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The Proposed Mission of Melanchthon to France

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

B. H. Pershing
B. H. Pershing
Affiliation:
Hamma Divinity School, Springfield, Ohio
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Extract

The permanence of Protestantism was by no means assured as the year 1530 drew to a close. The Peace of Cambrai had ended the war between the Emperor, Charles V, and the French king, Francis I. Charles likewise had made his peace with the pope. He had gone to Italy and there had received from Clement VII the coveted iron crown of Lombardy. The international situation that had made the Protestants of Germany useful allies of Emperor, king, or pope no longer existed.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 3 , Issue 1 , March 1934 , pp. 41 - 59
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1934

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References

1 Coignet, , Francis, I, p. 261.Google Scholar

2 A similar opinion of Francis I as the creature of expediency and not of convition is given by Battifol, The Century of the Renaissance (trans. by Buckley E. F.), p. 158.

3 Corpus Reformatorum, I, p. 366–368. Referred to as C. R.

4 Ibid., I, pp. 399–416.

5 Baird, , History of the Huguenots, I, p. 122.Google Scholar

6 C. R., II. pp. 472–477, 478.

7 C. R., II, p. 478. The Eleetor did not recognize Ferdinand until 1534.

8 Ibid., II, p. 499.

9 Ibid., II, p. 503.

10 Ibid., II, P. 507.

11 At this time there was no expectation that Henry would become king of France. The death of the Dauphin Francis brought him to the throne in 1547 as Henry II and gave Catherine a place in the Reformation in France.

12 Baird, op. cit., I, p. 149.

13 June 13, 1534 Melanchthon wrote to Margaret praising her for her piety and Christian grace, C. R., II, p. 732.

14 For a discussion of the several versions of these Articles see Bretschneider C. R., II, pp. 741–743. The quotations here used are from that marked A, pp. 743–766. See also Schmidt, , Philipp Melanchthon, Leben und ausgewalte Schriften, p. 269.Google Scholar

15 C. R., II, p. 747.

16 C. R., II, p. 751. “In caeteris articulis omnibus iniri ratio concordiae sine magna difficultate potest, sed hic unus nodus do Missa videtur inexplicabilis esse; et profecto do hac re opus esset Ecclesiae Synodo.”

17 “Deus da, ut adiuventur precibus sanctorum.” Ibid., II, p. 757.

18 For the opinion of an American Lutheran friendly to Melanehthon see Richards, J. W., Melanchthon, p. 222.Google Scholar Dr. Richards believes that “it breathes throughout an earnest desire for harmony in the Church but it does not surrender a single point of evangelical doctrine.” An unfriendly American Lutheran opinion is that of Schmauk, T. E. and Benze, C. E.The Confessional Principle and Confessions of the Lutheran Church, p. 575.Google Scholar Baird, H. M. an American Reformed historian, writes, “No other reformer could have brought himself to approve the articles now submitted for the king's perusal: while it was certain that not even this unbounded liberality would satisfy the exorbitant demands of the Roman party,” op. cit., I, p. 161. For a German presentation without comment see Schmidt, op. cit., pp. 269–272.

19 C. R., II, p. 740. “Ostendi quandam in his moderationem, ut mihi quidem videtur, non inutilem ecclesiae.”

20 C. R., II, pp. 775, 776. “Non tam quod sperem nobis placari posse ton archierea ton Romaion, quam ut isti boni viri intelligerent, quibus de rebus praecipue sint controversiae.”

21 Eells, , Martin Bucer, p. 167.Google Scholar

22 C. R., II, p. 915: X, p. 141.

23 Calvin wrote, “It is wrong to preserve such paltry rubbish, the sad relics of papal superstition, every recollection of which we ought to strive to extirpate.” D'Aubigne, , History, IV, p. 353Google Scholar, quoting from Lettres Francaises, I, p. 420. Bullinger wrote that the profane, impious, and ambitious king only wished to recover Italy. Ibid., p. 353.

24 EelIs, op. cit., p. 170.

25 Eells, Ibid., p. 170.

26 C. R., II, pp. 822, 824, 837.

27 Ibid., II, pp. 828–835.

28 Ibid., II, pp. 855–859.

29 D'Aubigne, op. cit., p. 359, quoting Sehmidt, Vie de Jean Sturm, with no page citation.

30 C. R., II, p. 869. “Iudico et ipse cohercendos esse, et fanaticos spiritus, qui perniciosas opiniones habent, et homines seditiosos.” — “Ac praesertim Gallica natio eximium habet pietatis studium.”

31 Ibid., II, pp. 874–876. “Sed una cura me non tantum exercet, sed plane excruciat: dubito enim, an aliquid proficere possim.”

32 Ibid., II, p. 879. “Venies omnino mihi gratissimus, seu privato tuo, seu publico vestrorum nomine adveneris; meque re ipsa experieris, et privatim vestrae Germaniae dignitatis, et publicae in universum quietis, ante omnia esse, ut adhuc semper fui, studiossimum.”

