1 Gino Luzzatto, Storia economica di Venezia dall’XI al XVI secolo (1960; reis. Venice, 1995).

2 See Roberto Sabatino Lopez, The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages, 950–1350 (Cambridge, UK, 1971); Raymond de Roover, “The Commercial Revolution of the 13th Century,” in Social and Economic Foundations of the Italian Renaissance, ed. Anthony Molho (Hoboken, 1969), 23–26. For a recent overview of the historiography on the commercial revolution, see Robert Fredona and Sophus A. Reinert, “Italy and the Origins of Capitalism,” Business History Review 94, no. 1 (Spring 2020): 5–38.

3 Reinhard Heynen, Zur Entstehung Des Kapitalismus in Venedig (Stuttgart, 1905), 1–6, 121–124.

4 Werner Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus, vol. 1 (Leipzig, 1902).

5 N. S. B Gras, “What Is Capitalism in the Light of History?,” Business History Review 21, no. 4 (Winter 1947): 79–120.

6 Frederic C. Lane, Venice: A Maritime Republic (Baltimore, 1987); Lane, Profits from Power: Readings in Protection Rent and Violence-Controlling Enterprises (Albany, 1979). For a more recent appraisal of Lane’s work, see Melissa Meriam Bullard, S. R. Epstein, Benjamin G. Kohl, and Susan Mosher Stuard, “Where History and Theory Interact: Frederic C. Lane on the Emergence of Capitalism,” Speculum 79, no. 1 (Jan. 2004): 88–119.

7 Jessica Goldberg, Trade and Institutions in the Medieval Mediterranean: The Geniza Merchants and Their Business World (Cambridge, UK, 2016), 358–359.

8 Chris Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat: Reinterpreting the Mediterranean Economy, 950–1180 (Oxford, 2023), 621–662.

9 Wickham, 511–512.

10 He further points out that this centralized model was by no means novel; the credit mechanisms that allowed for the existence of stationary investors date to at least the ninth century: Wickham, 337–339, 517–518.

11 See Patricia Skinner, Medieval Amalfi and Its Diaspora: 800–1250 (Oxford, 2013).

12 For macroscopic perspectives on the eleventh-century rise in violence, see Romney David Smith, “Calamity and Transition: Re-Imagining Italian Trade in the Eleventh-Century Mediterranean,” Past & Present 228, no. 1 (Aug. 2015): 15–56; Ronnie Ellenblum, The Collapse of the Eastern Mediterranean: Climate Change and the Decline of the East, 950–1072 (Cambridge, UK, 2012); Elena Xoplaki, Dominik Fleitmann, Juerg Luterbacher, Sebastian Wagner, John F. Haldon, Eduardo Zorita, Ioannis Telelis, Andrea Toreti, and Adam Izdebski, “The Medieval Climate Anomaly and Byzantium: A Review of the Evidence on Climatic Fluctuations, Economic Performance and Societal Change,” Mediterranean Holocene Climate, Environment and Human Societies 136 (15 Mar. 2016): 229–252.

13 On Genoa and Pisa, see Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 534–590; Steven A Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 958-1528 (Chapel Hill, 1996); Quentin van Doosselaere, Commercial Agreements and Social Dynamics in Medieval Genoa (Cambridge, UK, 2009); Ralph-Johannes Lilie, Handel Und Politik Zwischen Dem Byzantinischen Reich Und Den Italienischen Kommunen Venedig, Pisa Und Genua in Der Epoche Der Komnenen Und Der Angeloi (1081–1204) (Amsterdam, 1984), 50–85; Karen Rose Mathews, Silvia Orvietani Busch, and Stefano Bruni, A Companion to Medieval Pisa, vol. 28 (Brill, 2022).

14 For early medieval Venetian trade, see for example Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce, A.D. 300–900 (Cambridge, UK, 2001), 731–777; David Jacoby, “Venetian Commercial Expansion in the Eastern Mediterranean, 8th–11th Centuries,” in Medieval Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond (New York, 2018), 1–22; The Age of Affirmation: Venice, the Adriatic and the Hinterland between the 9th and 10th Centuries, ed. Stefano Gasparri and Sauro Gelichi (Belgium, 2017); Gerhard Rösch, Das Pactum Lotharii von 840 und die Beziehungen Venedigs zum Fränkischen Reich im 9. Jahrhundert (Marburg, 1984).

15 For privileges predating the eleventh century, see Annamaria Pazienza, “Venice beyond Venice: Commercial Agreements and Pacta from the Origins to Pietro II Orseolo,” in The Age of Affirmation, ed. Gasparri and Gelichi, 147–176.

