggestions on previous drafts of this paper. The usual disclaimer applies.

References

Sources

Reg. #70-Reg. #205Google Scholar
Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 72; Reg. # 73; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 75; Reg. # 76; Reg. # 77; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 79; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 81; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 83; Reg. # 84; .Reg. # 85; Reg. # 86; Reg. # 87; Reg. # 88; Reg. # 89; Reg. # 90; Reg. # 91, Reg. # 92; Reg. # 93; Reg. # 94; Reg. # 95; Reg. # 96; Reg. # 98; Reg. # 99; Reg. # 100; Reg. # 101; Reg. # 102; Reg. # 104; Reg. # 105; Reg. # 106; Reg. # 103.Google Scholar
Reg. # 2; Reg. # 3; Reg. # 4; Reg. # 5; Reg. # 6; Reg. # 7; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 9; Reg. # 10; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 12; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 14; Reg. # 16; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 51; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 15; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 21; Reg. # 22; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 25.Google Scholar
Reg. # 43; Reg. # 42; Reg. # 40; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 307; Reg. # 310; Reg. # 50; Reg. # 35; Reg. # 66; Reg. # 168; Reg. # 47; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 34; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 25-a; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 48; Reg. # 54; Reg. # 55; Reg. # 56; Reg. # 59; Reg. # 60; Reg. # 61; Reg. # 62; Reg. # 67; Reg. # 63; Reg. # 68; Reg. # 64; Reg. # 65; Reg. # 69; Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 163; Reg. # 57; Reg. # 160-a; Reg. # 84; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 41; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 346; Reg. # 169; Reg. # 305; Reg. # 167; Reg. # 161-a; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 159-a; Reg. # 160; Reg. # 311-a; Reg. # 311-b.Google Scholar
Folio documents: Cevdet Maliye 2144/46; Ali EmiriTasnifi-III.Mustafa 6/383; Cevdet İktisat 1137/23; Cevdet Maliye 18/846,Google Scholar
Rumeli Ahkâm registers: Reg. # 9, Reg. # 10, Reg. # 12; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 55.Google Scholar
Büsching, A. (1785). Große Erdbeschreibung, Polen und Litauen samt den mit ihnen verbundenen Ländern; Das osmanische Reich in Europa, vol. 5, Trasslar.Google Scholar
Büsching, A. (1813). Neueste Länder- und Völkerkunde: Ein geographisches Lesebuch für alle Stände, Die europäische Türkei, vol. 14, Prague.Google Scholar
Abou-El-Haj, R. (2005). Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. New York: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Aydin, H. V. (1998). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Esham Uygulaması (1775–1840). PhD dissertation, Ankara Üniversitesi.Google Scholar
Barkey, K. (2008). Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berber Akif, M. (2014). From interest to usury: the transformation of murabaha in the late Ottoman Empire. MA thesis, İstanbul Şehir University.Google Scholar
Bozkurt, F. (2011/2012). Tereke Defterleri ve Osmanlı Demografi Araştırmaları. Tarih Dergisi, 54, pp. 91120.Google Scholar
Canbakal, H. (2007). Society and Politics in an Ottoman Town: 'Ayntāb in the Seventeenth Century. Leiden and Boston: Brill.Google Scholar
Canbakal, H. and Filiztekin, A. (2013). Wealth and inequality in Ottoman lands in the early modern period. Mimeo (draft prepared for AALIMS – Rice University Conference on the Political Economy of the Muslim World, 4–5 April 2013).Google Scholar
Ceylan, P. (2016). Ottoman inheritance inventories as a source for price history. Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History, 49(3), pp. 132–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cezar, Y. (1986). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Bunalımve Değişim Dönemi, XVIII. Yydan Tanzimat'a Mali Tarih. Istanbul: Alan Yayıncılık.Google Scholar
Cezar, Y. (2005). The role of the sarrafs in Ottoman finance and economy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In Imber, C. and Kiyotaki, K. (eds.), Frontiers of Ottoman Studies, vol. i. London: I. B. Tauris.Google Scholar
Çizakca, M. (1995). Cash waqfs of Bursa, 1550–1823. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 38(3), pp, 313–54.Google Scholar