33 Ibid., II, p. 880.

34 D'Aubigne, op. cit., p. 368.

35 Ibid., p. 369, quoting from Crevier, Histoire de 1' Université, V. p. 2–4.

36 C. R., II, pp. 886, 886–889.

37 D'Aubigne, op. cit., p. 376, quoting Camerarius, Vita Melanchthonis, p. 148.

38 Cf. the remark of Schmidt, op. cit., p. 277, “Seine wahre Gründe waren jedoch politischer Art.”

39 C. R., II, p. 908.

40 Ibid., II, p. 906. “Deinde non certe meminisse poesumus quod R. V. S. ad nos do Philippo aliquid scripserit aut literis significaverit.” … “Tunc iIIo (Deo dante) futuro tempore, si ullo modo Philippi opera carere potuerimus et praesentes difficultates rerum ac sollicitudines cessarint, profectionem ei hane Gailicam permittemus.” Though dated August 18, the letter was not sent until the 28.

41 The asassination of George Winekier in 1527 when summoied by the Archbishop of Mayenee showed that the danger feared was real.

42 August 19 Luther wrote to Jonas, “Nedum id a principe impetrare potuit. Subindignabundus hinc discessit rursus ad lenam. Quid futurum sit ignoro. C. R., II, p. 910n.

43 Currie, Margaret A., Letters of Martin Luther, p. 315.Google Scholar

44 C. R., II, p. 904. “Wollte ich diesen Ritt im Namen Gottes thun … als privata persona. Denn ja wahr ist, dass man diesen grosswichtigen Handel der Religion den grossen Potentaten und fremden Nationen so viel möglich einbilden muss, dass sie doch ansahen, diese Lehre zu hören, und nicht zugleich verdammen Anabaptisten und uns; wie uns denn unsere Feinde alle gleich halten, und den Fremden Nationen vormalen. Diess allein ist mein Bedenken, und suche hierinn nichts anders.”

45 Ibid., II, pp. 910–913. “Mehr Untrost denn Trost geben, oder derhalben Nachtheil und Verhinderung gemeines Friedens teutscher Nation zu verursachen, auch uns an unsern Sachen, da wir doch billiger gefordert, denn gehindert sollten werden, zu verhindern and zu verunruhigen.” This sentence irritated Melanchthon who wrote on the margin of his copy, “propter haec verba nolui proficisei.” “Die ganze Concordia zu Augsburg ist liegend bleiben,” reveals the uncompromising position of the Germans in the negotiations both with England and France. This made impossible the much-discussed alliance of the Smalkald League with Henry VIII.

46 Ibid., II, p. 912n. “Dass ihr diese Reise mit gutem Gewissen zu unterlassen nicht umgeben konntet so müssen wir euch auf den Fall eures Gefallens gebahren und nach euerm Willen und auf euer Ebentheuer walten lassen, und möget derhalben selbst bedenken, was euch hierin zu than sein will.” This deletion is not properly noted by Schmidt, op. cit., p. 278, or by Ledderhose, , Life of Melanchthon (trans. by Krotel), p. 128.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., II, p. 909. “Dean wir tragen nicht wenig Sorge, so Philippus in Frank- reich reisen werde, er werde mit seiner grossen Weisheit und Fleiss, den er haben wird, den König irgend auf eine Meinung zu bringen, viel nach lessen, das hernach D. Martinus und die andern Theologi nicht werden einraumen können, und sollte wie wir sorgen, auch wohl weitlautig vom Doctor Luther vermerkt, zwischen ihnen selbst darüber Zweispalt vorfallen, das viel Leute ärgern würde, und dem Evangelio merklich Schaden thun. Zu dem ist nicht zu vermuthen, dass den Franzosen Ernst sein des Evangeliums halben, sondern weil sie die Wankelmuthigkeit bei dem Philippo spüren, dass sie werden anhaiten, ihn weiter ausiulernen, und darnach seine Unbestäudigkeit auszubreiten, und ihm zu verunglimpfen. So ist auch wohl abrunehmen, dess die Leute, die die Sache fordern, mehr Erasmisch denn Evarigelisch seim.”

48 History of the Reformation, pp. 165, 166.

49 Currie, op. cit., p. 319. In a letter to the Elector they ask that an audience be given to Barnes since “he has managed matters very well in regard to M. Philip's promise to the King.”

50 C. R., II, p. 913.

51 Ibid., II, p. 915.

52 Ibid., II, p. 917.

53 Ibid., II, p. 918.

54 Ibid., II, pp. 936, 931.

55 Melanchthon to Conrad Heresbach, Nov. 20, 1535, Ibid., II, p. 977.

56 Melanchthon to Jonas, Sept. 2, and to Spalatin, same date, Ibid., II, pp.936, 937.

57 Melanchthon to Myconius, Oct. 10, Ibid., II, p.950.

58 For a discussion of the rumor which gained currency in Paris that the Cardinal of Tournon had persuaded Francis to desist from his plan to bring Melanchthon to France, see Baird, op. cit., I, p. 188.

59 C. R., II, p.1013, 1015.

60 C. R., III, pp. 1023–1026.