16 I trattati con Bisanzio, 992–1198, ed. Marco Pozza and Giorgio Ravegnani, vol. 4, Pacta veneta (Venezia, 1993), n. 2. For more on the Amalfitan presence in Byzantium, see Skinner, Medieval Amalfi and Its Diaspora: 800–1250; Vera von Falkenhausen, “La Chiesa amalfitana nei suoi rapporti con l’Impero bizantino (X-XI secolo),” in La Chiesa di Amalfi nel medioevo (Ann Arbor, 1996), 383–424, 391; Giuseppe Galasso, “Il commercio amalfitano nel periodo normanno,” in Studi Riccardo Filangieri (Napoli, 1959), 81–103.

17 See figure 2 for a map of the locations included in this chrysobull. Note that this list was likely not exclusive. See David Jacoby, “Italian Privileges and Trade in Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade: A Reconsideration,” in Jacoby, Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean (New York, 1997), 349–369; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 335–336.

18 On the commodities traded by the Venetians in Byzantium, see Lilie, Handel und Politik, 264–285; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 321–328, 517–520; Angeliki Laiou, “Regional Networks in the Balkans in the Middle and Late Byzantine Periods,” in Trade and Markets in Byzantium, ed. Cécile Morrison (Dumbarton Oaks, 2012), 125–146, 130–137; Angeliki Laiou, “Monopoly and Privileged Free Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean (8th–14th Century),” in Byzantium and the Other: Relations and Exchanges, ed. Cécile Morrison (New York, 2012), 511–526; David Jacoby, “Silk Crosses the Mediterranean,” in Byzantium, Latin Romania and the Mediterranean (New York, 2001), 55–79; Jacoby, “Silk in Western Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade,” in Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean, 452–500.

19 David Jacoby, “The Chrysobull of Alexius I Comnenus to the Venetians: The Date and the Debate,” Journal of Medieval History 28, no. 2 (June 2002): 199–204. Thomas F. Madden, “The Chrysobull of Alexius I Comnenus to the Venetians: The Date and the Debate,” Journal of Medieval History 28 (2002): 23–42; Peter Frankopan, “Byzantine Trade Privileges to Venice in the Eleventh Century: The Chrysobull of 1092,” Journal of Medieval History 30, no. 2 (June 2004): 135–160; Frankopan, “The Rise of the Adriatic in the Age of the Crusades,” in Byzantium, Venice and the Medieval Adriatic: Spheres of Maritime Power and Influence, c. 700–1453, ed. Magdalena Skoblar (Cambridge, UK, 2021), 276–95.

20 See Jonathan Harris, “The Debate on the Fourth Crusade,” History Compass 2, no. 1 (Jan. 2004): 1–10.

21 Andrea Castagnetti, “L’età precomunale e la prima età comunale (1024-1213),” in Il Veneto nel medioevo. Dai comuni cittadini (Verona, 1991), 1–162; Giorgio Cracco, Tra Venezia e Terraferma: Per la storia del Veneto regione del mondo (Viella, 2009), 5–41; Andrea Castagnetti, La società veneziana nel medioevo 1: Dai tribuni ai giudici (Verona, 1992).

22 The highest proportion of new families in surviving documentation dates to the late eleventh century: see Giorgio Cracco, Un “altro mondo.” Venezia nel medioevo dal secolo XI al secolo XIV (Torino, 1986), 14–15; Andrea Castagnetti, “Famiglie e affermazione politica,” in Storia di Venezia, 1, Origini-Età ducale, ed. Lellia Cracco Ruggini, Massimiliano Pavan, Giorgio Cracco, and Gherardo Ortalli (Rome, 1992), 613–644.

23 See Irmgard Fees, Reichtum und Macht im mittelalterlichen Venedig. Die Familie Ziani, (Tübingen, 1988); Silvano Borsari, “Una famiglia veneziana del medioevo. gli Ziani,” Archivio Veneto (1978): 27–72; Thomas F. Madden, Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice (Baltimore, 2006).

24 Gherardo Ortalli, “Il mercante e lo stato: strutture della Venezia altomedievale,” in Mercati e mercanti nell’alto medieovo: l’area euroasiatica e l’area mediterranea (Spoleto, 1993), 85–135; Gerhard Rösch, “Mercatura e moneta,” in Storia di Venezia. Dalle origini alla caduta 1 (Rome 1992), 549–573, 556–573.

25 André-É. Sayous, “Le rôle du capital dans la vie locale et le commerce extérieur de Venise entre 1050 et 1150,” Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 13, no. 3 (1934): 657–696; Margarete Merores, “Der venezianische Adel. (Ein Beitrag zur Sozialgeschichte.) I. Teil: Die Geschlechter,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 19, no. 1/3 (1926): 193–237; “Die venezianischen Salinen der älteren Zeit in ihrer wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Bedeutung,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (1916): 71–107; Michelle Mollat, La Venezia dei mille (Sansoni, 1965), 183–202; Gerhard Rösch, Der venezianische Adel bis zur Schließung des Großen Rats. Zur Geschichte einer Führungsschicht, 33 (Sigmaringen, 1989), 75–76; Luzzatto, Storia Economica, 20–25.

