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Volume 43 - March 1998

Contents

Page 2 of 2

Articles

  • The Syntax of Genitives in the Maori DP

  • Elizabeth Pearce
  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. 411-434

  • This article proposes an account of genitive case marking in the Maori DP which shows how the licensing requirements for genitive depend both on thematic role distinctions and on the presence of a functional projection situated immediately below D. An investigation of ordering alternations including genitives, demonstratives, adjectives, and the lexical head indicates that the FP below D is also the location of an identifying or specifying function within the DP. The label “IdentP” is proposed as a cover term for this FP projection. It is also proposed that DPs containing nominalized verbs include a head, Nmz, that has the capacity to license additional instantiations of genitive case marking.

Front matter

  • CNJ volume 43 issue 1 Cover and Front matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. f1-f3
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Reviews/Comptes rendus

Articles

  • Theta-Positions and Binding in Balinese and Malagasy

  • Lisa DeMena Travis
  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. 435-467

  • In this article, an argument is made for representing theta-positions structurally through a UTAH-like mapping onto articulated VP structures. Further, an argument is made for giving these positions a distinct status. It is argued, using data from binding in Balinese and Malagasy, that binding may be sensitive to theta-positions (T-positions), which are a subset of A-positions. Specs of lexical categories must be T-positions, Specs of functional categories cannot be T-positions. It is argued further that, once it can be shown that binding may be sensitive to T-positions, one is forced to revise what can count as a T-position in order to account for raising constructions. Categories which bind event variables (such as Aspect) are seen to be non-distinct from lexical categories and from functional categories. As such, their Specs may count as T-positions, explaining why an NP in a derived position may act as an antecedent.

Back matter

  • CNJ volume 43 issue 1 Cover and Back matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. b1-b4
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Other

Reviews/Comptes rendus

Front matter

  • CNJ Volume 43 Issue 3-4 Cover and Front matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. f1-f4
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Reviews/Comptes rendus

Back matter

  • CNJ Volume 43 Issue 3-4 Cover and Back matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. b1-b3
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Front matter

  • CNJ volume 43 issue 2 Cover and Front matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. f1-f4
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Back matter

  • CNJ volume 43 issue 2 Cover and Back matter

  • Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    27 June 2016, pp. b1-b2
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Page 2 of 2