¹ Zinzendorf's church ideal was not the same as Gottfried Arnold's undenominational church of the Pious, including the heretics. Cf. Unpartheyische Kirchenund Ketzer-Historie, Vorrede.

² Ruffini, Francesco, Religious Liberty (London, 1912), 199–200.Google Scholar

³ Naturelle Reflexiones (n.d., n.p.), 199–200.Google Scholar

⁴ The Danzig Mennonites were the descendents of the sixteenth century Anabaptists, of Dutch nationality, who had settled in the North Sea cities and along the Baltic. Danzig and Altona had large Mennonite congregations in the seventeenth century. Vide: Mennonitischer Lexikon, passim.

⁵ The “German Old Baptists” were the descendants of the Anabaptists who had survived in the Palatinate and who had little relation with the Mennonites.

⁶ The “German New Baptists” were the followers of Hochmann von Hochenau who had come to Pennsylvania under the leadership of Peter Becker and Alexander Mack. They are the present-day Dunkers. Included in this movement was a left-wing Spinozist-Mennonite group, the “Dompelaars.” Vide: Renkewitz, Heinz, Hochmann von Hochenau, (1670–1721): Quellenstudien zur Geschichte des Pietismus (Breslau, 1935)Google Scholar. Also, Article “Dompelaars” in Mennonitischer Lexikon.Google Scholar

⁷ The “Inspired” originated with the Cevennese Camisards and appeared in Germany in 1704, led by Johann Friedrieh Rock and Eberhardt Ludwig Gruber. Gruber's son, Johann Adam, was Zinzendorf's thorn-in-the-flesh in Pennsylvania. Vide: Goebel, Max, Geschichte des Christlichen Lebens in der rheinisch-westphälischen evangelischen Kirche (Coblenz, 1849, 1852, 1860), III, 126–165.Google Scholar

⁸ The “Sabbatarians” were the followers of the mystical Johann Conrad Beissel at Ephrata—undoubtedly the most significant religious experiment in colonial Pennsylvania. Vide: Lamech, and Agrippa, , Chronicon Ephratetse (Translated by Hark, Max, Lancaster, 1890).Google Scholar

⁹ The “Newborns” were the followers of a Volksprophet, Matthies Baumann, in Oley. Literature is scant.

¹⁰ Many of these sectaries developed their own excellent hymnology, as the Schwenkfeldians, the Mennonites, and the Moravians.

¹¹ Cf. Penn, William, Primitive Christianity Revived in the Faith and Practise of the People called Quakers (London, 1696).Google Scholar

¹² This idea of restitution had a double significance: first, the restoration of a fallen church; and secondly, the restoration of the unity of all things to what it had been before Adam's fall. The former was directed towards reformation of, or separation from, the fallen church; the latter was the Boehmist Wiederbringungslehre, the restitution of all things by an “everlasting” Gospel. Cf. Boehme, Jacob, Signatura Rerum, vii, 78.Google Scholar

¹³ Troeltsch, E., Social Teachings of the Christian Church (London, 1931), I, 461–462.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cf. Breckling, Friedrich's account, “Meheren Zeugen der Wahrheit”Google Scholar in Arnold, 's Kirchen, u. Ketzer Historie (1729), II, 1089a–1110a.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Vide: Peuckert, W. E., Die Roserikreutzer (Jena, 1928).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Eberhard Ludwig Gruber's definition of “true” Separatism carries a strange note of catholicity. Since it was implied in his son's view of the church, and thus helped toi defeat Zinzendorf's plan, is it of interest: “Die wahren Separatisten fangen keine neue Secten an, als welches wiederaufbauen heisse, was zuvor abgebrochen (war); sondern sie gehen in das inwendige Chris-tenthum, in ihr Herz, und suchen Gott in der Wahrheit zu dienen, auf dessen selige Offenbarung und Erscheinungen in und aussem ihnen sie dann mit freudiger und glaubensvollen Wandel führen.” Quoted by Goebel, , Geschichte, III, 131.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Reichel, L. T., The Early History of the Churoh of the United Brethren (Nazareth, 1888), 68–69Google Scholar. Spangenberg had studied with Buddeus.