26 Fees, Reichtum und macht, 47–102; Borsari, “Gli Ziani;” Giorgio Cracco, Società e stato nel medioevo Veneziano. Secoli XII–XIV, Civiltà veneziana. Studi (Venice, 1967), 76–80.

27 Estimates of the population of Venice in the twelfth century vary: Dorigo, Venezia Romanica, 33 puts it at 30,000 people ca. 1150, whereas Lane, Venice, 18–19, 73 proposes a number closer to 80,000 in 1200. The accuracy of these figures is highly debatable. See Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 532. Nevertheless, the rapid growth of the city in this period is clearly evident from the archaeological as well as the written record. See n. 33 below.

28 Merores, “Die venezianischen Salinen”; Mollat, “L’exploitation du sel”; Jean-Claude Hocquet, Les monastères vénitiens et l’argent (Rome, 2020).

29 See Luzzatto, Storia Economica, 20–25; Gérard Rippé, “Feudum sine fidelitate. Formes féodales et structures sociales dans la région de Padoue à l’époque de la première Commune (1131–1237),” Mélanges de l’Ecole française de Rome. Moyen Âge, temps modernes 87 (1975): 187–239; Н. П. Соколов, Образование Венецианской колониальной империи [Formation of the Venetian colonial empire] (Saratov, 1963), 255–258. On the complicated circumstances behind the creation of Sokolov’s brilliant work, see А.А. Кузнецов, “Человек Империи и Будущий Историк Империи в Сталинской Тюрьме: Следственное Дело Н.П. Соколова,” [Man of empire and future historian of empire in Stalin’s prison: the case file of N.P. Sokolov”], Вестник Нижегородского Университета Им. НИ Лобачевского, no. 1 (2021): 26–38.

30 See Fees, Reichtum Und Macht, 83-884 and Cracco, Società e stato, 17, 37, and 79 for discussions of the limited investment options in the Venetian lagoon.

31 E.g Silvano Borsari, Studi sulle colonie veneziane in Romania nel XIII secolo, P (Napoli, 1966), 107; Fees, Reichtum und Macht; Michael Angold, “Venice in the Twelfth Century: Between the Adriatic and the Aegean,” in Byzantium, Venice and the Medieval Adriatic, 298.

32 Guido Rosada, “Aggregazioni insediative e strutture urbane,” in Storia di Venezia, 209–268; Guido Perocco and Antonio Salvadori, Civiltà Di Venezia I: Le Origini e Il Medio Evo (Venezia, 1973), 232–236; Wladimiro Dorigo, Venezia Romanica: La Formazione Della Città Medioevale Fino All’età Gotica, Monumenta Veneta (Verona, 2003); Michela Agazzi, Platea Sancti Marci. I luoghi marciani dall’XI al XIII secolo e la formazione della piazza (Venice, 1991); Margherita Ferri, Sauro Gelichi, Silvia Garavello, and Martina Ghezzo, “Isole fortunate?: La storia della laguna nord di Venezia attraverso lo scavo di San Lorenzo di Ammiana,” Archeologia Medievale 39 (Jan. 2012): 9–56; Sauro Gelichi, “Unconventional Places and Unconventional Biographies? Colonizing the Lagoon in the Middle Ages: The Case of Venice,” Journal of Urban Archaeology 1, no. 1 (2020): 103–112; Gelichi, “L’archeologia nella laguna veneziana e la nascita di una nuova città,” Reti Medievali Rivista 11 (2010/12): 137–167.

33 Peter Schreiner, “Untersuchungen zu den niederlassungen westlicher Kaufleute im byzantinischen Reich des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts,” Byzantinische Forschungen (1979): 175–191; Chryssa A. Maltézou, “Venetian Habitatores, Burgenses, and Merchants in Constantinople and Its Hinterland (Twelfth-Thirteenth Centuries),” in Constantinople and Its Hinterland, ed. Gilbert Dagron and Cyril Mango (New York, 1995), 233–241; Chryssa A. Maltézou, “Les italiens propriétaires terrarum et casarum à Byzance,” Byzantinische Forschungen, 22 (1996): 177–191; Angeliki Laiou, “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” in Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire (Dumbarton Oaks, 1998), 161–181; David Jacoby, “The Byzantine Outsider in Trade (c. 900–c. 1350),” in Latins, Greeks and Muslims: Encounters in the Eastern Mediterranean, 10 ^th–15 ^th Centuries (New York, 2009), 129–147, 85–132; Jacoby, “Migrations familiales et stratégies commerciales vénitiennes aux XII et XIII siècles,” Migrations et diasporas mediterranennes: Xe au XVe siecles, ed. Michel Balard and Alain Ducellier (Paris, 1999), 355–374; Freddy E Thiriet, La Romanie vénitienne au Moyen Âge: le développement et l’exploitation du domaine colonial vénitien (XII–XVe siècles) (Paris, 1975), 29–62.