Çizakca, M. (1996). A Comparative Evolution of Business Partnerships: The Islamic World and Europe, with Specific Reference to the Ottoman Archives. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Çizakca, M. (2014). Risk sharing and risk shifting: an historical perspective. Borsa Istambul Review, 14(4), pp. 191–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coşgel, M. and Ergene, B. (2012). Inequality of wealth in the Ottoman Empire: war, weather and long-term trends in eighteenth-century Kastamonou. Journal of Economic History, 72(2), pp. 308331.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Davidova, E. (2013). Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation-States: Through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s-1890s). Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dağli, M. (2012). Kütahya in the eighteenth century: transformation or the persistence of the old order? PhD dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Darling, L. (1996). Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560–1660. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ecchia, S. (2014). Informal rural credit markets and interlinked transactions in the district of late Ottoman Haifa, 1890–1915. Financial History Review, 21(1), pp. 524.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ergene, B. A. (2002). Costs of court usage in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ottoman Anatolia: court fees as recorded in estate inventories. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 45(1), pp. 2039.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ergene, B., Kaygun, A. and Coşgel, M. (2013). A temporal analysis of wealth in eighteenth-century Ottoman Kastamonu. Continuity and Change, 28(1), pp. 126.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Establet, C. (2015). Damascene artisans around 1700. In Faroqhi, S. (ed.), Bread from the Lion's Mouth: Artisans Struggling for a Livelihood in Ottoman Cities. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books.Google Scholar
Faroqhi, S. (1998). Zeytin Diyarında Güçve Servet: Edremit Ayanından Müridzade Hacı Mehmed Ağa'nın Siyasive Ekonomik Faaliyetleri. In Keyder, Ç. and Tabak, F. (eds.), Osmanlı’da Toprak Mülkiyeti ve Ticari Tarım. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.Google Scholar
Gara, E. (2005). Moneylenders and landowners: in search of urban Muslim elites in the early modern Balkans. In Anastasopoulos, A. (ed.), Provincial Elites in the Ottoman Empire. Rethymnon: Crete University Press.Google Scholar
Genç, M. (2000). Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Devletve Ekonomi. Istanbul: Ötüken.Google Scholar
Göçek Müge, F. (1996). Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gradeva, R. (2012). Between hinterland and frontier: Ottoman Vidin, fifteenth to eighteenth centuries. Proceedings of the British Academy, 156, pp. 331–52.Google Scholar
Hanna, N. (2002). Money, Land and Trade: An Economic History of the Muslim Mediterranean. London: I. B. Tauris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hanna, N. (2003). In Praise of Books: A Cultural History of Cairo's Middle Class, Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. New York: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Ianeva, S. (2009). Financing the state? Tax-farming as a source of individual wealth in the nineteenth century. Oriens, 37, pp. 209–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inalcik, H. (1992). Tanzimat ve Bulgar Meselesi. İstanbul: Eren.Google Scholar
Inalcik, H. (1998). Çiftliklerin Doğuşu: Devlet, Toprak Sahipleri ve Kiracılar. In Keyder, Ç. and Tabak, F. (eds.), Osmanlı’da Toprak Mülkiyeti ve Ticari Tarım. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.Google Scholar
Jennings, R. (1973). Loans and credit in early seventeenth century Ottoman judicial records: the Sharia court of Anatolian Kayseri. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 16, pp. 168216.Google Scholar
Kokdas, I. (2014). Money, peasant mobility, ciftliks, and local politics in Salonika, 1740–1820. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 34(1), pp. 135–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kotzageorgıs, F. (2012). Όψειςπρώιμηςνεωτερικότητας: Οι διαμάχες στηχριστιανικήκοινότητα της Θεσσαλονίκης (τέλη 17ου-αρχές 18ουαιώνα) [Aspects of early modernity: disputes within the Christian community of Thessaloniki (late 17th – early 18th century)]. In Salakidis, C. (ed.), Τουρκολογικά. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον Αναστάσιο Κ. Ιορδάνογλου [Turkish Studies: Honorary Volume for Anastasios K. Iordanoglou]. Thessaloniki.Google Scholar
Kuran, T. (ed) (2013). Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam – Social and Economic Life in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Glimpses from Court Records, vol. 10. Istanbul: Türkiyeİş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.Google Scholar