¹⁸ Zinzendorf's catholicity was natively Moravian as well as Pietistic. In 1660 Comenius wrote in his An Exhortation of the Churches of Bohemia to the Church of England (London, 1661)Google Scholar that four things were necessary for the church's safety: 1) that Christendom unite, 2) that order be established, 3) that bands of apostles reappear, and 4) that the spirit of life prevail (p. 22). He desired another apostolic church, believing union insufficient. Order was also necessary (pp. 25–26). “O how happy the church would be if we could get back to the times of the Apostles” (p. 54)Google Scholar. Purity and catholicity were both sought. The longing for catholicity was also in the background of Penn's plan, for a pamphleteer suggested: “let all Protestants unite in mutual condescension, affection, and interest; it is high time … nothing will save but union …” Three Considerations Proposed to Mr. Pen (London, n.d.), 44.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Levering, , A History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania (Bethlehem, 1903), 72.Google Scholar

²⁰ Reichel, Gerhard, August Gottlieb Spangenberg, Bischof der Brüderkirche (Tübingen, 1906), 44ff.Google Scholar

²¹ Spangenberg, , Leben des Herrn … von Zinsendorf (Barby, 1774), 1380.Google Scholar

²² Vide: Wesley, John's Journal, passimGoogle Scholar. In Pennsylvania, Böhler was associated with Whitefield's attempt to “establish a negro school in Pennsylvania.” Levering, , History of Bethlehem, 43Google Scholar. He also aided Spangenberg in the Associated Brethren of the Skippaek.

²³ Two Centuries of Nazareth 1740–1940 (Nazareth, 1940), 5.Google Scholar

²⁴ The Works of the Reverend George Whitefield (London, 1771), I, 438ff.Google Scholar

²⁵ Spangenberg, , Apologetische Schluss-Schrifft, (Leipzig und Görlitz, 1752, IGoogle Scholar, passim.

²⁶ Zinzendorf was in correspondence with Gruber, Saur, and Beissel, before he came to Pennsylvania. Unfortunately the war has interrupted the reproducing of these letters at Herrnhut.

²⁷ Gruber's tract was originally printed in 1736, probably by Franklin. It was reprinted: 1) Pennsylvanische Nachrichten von dem Reiche Christi, Anno 1742 (n.p., n.d.); and 2) Büaingische Sammlung Einiger In aie Kirchen-Historie Einschlagender Sonderlich neuere, Schriften (Leipzig 1742–1745, xviii pieces), III, 13–37Google Scholar. Eitsehl discovered that Zinzendorf tampered with the text as it is given in Fresenius, Johann Philip, Bewährte Nachrichten von Herrnhutischen Sachen (Franckfurth u. Leipzig, 1748), III, 371–380Google Scholar. Cf. Geschichte Des Pietismus, III, 324.Google Scholar

²⁸ Fresenius, , Nachrichten, III, 291.Google Scholar

²⁹ Reichel, L. T., Church of the United Brethren, 93ff.Google Scholar

³⁰ Levering, , History of Bethlehem, 81.Google Scholar

³¹ The text is given in Fresenius, , Nachrichten, 303–305Google Scholar. It was altered by Zinzendorf when published in Büd. Samml. and Penn. Nach. A translation of the altered text appears in Sessler, J. J., Communal Pietism among the Early American Moravians (New York, 1933), 29.Google Scholar

³² The Minutes of the Synods were recorded by Johann Jacob Müller, and published by Benjamin Franklin. On the First Synod, vide: Authentischer Relation von dem Anlass, Fortgang, und Schlüsse der am Isten und 2ten Januarii Anno 174½ in Germantown gehaltenen Versammlung … Gedruckt bey Benjamin Franklin (1742).

³³ The tract was by Johann Adam Gruber.

³⁴ The creed is a full and finished expression of Pietism, and its weaknesses axe those of Pietism itself.

³⁵ Bettermann, Wilhelm, Theologie und Sprach bei Zinzendorf (Gotha, 1935)Google Scholar, passim.

³⁶ Authentische Nachricht von der Verhandlung und dem Verlass der am 14den und 15den Januarii … 174½ … gehaltenen Zweyten Versammlung … gedruckt … bey Benjamin Franklin (1742).

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Gruber, 's tract: Einfältige Warnungs- und Wächterstimme An die Gerufene Seelen dieser Zeit (1736)Google Scholar. Zinzendorf, 's answer was: Liebes Echo einiger Versammleten Seelen die geruffen sinf … (1742).Google Scholar

³⁹ Cf. “Methodus der Wilden Bekehrung,” in Büd. Samml., III, 90.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Zuverlässige Beschreibung der Dritten Conferenz … gedruckt bey Benjamin Franklin, (1742).