34 Niketas Choniates, Historia, ed. Joannes A. van Dieten (Berlin, 1975), 171; John Kinnamos, Epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum, ed. A. Meineke, (Bonn, 1836), 281–283.

35 Choniates, Historia, 171.

36 On the status of the bourgesioi as a means of integrating outsiders into the Byzantine justice system, see Angeliki Laiou, “L’étranger de passage et l’étranger privilégié à Byzance, Xle-XIIe Siècles (1994),” in Byzantium and the Other, 69–88 and “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” in Byzantium and the Other, 161–81, 173–174.

37 See Jonathan Shepard, “Knowledge of the West in Byzantine Sources, c.900–c.1200,” in A Companion to Byzantium and the West, 900–1204, ed. Nicolas Drocourt and Sebastian Kolditz (Leiden, 2021), 31–84 for a recent overview of the place of Venetians and Westerners in Byzantine sources.

38 In some cases, Grecus operated merely as a surname. Surnames were, however, still developing in this period and were not too far removed from their origin as ethnicity markers; see for example the use of Grecus in n. 3, b.12, San Zaccaria, Corporazioni religiose, Archivio di Stato di Venezia (ASV). See the discussion in Thomas F Madden, “Venice and Constantinople in 1171 and 1172: Enrico Dandolo’s attitudes towards Byzantium,” Mediterranean Historical Review 8, no. 2 (1993): 166–185, 175, n. 27; Donald Nicol, Byzantium and Venice: A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations (Cambridge, UK, 1988), 98–99. For more on surnames in this period, see Gianfranco Folena, “Gli antichi nomi di persona e la storia civile di Venezia,” Atti. istituto veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti 129 (1971), 445–484 and Luigi Andrea Berto, “Note e proposte per uno studio prosopografico della Venezia alto-medievale,” Studi Veneziani 59 (2010): 73–88. For more on Byzantine-Venetian intermarriages, see Angeliki Laiou, “The Foreigner and the Stranger in 12th Century Byzantium: Means of Propitiation and Acculturation” in Fremde der Gesellschaft. Historische und sozialwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zur Differenzierung von Normalität und Fremdheit, ed. Von Marie Theres Fögen (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), 71–97; Silvano Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio nel XII secolo: i rapport economici (Venezia, 1988); Angeliki Laiou. Byzantium and the Other; Sauro Gelichi, “La principessa, la rugiada e la bizantinità di Venezia,” in Lezioni Marciane 2017–2018: Venezia prima di Venezia: Torcello e dintorni (Rome, 2020), 23–37; Schreiner, “Untersuchungen zu den niederlassungen westlicher Kaufleute im byzantinischen Reich.”

39 See, for example, Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Antonino Lombardo, Documenti del commercio veneziano, I (Torino, 1940), 103, n. 101.

40 For a discussion of linguistic integration, see Laiou, “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” 173–174. Twelfth-century Venetian documents that evidence deals between Venetians and Greeks include Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Antonino Lombardo, Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI–XIII (Torino, 1940), 56-57, 201-202 (nn. 54, 203); Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Antonino Lombardo, Nuovi Documenti Del Commercio Veneto Dei Secoli XI-XIII (Treviso, 1953), 11, 14 (nn. 9, 11); n. 3, b. 12, San Zaccaria, Corporazioni religiose, ASV; Famiglia Zusto (1083–1184), ed. Luigi Lanfranchi (Venice, 1955), n. 6; Lanfranchi, ed., S. Giorgio Maggiore (Venice, 1968), vol. II, 380-383, 463-465, 526-527, vol. III, 294-296, 399-401 (nn. 181, 231, 271, 500, 581). Some are discussed in Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 322–323; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 47–48, 105–106; and Maltézou, “Les Italiens Propriétaires Terrarum et Casarum à Byzance.”

41 Shepard, “Knowledge of the West,” 31–32.

42 Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Antonino Lombardo, Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI–XIII (Torino, 1940) and Nuovi documenti del commercio veneto dei secoli XI–XIII (Treviso, 1953) are standard editions that contain nearly all commercial documents from medieval Venice. I have supplemented these with the few documents they missed (only some of which are published) and cited them in editions when possible. (Hereafter cited as DCV; Nuovi documenti.)

43 See, for example, Peter Schreiner, “Untersuchungen zu den niederlassungen westlicher Kaufleute im byzantinischen Reich.”