Mandaville, J. (1979). Usurious piety: the cash waqf controversy in the Ottoman Empire. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 10(3), pp. 289308.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mcgowan, B. (1981). Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for the Land 1600–1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Mcgowan, B. (1994). The age of the Ayans, 1699–1812. In Faroqhi, S., McGowan, B., Quataert, D. and Pamuk, Ş. (eds.), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol. 2: 1600–1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Özvar, E. (2003). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Malikâne Uygulaması. Istanbul: Kitabevi.Google Scholar
Pamuk, Ş. (2000). A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Pamuk, Ş. and Karaman, K. (2010). Ottoman state finances in European perspective, 1500–1914. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 70(3), pp. 593629.Google Scholar
Pomeranz, K. (2000). The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lampe, J. R. and Jackson, M. (1982). Balkan Economic History, 1550–1950: From Imperial Borderlands to Developing Nations. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.Google Scholar
Rizk Khoury, D. (1997). State and Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540–1834. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Salzmann, A. (1993). An ancien régime revisited: privatization and political economy in the 18th century Ottoman Empire. Politics & Society, 21, pp. 393423.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Salzmann, A. (1995). Measures of empire: tax farmers and the Ottoman ancien régime. PhD dissertation, Columbia University.Google Scholar
Salzmann, A. (2004). Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire: Rival Paths to the Modern State. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Soltow, L. and Van Zanden, J. L. (1998). Income and Wealth Inequality in the Netherlands, 16th to 20th Century. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis.Google Scholar
Stoianovich, T. (1960). The conquering Balkan orthodox merchant. Journal of Economic History, 20(2), pp. 243313.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Svoronos, N. (1956). Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle. Paris: PUF.Google Scholar
Tezcan, B. (2010). The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Todorov, N. (1983). The Balkan City, 1400–1900. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press.Google Scholar
Tülüveli, G. (2005). Honorific titles in Ottoman parlance: a reevaluation. International Journal of Turkish Studies, 11, pp. 1727.Google Scholar
Ursinus, M. (1984). Zur Geschichte des Patronats: patrocinium, himaya und der'uhdecilik. Die Welt des Islams, 23–4, pp. 476–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wilkins, C. (2010). Forging Urban Solidarities: Ottoman Aleppo 1640–1700. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Yaycioglu, A. (2016). Partners of the Empire: The Crisis of the Ottoman Order in the Age of Revolutions. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Yilmaz, G. (2011). The economic and social roles of janissaries in a seventeenth century Ottoman city: the case of Istanbul. PhD dissertation, McGill University.Google Scholar
Yi, E. (2004). Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Fluidity and Leverage. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zens, R. (2004). The Ayanlık and Pasvanoğlu Osman Paşa of Vidin in the age of Ottoman social change: 1791–1815. PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison.Google Scholar
Reg. #70-Reg. #205Google Scholar
Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 72; Reg. # 73; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 75; Reg. # 76; Reg. # 77; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 79; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 81; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 83; Reg. # 84; .Reg. # 85; Reg. # 86; Reg. # 87; Reg. # 88; Reg. # 89; Reg. # 90; Reg. # 91, Reg. # 92; Reg. # 93; Reg. # 94; Reg. # 95; Reg. # 96; Reg. # 98; Reg. # 99; Reg. # 100; Reg. # 101; Reg. # 102; Reg. # 104; Reg. # 105; Reg. # 106; Reg. # 103.Google Scholar
Reg. # 2; Reg. # 3; Reg. # 4; Reg. # 5; Reg. # 6; Reg. # 7; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 9; Reg. # 10; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 12; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 14; Reg. # 16; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 51; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 15; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 21; Reg. # 22; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 25.Google Scholar
