1 Smiley, D. V.Canada in Question: Federalism in the Eighties (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1980), 134.Google Scholar See also Gibbins, RogerRegionalism: Territorial Politics in Canada and the United States (Toronto: Butterworths, 1982), 201.Google Scholar

2 Dupré, J. S., “The Workability of Executive Federalism in Canada,” in Bakvis, Herman and Chandler, William M. (eds.), Federalism and the Role of the State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 236–58.Google Scholar

3 This constitutes what Alan Cairns calls the centralist variant of intrastate federalism, as distinct from the provincialist variant involving direct provincial government representation in central institutions. See Cairns, AlanFrom Interstate to Intrastate Federalism (Kingston: Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1979).Google Scholar It is argued here, however, that the activities of regional ministers have been far from centralizing in their effects.

4 Whitaker, ReginaldThe Government Party: Organizing and Financing the Liberal Party of Canada, 1930–1958 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977), esp. 286–87.Google Scholar

5 Gardiner's use of patronage has been immortalized in Escott M. Reid's classic “The Saskatchewan Liberal Machine Before 1929,” in Thorburn, Hugh G. (ed.), Party Politics in Canada (4th ed.; Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1980), 21–32.Google Scholar

6 See note 3; also Smiley, D. V. and Watts, R. L.Intrastate Federalism in Canada, Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, vol. 39 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for Supply and Services Canada, 1985).Google Scholar

7 Smith, David E. “Cabinet and Commons in the Era of James G. Gardiner,” in Courtney, John C. (ed.), The Canadian House of Commons: Essays in Honour of Norman Ward (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1985), 77.Google Scholar

8 Simpson, JeffreyDiscipline of Power: The Conservative Interlude and the Liberal Restoration (Toronto: Personal Library, 1980), 94–95.Google Scholar

9 Quoted in Matheson, William A. “The Cabinet and the Canadian Bureaucracy,” in Kernaghan, Kenneth (ed.), Public Administration in Canada (5th ed.; Toronto: Methuen, 1985), 268.Google Scholar

10 See Morton, W. L. “The Cabinet of 1867,” in Gibson, F. W. (ed.), Cabinet Formation and Bicultural Relations, Research Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, vol. 6 (Ottawa: Information Canada, 1970), 1–18.Google Scholar

11 Quoted in Matheson “The Cabinet and the Canadian Bureaucracy,” 268.

12 Noel, S. J. R. “The Prime Minister's Role in a Consociational Democracy,” in Hockin, Thomas A. (ed.), Apex of Power (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1977), 154–58.Google Scholar

13 Smith “Cabinet and Commons in the Era of James G. Gardiner,” 80.

14 Smiley Canada in Question, 136–37.

15 It has been argued that the development of Algoma Steel occurred primarily at the expense of Dominion Steel and Coal (Dosco) based in Sydney, Nova Scotia. See Forbes, E. R.“Consolidating Disparity: The Maritimes and the Industrialization of Canada during the Second World War,” Acadiensis 16 (1986), 3–26.Google Scholar See also Bothwell, Robert and Kilbourn, WilliamC. D. Howe: A Biography (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1979), 247.Google Scholar

16 Pross, A. Paul “Space, Function, and Interest: The Problem of Legitimacy in the Canadian State,” in Dwivedi, O. P. (ed.), The Canadian Administrative State (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 107–29;Google Scholar Gibbins, Regionalism, 202.

17 See Simeon, RichardFederal-Provincial Diplomacy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972) on the increasing importance of this arena during the 1960s and 1970s.Google Scholar

18 Aucoin, Peter and Bakvis, Herman “Regional Responsiveness and Government Organization: The Case of Regional Economic Development Policy in Canada,” in Aucoin, Peter (ed.), Regional Responsiveness and the National Administrative State, Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, vol. 37 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for Supply and Services Canada, 1985), 62–63.Google Scholar

19 Dupré, “The Workability of Executive Federalism in Canada,” 238.

20 Smith, David E.The Regional Decline of a National Party: Liberals on the Prairies (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), 138.Google Scholar

21 Ibid., 66–67.

22 See the several articles on patronage in the Journal of Canadian Studies 22 (1987).Google Scholar It has been argued that by the mid-1970s grants under the Regional Development Incentive Act, especially in Quebec, were used primarily for politically salient job creation schemes—often at the expense of economic development. See Usher, Dan “The Benefits and Costs of Firm-Specific Investment Grants: A Study of Five Federal Programs,” Discussion Paper 511 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute for Economic Research, 1983).Google Scholar

23 See Jacek, Henry “John Munro and the Hamilton East Liberals: Anatomy of a Modern Political Machine,” in Freeman, Bill and Hewitt, Marsha (eds.), Their Town: The Mafia, the Media and the Party Machine (Toronto: Lorimer, 1979), 62–73.Google Scholar

24 On regional ministers and their regional caucuses see Thomas, Paul G. “The Role of National Party Caucuses,” in Aucoin, Peter (ed.), Party Government and Regional Representation in Canada, Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, vol. 36 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for Supply and Services Canada, 1985), 98–106.Google Scholar On Lalonde's role see Simpson, Jeffrey“The Two Trudeaus: Federal Patronage in Quebec, 1968–84,” Journal of Canadian Studies 22 (1987), 102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 For example, the decentralization programme announced in May 1975 by President of the Treasury Board Jean Chrétien involved the relocation of administrative units from the National Capital Region to other regions of Canada. Kenneth Kernaghan notes that “16 of the first 23 relocations announced were destined for constituencies held by Liberal members of Parliament, and 8 of these 16 ridings were represented by cabinet ministers in the Liberal government” (“Representative and Responsive Bureaucracy: Implications for Canadian Regionalism,” in Aucoin [ed.], Regional Responsiveness and the National Administrative State, 38).