44 For more on quittances, see Dino Puncuh, All’ombra della Lanterna. Cinquant’anni tra archivi e biblioteche: 1956-2006 (Genoa, 2006), 794–795; for Venetian documentary practices, see Attilio Bartoli Langeli, “Il notariato,” in Genova, Venezia, il Levante nei secoli XII–XIV, ed. Gherardo Ortalli and Dino Puncuh (Genoa, 2000), 73–101.

45 For more on trade between Venice and the Holy Roman Empire, see Rösch, Der venezianische Adel; see also Andrea Castagnetti, Mercanti, società e politica nella marca veronese-trevigiana: secoli XI–XIV (Verona, 1990).

46 The early documents survive in clusters shaped by the archives in which they were initially kept as well as by their subsequent use as evidence in later property transactions (especially in cases where property had figured as security in a loan) and legal disputes (especially regarding inheritance). This clustering, coupled with low overall numbers, makes it impossible to use the early documents to draw any meaningful statistical conclusions: for example, between 1130 and 1140, twenty-nine discrete agreements on commercial matters are attested in total; six of these were made in Corinth and none at all in Constantinople, a distribution that quite clearly reflects nothing except accidents of survival. The number of documents increases dramatically from the 1150s on, likely in part due to the confusion and tensions surrounding outstanding obligations following the imperial sanctions of 1171 (on which more below), and in part because some of these records were later used to estimate and substantiate eventual compensation payments. See DCV, 58-78, 140-141, 298-299 (nn. 56–75, 141, 303). \

47 See Maria G Parani, “Intercultural Exchange in the Field of Material Culture in the Eastern Mediterranean: The Evidence of Byzantine Legal Documents (11th to 15th Centuries),” in Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500 (Brill, 2008), 349–72, 351–352.

48 Pozza and Ravegnani, I trattati con Bisanzio, 21-34 (doc.1). Note that the Logothete of the Course (of the Dromon) was generally in charge of foreign affairs, pointing at the Venetians’ ambiguous status as both imperial subjects and outsiders. For more on this, see Angeliki E. Laiou, “L’étranger de passage et l’étranger privilégié à Byzance, Xle-XIIe siècles (1994),” in Byzantium and the Other, 69–88, 84; and Laiou, “The Foreigner and the Stranger in 12th Century Byzantium: Means of Propitiation and Acculturation,” in Byzantium and the Other, 71–97.

49 The chrysobull of 1198 mentions a long-established unwritten custom among Byzantine citizens to seek justice from Venetian judges in cases where a Venetian was the defendant, and if the defendant was a Greek, the opposite rule applied. See Pozza and Ravegnani, I trattati con Bisanzio, 119-138 (doc.11); Daphne Penna, “Venetian Judges and Their Jurisdiction in Constantinople in the 12^th Century: Some Observations Based on Information Drawn from the Chrysobull of Alexios III Angelos to Venice in 1198,” Subseciva Groningana 8 (2009): 135–146.

50 On the flexibility of Byzantine legal practice see Laiou, “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” 165–168; 9; Helen Saradi, “The Byzantine Tribunals: Problems in the Application of Justice and State Policy (9^th-12^th c.),” Revue Des Études Byzantines 53 (1995): 165–204, 170-204; and Caroline Humfress, “Thinking Through Legal Pluralism: ‘Forum Shopping’ in the Later Roman Empire,” in Law and Empire: Ideas, Practices, Actors, ed. Jeroen Duindam, Jill Diana Harries, Caroline Humfress, and Hurvitz Nimrod (Brill, 2013), 223–250. On Byzantine notarial practices, see Helen Saradi, Notai e documenti greci dall’età di Giustiniano al XIX secolo. 1. Il tatute notarile bizantino: (VI–XV secolo), Per una storia del tatutee nella civiltà europea (Milano, 1999).

51 Gli tatute civili di Venezia anteriori al 1242, ed. Enrico Besta and Riccardo Predelli (Venezia, 1901), 67.

52 G. C. Maniatis, “The Personal Services Market in Byzantium,” Byzantion 74, no. 1 (2004): 25–50.

53 Nuovi documenti, 9-11 (n.8).

54 Nuovi documenti, 9-11 (n. 8). “Quicquid autem huic actioni contrayre presumpserit, non solum ut honoris patrie diminutor contemptorque erit reprobandus, sed et bandum curie domini nostri ducis sciet se emendatarum” (“Whoever should nevertheless presume to go against these acts shall not only be shamed as a diminisher and despiser of the honour of the homeland, but shall also know that he owes a fine to the curia of our lord the duke.”)