Reg. # 43; Reg. # 42; Reg. # 40; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 307; Reg. # 310; Reg. # 50; Reg. # 35; Reg. # 66; Reg. # 168; Reg. # 47; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 34; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 25-a; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 48; Reg. # 54; Reg. # 55; Reg. # 56; Reg. # 59; Reg. # 60; Reg. # 61; Reg. # 62; Reg. # 67; Reg. # 63; Reg. # 68; Reg. # 64; Reg. # 65; Reg. # 69; Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 163; Reg. # 57; Reg. # 160-a; Reg. # 84; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 41; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 346; Reg. # 169; Reg. # 305; Reg. # 167; Reg. # 161-a; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 159-a; Reg. # 160; Reg. # 311-a; Reg. # 311-b.Google Scholar
Folio documents: Cevdet Maliye 2144/46; Ali EmiriTasnifi-III.Mustafa 6/383; Cevdet İktisat 1137/23; Cevdet Maliye 18/846,Google Scholar
Rumeli Ahkâm registers: Reg. # 9, Reg. # 10, Reg. # 12; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 55.Google Scholar
Reg. #70-Reg. #205Google Scholar
Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 72; Reg. # 73; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 75; Reg. # 76; Reg. # 77; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 79; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 81; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 83; Reg. # 84; .Reg. # 85; Reg. # 86; Reg. # 87; Reg. # 88; Reg. # 89; Reg. # 90; Reg. # 91, Reg. # 92; Reg. # 93; Reg. # 94; Reg. # 95; Reg. # 96; Reg. # 98; Reg. # 99; Reg. # 100; Reg. # 101; Reg. # 102; Reg. # 104; Reg. # 105; Reg. # 106; Reg. # 103.Google Scholar
Reg. # 2; Reg. # 3; Reg. # 4; Reg. # 5; Reg. # 6; Reg. # 7; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 9; Reg. # 10; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 12; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 14; Reg. # 16; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 51; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 15; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 21; Reg. # 22; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 25.Google Scholar
Reg. # 43; Reg. # 42; Reg. # 40; Reg. # 13; Reg. # 8; Reg. # 307; Reg. # 310; Reg. # 50; Reg. # 35; Reg. # 66; Reg. # 168; Reg. # 47; Reg. # 53; Reg. # 34; Reg. # 37; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 52; Reg. # 11; Reg. # 25-a; Reg. # 39; Reg. # 48; Reg. # 54; Reg. # 55; Reg. # 56; Reg. # 59; Reg. # 60; Reg. # 61; Reg. # 62; Reg. # 67; Reg. # 63; Reg. # 68; Reg. # 64; Reg. # 65; Reg. # 69; Reg. # 70; Reg. # 71; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 80; Reg. # 82; Reg. # 163; Reg. # 57; Reg. # 160-a; Reg. # 84; Reg. # 18; Reg. # 19; Reg. # 38; Reg. # 41; Reg. # 74; Reg. # 346; Reg. # 169; Reg. # 305; Reg. # 167; Reg. # 161-a; Reg. # 78; Reg. # 159-a; Reg. # 160; Reg. # 311-a; Reg. # 311-b.Google Scholar
Folio documents: Cevdet Maliye 2144/46; Ali EmiriTasnifi-III.Mustafa 6/383; Cevdet İktisat 1137/23; Cevdet Maliye 18/846,Google Scholar
Rumeli Ahkâm registers: Reg. # 9, Reg. # 10, Reg. # 12; Reg. # 20; Reg. # 23; Reg. # 36; Reg. # 49; Reg. # 55.Google Scholar
Büsching, A. (1785). Große Erdbeschreibung, Polen und Litauen samt den mit ihnen verbundenen Ländern; Das osmanische Reich in Europa, vol. 5, Trasslar.Google Scholar
Büsching, A. (1813). Neueste Länder- und Völkerkunde: Ein geographisches Lesebuch für alle Stände, Die europäische Türkei, vol. 14, Prague.Google Scholar
Abou-El-Haj, R. (2005). Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. New York: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Aydin, H. V. (1998). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Esham Uygulaması (1775–1840). PhD dissertation, Ankara Üniversitesi.Google Scholar
Barkey, K. (2008). Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Berber Akif, M. (2014). From interest to usury: the transformation of murabaha in the late Ottoman Empire. MA thesis, İstanbul Şehir University.Google Scholar
Bozkurt, F. (2011/2012). Tereke Defterleri ve Osmanlı Demografi Araştırmaları. Tarih Dergisi, 54, pp. 91120.Google Scholar
Canbakal, H. (2007). Society and Politics in an Ottoman Town: 'Ayntāb in the Seventeenth Century. Leiden and Boston: Brill.Google Scholar
Canbakal, H. and Filiztekin, A. (2013). Wealth and inequality in Ottoman lands in the early modern period. Mimeo (draft prepared for AALIMS – Rice University Conference on the Political Economy of the Muslim World, 4–5 April 2013).Google Scholar