⁴¹ Loskiel, G. H., A History of the Mission of the United Brethren (London, 1794), II, 20–21.Google Scholar

⁴² “Mystisches und kirchliches Zeugnis der Bruderschaft in Zion von den wichtigsten Puncten des Christenthums …” in Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iii, 462–474.Google Scholar

⁴³ “Ein kurzer Berieht warum die Gemeinschaft in Ephrata sich mit dem Grafen Zinzendorf … eingelassen …” In Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iii, 462–474.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ “Schrifftmässiges Zeugniss von dem himmlischen und jungfräulichen Gebährungswerk …” In Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iii, 474–503.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Peter Müller compiled the chronological tables in Mosheim, 's Church History.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Chronicon Ephratense, 151.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Vierte General Versammlung der Kirche Gottes … (Franklin, 1742).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Johann Jakob Müllers Geführten Protokoll … Franklin, 1742)Google Scholar. Müller was Zinzendorf's secretary.

⁴⁹ Extract aus der Conferens-Schreibers … Registratur (Franklin, 1742)Google Scholar: The Sixth and Seventh Synods are reported in one tract.

⁵⁰ Cf. “Einmüthiger Schluss des General-Synodi von Pennsylvania, wegen der Religionen,” in Büd. Samml., II, 810ff.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Kurzer Catechismus vor etliche Gemeinen Jesu, aus der Reformirten Religionen … (Philadelphia, Franklin, 1742).Google Scholar

⁵² The Bethlehem Diarium (a communal Journal Mss) under date of July 22, 1742, says that Zinzendorf wrote the catechism and that Bechtel edited it. Boehm, Johann Phillip says in his Faithful Letter of Warning (Philadelphia, 1742)Google Scholar: “It is quite plain, that he (Bechtel) only shot off the bullet which had been cast by Zinzendorf.”

⁵³ Gruber reported that Zinzendorf also intended to have a Lutheran Catechism printed to parallel the “Reformed” Catechism of Bechtel. Cf. Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iii, 189.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Reichel, L. T., Early History, 139ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Hallische Nachrichten (English translation by Schaeffer, Reading, 1882), 17ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Die Ausbundt, das ist, Etliche schöne Christliche Lieder (Germantown, 1742).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ (Ephrata, 1745). Letters, confessional writings, and instructions for hymnody constitute this volume.

⁵⁸ Simons, , Ein Fundament und Klare- AnweisungGoogle Scholar; Schlabalie, , Die Wandelenae Seele.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ernest Christoph Hochmanns von Hochenau Glaubens Belfenntniss … (Germantown, 1742).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Kriebel, H. W., The Schwenkfelders in Pennsylvania (Lancaster, 1904), 118.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Chronicon Ephratense, 151–152.Google Scholar

⁶² Good, J. I., “Early Attempts at Union of Presbyterians with Dutch and German Reformed,” in Reformed Church Review.Google Scholar

⁶³ Dubbs, J. H., The Reformed Church in Pennsylvania (Lancaster, 1902), 120.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iiiGoogle Scholar, passim.

⁶⁵ Samuel Güläins … unpartheyisch Zeugnüss über die neue Vereinigung allet Religiong-Partheyen in Pennsylvanien (Germantown, 1743).Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Saur's Letters in Fresenius, , Nachrichten, III.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid., i, 321ff.

⁶⁸ Sessler, , Communal Pietism, 34ff.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Gruber, , “An- und Aufforderung ‥,”Google Scholar in Fresenius, , Nachrichten, iii, 371ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ von Zinzendorf, Ludwig, Erwartete Erklärung über Herrn A. G. wider ihn Gerichtete Klag-SchrifftGoogle Scholar. (Non videt). Cf. Br. Mus. Cat. of Printed Books, “Gross.”

⁷¹ The correspondence between Rock's “Inspired” congregation in the Wetterau and the Herrnhut community is found in J.J.J. Extracta, aus dem Allgemeinen Diario der wahren Ispirations-Gemeinen (Berleberg (?), 1739)Google Scholar. The Moravians slur over this episode in their history but the “Inspired” gave them many of their characteristics:: footwashings, love-feasts, the Diarium tradition, etc.