55 See discussions in Angold, “Venice in the Twelfth Century,” 296–315; Jadran Ferluga, “Veneziani fuori Venezia,” in Storia di Venezia, 693–722; Giorgio Cracco, Un “altro mondo”; Maltézou, “Venetian Habitatores, Burgenses, and Merchants,” 233–241; Maltézou, “Les Italiens propriétaires terrarum et casarum”; and Federica Masè, “Modèles de Colonisation Vénitienne: acquisition et gestion du territoire urbain en Méditerranée orientale (XIe–XIIIe siècles),” in Actes des congrès de la société des historiens médiévistes, 33^e congrès (Madrid, 2002); and Schreiner, “Untersuchungen zu den niederlassungen westlicher Kaufleute im byzantinischen Reich.”

56 A Venetian chronicle from the early thirteenth century estimates the number of Venetians who sailed to the Empire in 1171 at some 20,000 people: see Testi storici veneziani: XI–XIII secolo; Historia ducum venetorum, Annales venetici breves, Domenico Tino, Relatio de electione Dominici Silvi ventorum ducis, ed. Luigi Andrea Berto (Padova, 2000), chaps. 18, 28–29. Many modern historians find this figure unlikely; the roundness of the number certainly indicates that it is not a precise count, but that this number seemed plausible within living memory of the events suggests to me that it may not be a complete exaggeration: see Gerhard Rösch, “Lo Sviluppo Mercantile,” Storia di Venezia 2 (1995): 131–151; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 523, n. 124. Also see Giorgio Cracco, who suggests that Venetians abroad may have been more numerous than those at Rialto. Cracco, Un “altro mondo,” 14. See also n. 28 above.

57 See Alan Harvey, Economic Expansion in the Byzantine Empire, 900–1200 (Cambridge, UK, 1989); Michael Frank Hendy, “Byzantium, 1081–1204: The Economy Revisited, Twenty Years On,” in Hendy, The Economy, Fiscal Administration and Coinage of Byzantium (Northampton, 1989), 1–48; Angeliki Laiou and Cécile Morrisson, The Byzantine Economy (Cambridge, UK, 2007); Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, chap. 4.

58 See Leonora Alice Neville, Authority in Byzantine Provincial Society, 950–1100 (Cambridge, UK, 2004); Maria Gérolymatou, “L’aristocratie et le commerce (IXe-XIIe Siècles),” Symmeikta 15 (2002): 77–89; David Jacoby, “The Byzantine Social Elite and the Market Economy, Eleventh to Mid-Fifteenth Century,” in Essays in Renaissance Thought and Letters: In Honor of John Monfasani, ed. Alison Frazier and Patrick Nold (Leiden, 2015), 67–86; Michael Angold, “Archons and Dynasts: Local Aristocracies and the Cities of the Later Byzantine Empire,” in The Byzantine Aristocracy IX to XIII Centuries, ed. Michael Angold (Oxford, 1984), 236–253; Nicolas A. Oikonomidès, “La décomposition de l’empire byzantin à la veille de 1204 et les origines de l’empire de Nicée: à propos de la “Partitio Romaniae,” in Byzantium from the Ninth Century to the Fourth Crusade (Northamptonshire, 1992), 3–28.

59 Pamela Armstrong, “Merchants of Venice at Sparta in the 12th Century,” Sparta and Laconia. From Prehistory to Pre-Modern 16 (2009): 313–322; Jacoby, “Silk in Western Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade,” 452–500; Jacoby, “Silk Crosses the Mediterranean,” 55–79; and Jacoby, “Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike.”

60 Laiou, “Monopoly and Privileged Free Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean,” 511–526; Laiou, “L’étranger de passage et l’étranger privilégié”; and Jacoby, “Migrations familiales et stratégies commerciales.”

61 Alain Ducellier, La façade maritime de l’Albanie au moyen âge: Durazzo et Valona du XIe au XVe siècle (Thessaloniki, 1981), 70–73; Anna Comnena, Alexias, vol. 1, ed. Diether Roderich Reinsch (Berlin, 2001).

62 On Byzantine jurisdiction and the ambiguous legal status of the settled Venetians, see Laiou, “The Foreigner and the Stranger,” 85–88; and Ruth J. Macrides, “The Competent Court,” in Law and Society in Byzantium, Nineth-Twelfth Centuries, ed. Angelii E. Laiou and Dieter Simon (Cambridge, MA, 1994), 117–130.

63 Jacoby, “The Byzantine Outsider in Trade”; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 35.

64 Tassos C. Papacostas, “Secular Landholdings and Venetians in 12th-Century Cyprus,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 92, no. 2 (1999): 479–501.

65 Jacoby, “Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike”; Ferluga, “Veneziani fuori Venezia.”

66 Carlo Alberto Garufi, I documenti inediti dell’epoca normanna in Sicilia, vol. 18 (Palermo, 1899), 44-45 (n. XVIII). See David S. H. Abulafia, “Pisan Commercial Colonies and Consulates in Twelfth-Century Sicily,” English Historical Review 93, no. 366 (Jan. 1978): 68–81, 71.