26 McRoberts, Kenneth “Unilateralism, Bilateralism and Multilateralism: Approaches to Canadian Federalism,” in Simeon, Richard (ed.), Intergovernmental Relations, Research Studies of the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, vol. 63 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press for Supply and Services Canada, 1985), 71–129.Google Scholar

27 Savoie, Donald S.Federal-Provincial Collaboration: The Canada-New Brunswick General Development Agreement (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1981).Google Scholar There is evidence that in other provinces DREE ministers took a more direct interest. For example, when DREE first began in 1969 Jean Marchand made most decisions for Quebec. See Careless, Anthony G. S.Initiative and Response: The Adaptation of Canadian Federalism to Regional Economic Development (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1977), 86.Google Scholar Subsequent DREE ministers, such as Donald Jamieson (Newfoundland) and Pierre De Bané (Gaspé), also took a close interest in DREE activities in their province or district.

28 Aucoin, Peter“Organizational Change in the Machinery of Government: From Rational Management to Brokerage Politics,” this JOURNAL 19 (1986), 3–27.Google Scholar

29 Thus, there was a major rift between DREE and Industry, Trade and Commerce over where the new Volkswagen parts plant should be located. DREE favoured one of the poorer regions while Industry, Trade and Commerce favoured Ontario. This debate became public in late 1981. See Savoie, Donald“The Toppling of DREE and the Prospects for Regional Economic Development,” Canadian Public Policy 10 (1984), 334.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30 Office of the Prime Minister, Press Release, January 12, 1982.

31 On how the Economic and Regional Development Agreements differed from the earlier GDAs, see Aucoin and Bakvis, “Regional Responsiveness and Government Organization,” 73–104.

32 On Saskatchewan, see Department of Regional Industrial Expansion, “Economic and Regional Development Agreements: Agreements and Memoranda of Understanding as of August 30, 1985” (mimeographed).

33 Savoie, “The Toppling of DREE and the Prospects for Regional Economic Development,” 334.

34 Aucoin and Bakvis, “Regional Responsiveness and Government Organization,” 78–80.

35 On the role of regional ministers in this programme, see Report of the Auditor- General of Canada: Fiscal Year Ended 31 March 1986 (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1986)Google Scholar, paras. 6.36 through 6.49 and exhibit 6.3. See also Lome Nystrom's question in the House of Commons on February 13, 1984 (Debates, 1317).

36 Government of Canada, Special Recovery Capital Projects Program: The First Year (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1984).Google Scholar On the role of regional ministers see Thomas, “The Role of Party Caucuses,” 106, and especially Egan, James “The Politics of Priority Management: An Examination of the Special Recovery Capital Projects Program,” M.A. thesis, University of Manitoba, 1987.Google Scholar

37 Quoted in Wearing, JosephThe L-Shaped Party: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1958–1980 (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1981), 135.Google Scholar

38 Axworthy, Lloyd“Control of Policy,” Policy Options 6 (April 1985), 17–20.Google Scholar

41 According to J. R. Mallory “exempt” staff are individuals who “require a degree of judgment, experience, and non-partisanship which they are unlikely to possess” (“The Minister's Office Staff: An Unreformed Part of the Public Service,” Canadian Public Administration 10 [1967], 29). A number of Axworthy's staff approximated this description; many of them, however, were experienced, frequently with civil service backgrounds, and were deliberately chosen for their knowledge of the Ottawa bureaucracy.

40 Evidence of the enmity generated within the Department of Transport came to light after Axworthy's departure. A number of civil servants who had worked directly in the minister's office were subsequently reassigned to menial duties or fired outright. See “Partisan tag is not fair, workers say,” Globe and Mail, October 4, 1984Google Scholar, and “As dust settles from PC sweep, packing begins,” Globe and Mail, October 8, 1984.Google Scholar

41 The Canada Employment and Immigration Commission is much more decentralized than other departments. Using a corporate structure, provincial directors-general are responsible for all operations within their regions, including immigration, employment and unemployment insurance.

42 Labour Market Developments in the 1980s (Ottawa: Employment and Immigration Canada, 1981).Google Scholar

43 Canada Employment and Immigration Commission, The Refugee Status Determination Process: A Report of the Task Force on Immigration Practices and Procedures (Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1981).Google Scholar

44 See Kiernan, Matthew“Coordination for the City Core,” Policy Options 6 (September 1985), 23–25.Google Scholar

45 Most Core Area Initiative development occurred in downtown Winnipeg and only one subsidiary project, the Osborne Village area, was located in Axworthy's riding.