Ceylan, P. (2016). Ottoman inheritance inventories as a source for price history. Historical Methods: A Journal of Quantitative and Interdisciplinary History, 49(3), pp. 132–44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cezar, Y. (1986). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Bunalımve Değişim Dönemi, XVIII. Yydan Tanzimat'a Mali Tarih. Istanbul: Alan Yayıncılık.Google Scholar
Cezar, Y. (2005). The role of the sarrafs in Ottoman finance and economy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In Imber, C. and Kiyotaki, K. (eds.), Frontiers of Ottoman Studies, vol. i. London: I. B. Tauris.Google Scholar
Çizakca, M. (1995). Cash waqfs of Bursa, 1550–1823. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 38(3), pp, 313–54.Google Scholar
Çizakca, M. (1996). A Comparative Evolution of Business Partnerships: The Islamic World and Europe, with Specific Reference to the Ottoman Archives. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Çizakca, M. (2014). Risk sharing and risk shifting: an historical perspective. Borsa Istambul Review, 14(4), pp. 191–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Coşgel, M. and Ergene, B. (2012). Inequality of wealth in the Ottoman Empire: war, weather and long-term trends in eighteenth-century Kastamonou. Journal of Economic History, 72(2), pp. 308331.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Davidova, E. (2013). Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation-States: Through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s-1890s). Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Dağli, M. (2012). Kütahya in the eighteenth century: transformation or the persistence of the old order? PhD dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Darling, L. (1996). Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560–1660. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ecchia, S. (2014). Informal rural credit markets and interlinked transactions in the district of late Ottoman Haifa, 1890–1915. Financial History Review, 21(1), pp. 524.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ergene, B. A. (2002). Costs of court usage in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ottoman Anatolia: court fees as recorded in estate inventories. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 45(1), pp. 2039.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ergene, B., Kaygun, A. and Coşgel, M. (2013). A temporal analysis of wealth in eighteenth-century Ottoman Kastamonu. Continuity and Change, 28(1), pp. 126.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Establet, C. (2015). Damascene artisans around 1700. In Faroqhi, S. (ed.), Bread from the Lion's Mouth: Artisans Struggling for a Livelihood in Ottoman Cities. New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books.Google Scholar
Faroqhi, S. (1998). Zeytin Diyarında Güçve Servet: Edremit Ayanından Müridzade Hacı Mehmed Ağa'nın Siyasive Ekonomik Faaliyetleri. In Keyder, Ç. and Tabak, F. (eds.), Osmanlı’da Toprak Mülkiyeti ve Ticari Tarım. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.Google Scholar
Gara, E. (2005). Moneylenders and landowners: in search of urban Muslim elites in the early modern Balkans. In Anastasopoulos, A. (ed.), Provincial Elites in the Ottoman Empire. Rethymnon: Crete University Press.Google Scholar
Genç, M. (2000). Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda Devletve Ekonomi. Istanbul: Ötüken.Google Scholar
Göçek Müge, F. (1996). Rise of the Bourgeoisie, Demise of Empire: Ottoman Westernization and Social Change. Oxford: Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gradeva, R. (2012). Between hinterland and frontier: Ottoman Vidin, fifteenth to eighteenth centuries. Proceedings of the British Academy, 156, pp. 331–52.Google Scholar
Hanna, N. (2002). Money, Land and Trade: An Economic History of the Muslim Mediterranean. London: I. B. Tauris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hanna, N. (2003). In Praise of Books: A Cultural History of Cairo's Middle Class, Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. New York: Syracuse University Press.Google Scholar
Ianeva, S. (2009). Financing the state? Tax-farming as a source of individual wealth in the nineteenth century. Oriens, 37, pp. 209–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Inalcik, H. (1992). Tanzimat ve Bulgar Meselesi. İstanbul: Eren.Google Scholar
Inalcik, H. (1998). Çiftliklerin Doğuşu: Devlet, Toprak Sahipleri ve Kiracılar. In Keyder, Ç. and Tabak, F. (eds.), Osmanlı’da Toprak Mülkiyeti ve Ticari Tarım. Istanbul: Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları.Google Scholar
Jennings, R. (1973). Loans and credit in early seventeenth century Ottoman judicial records: the Sharia court of Anatolian Kayseri. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 16, pp. 168216.Google Scholar