67 Garufi, I documenti inedita, 91-92 (n. XXXIX), 149-150 (n. LX), 209-210 (n. LXXXVI).

68 Gino Luzzatto, “Capitale e lavoro nel commercio veneziano dei sec. XI e XII,” Studi di storia economica Veneziana (Venice, 1954), 89–116; Masè, “Modèles de colonisation.”

69 Federica Masè, “Le quartier des vénitiens à Constantinople du XIe Au XIIIe siècle: la fin d’un réseau?” in Réseaux marchands et réseaux de commerce. Concepts Récents, ed. Federica Masè (Strasbourg, 2010), 117–128; Studies on the Internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire, ed. Angeliki Laiou and Hélène E. Ahrweiler (Washington DC, 1998); Paul Magdalino, “The Maritime Neighborhoods of Constantinople: Commercial and Residential Functions, Sixth to Twelfth Centuries,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 54 (2000): 209–226.

70 Categorization from Maltézou, “Venetian Habitatores, Burgenses, and Merchants.”

71 S. Giorgio Maggiore, 271-273, 311-314 (nn 483, 514); Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 66.

72 For Mairano, see Irmgard Fees, “Ein venezianscher Kaufmann des 12. Jahrhunderts: Romano Mairano,” in Mito di Venezia: una città tra realtà e rappresentazione (Venice, 2006); Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, chaps. 4, 6.

73 For Staniaro, see Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 109–110; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 513–514.

74 Dion C. Smythe, “Insiders and Outsiders,” in A Companion to Byzantium, ed. Liz James (Hoboken, 2010), 67–80; Nicol, Byzantium and Venice; Thomas F. Madden, “Venice’s Hostage Crisis: Diplomatic Efforts to Secure Peace with Byzantium between 1171 and 1184,” in Medieval and Renaissance Venice, ed. Ellen E. Kittell and Thomas F. Madden (Urbana, 1999), 96–108.

75 Nuovi documenti, 20 (n.17); DCV, 169 (n.171). On the Ziani, see Fees, Reichtum und Macht; Borsari, “Gli Ziani”; on the Morosini, see Rösch, Der venezianische Adel, 21-22, 28-29, 64-65.

76 Venier Dalmari in b. 1, Miscellanea Perg. Privati, Raccolte e miscellanee, ASV; Domenico Soave in b. 178, Cancelleria inferiore, Notai, Repubblica di Venezia, ASV.

77 Jacoby, “Migrations familiales et stratégies commerciales,” 355–74, 362–3.

78 DCV, 126-127 (n.126). For more on the Venetian settlements in the Crusader States, see discussions in Marwan Nader, Burgesses and Burgess Law in the Latin Kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus (1099–1325) (New York, 2016); Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener Im Heiligen Land Vom Ersten Kreuzzug Bis Zum Tode Heinrichs von Champagne (1098-1197) (Amsterdam, 1989); David Jacoby, “The Venetian Presence in the Crusader Lordship of Tyre: A Tale of Decline,” in The Crusader World, ed. Adrian J. Boas (Routledge, 2015), 181–195.

79 Note that in this period, different approaches to trade and investment did not map onto the stans/procertans divide: trade and property ownership were intertwined components of aristocratic wealth in Venice, and the sitting and traveling business partners were often relatives. For more on patrician participation in Venetian trade, see Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 511–512; Rösch, Der Venezianische Adel Bis Zur Schließung Des Großen Rats. Zur Geschichte Einer Führungsschicht, 75–76; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 68–68, as well as n. 26 above. Familial investment in trade precipitated the personal involvement of (usually younger) family members; a common type of Venetian commercial partnership, the fraterna compagnia, allowed brothers to maintain shared ownership of their inheritance including any outstanding obligations; notably, heirs often held real estate in common even after dividing their commercial affairs. See Giorgio Zordan, “I vari aspetti della comunione familiare di beni nella Venezia dei secoli XI–XII,” Studi veneziani (1966): 127–194, 161–163; Jacoby, “Migrations familiales et stratégies commerciales.”

80 For more of the muda, see Frederic Lane, “Venetian Shipping during the Commercial Revolution,” American Historical Review 38, no. 2 (1933): 219–239; Jean-Claude Hocquet, Denaro, navi e mercanti a Venezia 2 (Treviso, 1999); Giovanni Italo Cassandro, “La formazione del diritto marittimo veneziano,” in Venezia e il Levante fino al secolo XV, ed. A. Pertusi (Florence, 1973), 185–218.

81 For some accounts of the conflicts over imperial privileges, see David Jacoby, “Italian Privileges and Trade in Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade: A Reconsideration,” in Jacoby, Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean, 349–369; Nicol, Byzantium and Venice, 20–124; Angeliki Laiou, “Byzantium and the Crusades in the Twelfth Century: Why Was the Fourth Crusade Late in Coming?” in Byzantium and the Other, 17–40.