46 Canada, Special Recovery Capital Projects Program, 28. It was left sitting as an empty shell for three years after the change in government in 1984. The Conservatives managed to scale down though not halt the project, and eventually decided to provide limited support to entice private sector research and development firms to use the building. See “Ottawa to foot science centre overhead costs,” Winnipeg Free Press, February 14, 1986.Google Scholar

47 Winnipeg Core Area Initiative Policy Committee, “Proposed Winnipeg Core Area Initiative,” June 1981, 16. The Committee included L. Axworthy (Government of Canada), G. W. J. Mercier (Province of Manitoba), and Bill Norrie (City of Winnipeg). For a listing of the numerous projects funded by the Canada Employment and Immigration Commission, see Winnipeg Core Area Initiative, Status Report of Program Activities to: September 30'85 (Winnipeg, 1985).

48 Interview with J.-L. Pepin, November 28, 1985. Apparently this was the only cabinet committee meeting which political aides to ministers were allowed to attend.

49 See “That Elusive Western Fund,” Western Producer, October 23, 1981.

50 The amount committed through Transport Canada to sub-agreements under the Manitoba Economic and Regional Development Agreement was considerably larger than those committed to comparable sub-agreements with the other provinces (in millions): $149 (Manitoba), $112 (Newfoundland), $85 (Quebec), $63 (New Brunswick), $25 (PEI). See Department of Regional Industrial Expansion, “Economic and Regional Development Agreements: Agreements and Memoranda of Understanding as of August 30, 1985.”

51 Skogstad, GraceThe Politics of Agricultural Policy-making (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 142–48;Google Scholar and Barry Wilson, “Killing the Crow Rate: Government Salesmen, Media Messengers,” paper submitted to the Canadian Studies Programme, Carleton University, November 1984.

52 Axworthy's mobilization of his portfolios was no mean achievement, given the difficulties other ministers have had in imparting strong political direction to their departments. See, for example, MacDonald, Flora“The Minister and the Mandarins,” Policy Options 1 (September-October 1980), 29–31.Google Scholar Axworthy's case does not fit the models on the role of ministers and policy innovation outlined by Atkinson, Michael M. and Coleman, William D.“Bureaucrats and Politicians in Canada: An Examination of the Political Administration Model,” Comparative Political Studies 18 (1985), 58–80;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and by Johnson, Andrew F.“A Minister as an Agent of Policy Change,” Canadian Public Administration 24 (1981), 612–33.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The closest parallel appears to be with Lloyd George who, according to A. J. P. Taylor, “is said to have been the only minister of modern times who could defeat the obstinacy even of treasury officials. Usually, however, he preferred to circumvent them. He carried his private secretaries with him from one department to another..., culminating, when he was prime minister, in the creation of a duplicate civil service dependent on himself” (quoted in Mallory, “The Minister's Office Staff,” 32, note 14).

53 Based on data provided by the Department of Regional Industrial Expansion, “General Development Agreements: Status of Subsidiary Agreements as of June 28, 1985,” and projected Economic and Regional Development Agreement expenditures, “Economic and Regional Development Agreements as of August 30, 1985.”

54 The increase in the Manitoba allotment occurred apparently at the expense of Alberta. See Egan, , “The Politics of Priority Management,” 83.Google Scholar

55 Canada, Special Recovery Capital Projects Program, 25, 28, 30.

56 See note 41. The dollar amounts in Table 1 are for the period 1982–1985. For the period 1982–1986 the total amount was $204.7 million of which 96 per cent was spent in the form of grants rather than contributions.

57 Most of the disputes between Axworthy and the city were over the management of the Core Area Initiative. They culminated in the departure of the first director of the Initiative and his proposed replacement in June 1984. See “Norrie alleges ‘patronage’ bid for job,” Winnipeg Free Press, September 4, 1984.Google Scholar

58 For example, Axworthy's office lobbied extensively on behalf of Honeycomb Telephone, a company controlled in part by Asper, for the right to provide cellular radio-telephone service on a nation-wide basis, which was eventually awarded to Montreal-based Cantel, Inc.

59 Aucoin and Bakvis, “Regional Responsiveness and Government Organization,” 77–80, 92–95.

60 Thomas, “The Role of National Party Caucuses,” 102–03.

61 Interviews with senators Romeo LeBlanc (March 24, 1986) and Pierre De Bané (April 2, 1986). Axworthy also had good links with DRIE minister Ed Lumley, from Cornwall, Ontario, with whom he regularly traded programme items.

62 Elazar, Daniel J.American Federalism: A View from the States (3rd ed.; New York: Harper and Row, 1984), 180.Google Scholar

63 For a discussion of these developments see Aucoin, Peter and Bakvis, HermanThe Centralization-Decentralization Conundrum (Halifax: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1988), esp. chap. 4.Google Scholar