Kokdas, I. (2014). Money, peasant mobility, ciftliks, and local politics in Salonika, 1740–1820. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East, 34(1), pp. 135–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kotzageorgıs, F. (2012). Όψειςπρώιμηςνεωτερικότητας: Οι διαμάχες στηχριστιανικήκοινότητα της Θεσσαλονίκης (τέλη 17ου-αρχές 18ουαιώνα) [Aspects of early modernity: disputes within the Christian community of Thessaloniki (late 17th – early 18th century)]. In Salakidis, C. (ed.), Τουρκολογικά. Τιμητικός τόμος για τον Αναστάσιο Κ. Ιορδάνογλου [Turkish Studies: Honorary Volume for Anastasios K. Iordanoglou]. Thessaloniki.Google Scholar
Kuran, T. (ed) (2013). Mahkeme Kayıtları Işığında 17. Yüzyıl İstanbul'unda Sosyo-Ekonomik Yaşam – Social and Economic Life in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Glimpses from Court Records, vol. 10. Istanbul: Türkiyeİş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.Google Scholar
Mandaville, J. (1979). Usurious piety: the cash waqf controversy in the Ottoman Empire. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 10(3), pp. 289308.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mcgowan, B. (1981). Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for the Land 1600–1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Mcgowan, B. (1994). The age of the Ayans, 1699–1812. In Faroqhi, S., McGowan, B., Quataert, D. and Pamuk, Ş. (eds.), An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, vol. 2: 1600–1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Özvar, E. (2003). Osmanlı Maliyesinde Malikâne Uygulaması. Istanbul: Kitabevi.Google Scholar
Pamuk, Ş. (2000). A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Pamuk, Ş. and Karaman, K. (2010). Ottoman state finances in European perspective, 1500–1914. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 70(3), pp. 593629.Google Scholar
Pomeranz, K. (2000). The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lampe, J. R. and Jackson, M. (1982). Balkan Economic History, 1550–1950: From Imperial Borderlands to Developing Nations. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.Google Scholar
Rizk Khoury, D. (1997). State and Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540–1834. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Salzmann, A. (1993). An ancien régime revisited: privatization and political economy in the 18th century Ottoman Empire. Politics & Society, 21, pp. 393423.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Salzmann, A. (1995). Measures of empire: tax farmers and the Ottoman ancien régime. PhD dissertation, Columbia University.Google Scholar
Salzmann, A. (2004). Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire: Rival Paths to the Modern State. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Soltow, L. and Van Zanden, J. L. (1998). Income and Wealth Inequality in the Netherlands, 16th to 20th Century. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis.Google Scholar
Stoianovich, T. (1960). The conquering Balkan orthodox merchant. Journal of Economic History, 20(2), pp. 243313.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Svoronos, N. (1956). Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle. Paris: PUF.Google Scholar
Tezcan, B. (2010). The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Todorov, N. (1983). The Balkan City, 1400–1900. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press.Google Scholar
Tülüveli, G. (2005). Honorific titles in Ottoman parlance: a reevaluation. International Journal of Turkish Studies, 11, pp. 1727.Google Scholar
Ursinus, M. (1984). Zur Geschichte des Patronats: patrocinium, himaya und der'uhdecilik. Die Welt des Islams, 23–4, pp. 476–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wilkins, C. (2010). Forging Urban Solidarities: Ottoman Aleppo 1640–1700. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Yaycioglu, A. (2016). Partners of the Empire: The Crisis of the Ottoman Order in the Age of Revolutions. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Yilmaz, G. (2011). The economic and social roles of janissaries in a seventeenth century Ottoman city: the case of Istanbul. PhD dissertation, McGill University.Google Scholar
Yi, E. (2004). Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Fluidity and Leverage. Leiden and Boston: Brill.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zens, R. (2004). The Ayanlık and Pasvanoğlu Osman Paşa of Vidin in the age of Ottoman social change: 1791–1815. PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison.Google Scholar