82 Gras, “What is Capitalism in the Light of History?” 98.

83 For more on the slave trade, see Michael McCormick, “New Light on the ‘Dark Ages’: How the Slave Trade fuelled the Carolingian Economy,” Past & Present 177 (2002): 17-54; McCormick, Origins of the European Economy, 344, 356–367, 523–531, 731–777; Alice Rio, Slavery after Rome, 500–1100 (Oxford, 2017), 19–41.

84 For more on the role of merchants’ churches in medieval trade, see Vsevolod Slessarev, “Ecclesiae Mercatorum and the Rise of Merchant Colonies,” Business History Review 41, no. 2 (Summer 1967): 177–197.

85 David Jacoby, “The Expansion of Venetian Government in the Eastern Mediterranean until the Late Thirteenth Century,” in Il commonwealth veneziano tra 1204 e la fine della repubblica, ed. Gherardo Ortalli, Oliver Jens Schmitt, and Ermanno Orlando (Venice, 2015), 73–107; John Mark Nicovich, “The Poverty of the Patriarchate of Grado and the Byzantine–Venetian Treaty of 1082,” Mediterranean Historical Review 24, no. 1 (1 June 2009): 1–16; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 54–57; Maltézou, “Les italiens propriétaires terrarum et casarum,” 180–183.

86 In the imperial chrysobull of 1198, Alexios III required the Venetian legate to swear an oath to Byzantines and Venetians in St. Akyndinos, “as is customary.” See Pozza and Ravegnani, I trattati con Bisanzio, 119-138 (doc.11); Penna, “Venetian Judges and their Jurisdiction.”

87 The clerical status of the notaries was unique to Venice: although clerical notaries existed in other cities, they were becoming increasingly less common in the Central Middle Ages, and clerical status was not a prerequisite for being a notary anywhere outside Venice: see Bartoli Langeli, “Il otariate.”

88 For a list of some of the more notable traveling priest-notaries, see Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 55 (n. 116).

89 Shepard, “Knowledge of the West,” 39–41.

90 DCV, 96-98 (n.95).

91 Boni homines is an early medieval legal term that usually denoted property-owning men of good reputation and reasonably high social standing: see Karin Nehlsen-von Stryk, Die Boni Homines Des Frühen Mittelalters Unter Besonderer Berücksichtigung Der Fränkischen Quellen (Berlin, 1981); Thomas Szabó, “Zur Geschichte Der Boni Homines,” in Studi Giovanni Cherubini, ed. Duccio Balestracci (Siena, 2011), 301–322; Wendy Davies, Christian Spain and Portugal in the Early Middle Ages: Texts and Societies (New York, 2019), 274–287.

92 For more on the development of assembly politics, see Timothy Reuter, “Assembly Politics in Western Europe from the Eighth Century to the Twelfth,” in The Medieval World, ed. Peter Linehan and Janet L. Nelson (New York, 2003), 432–450; Chris Wickham, “Consensus and Assemblies in the Romano-Germanic Kingdoms: A Comparative Approach,” in Recht und Konsens im frühen Mittelalter, ed. Verena Epp and Christoph H. F. Meyer (Ostfildern, 2017), 389–424; for Venice, see Stefano Gasparri, “Venezia fra l’Italia bizantina e il regno italico: la civitas e l’assemblea,” in Venezia. Itinerari per la storia della città, ed. Stefano Gasparri, Giovanni Levi, and Pierandrea Moro (Milan, 1997), 61–82; Andrea Castagnetti, “Dall’assemblea popolare ai consigli del comune nel ducato di Venezia (secoli IX-XII),” in Studi sulle società e le culture del Medioevo per Girolamo Arnaldi, ed. Ludovico Gatto and Paola Supino Martini (Florence, 2002), 105–114; П. В. Лукин, “Средневековая “демократия”: народные собрания в Новгороде и Венеции.” Древняя Русь. Вопросы медиевистики, [Medieval “democracy”: popular assemblies in Novgorod and Venice, Ancient Rus. Questions of Medieval Studies] 4 (2018): 23–41.

93 The early medieval sinochagia (merchants’ lodgings) were often attached to churches: see Michael E. Martin, “The Venetians in the Byzantine Empire before 1204,” in Byzantinische Forschungen, ed. J. D. Howard-Johnston (Amsterdam, 1988), 201–214, 203; Robert Sabatino Lopez, “Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire,” Speculum 20, no. 1 (1945): 1–42, 37.

94 Lopez, “Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire,” 25–35; David Jacoby, “The Byzantine Outsider in Trade;” Jacoby, “Italian Traders in Byzantium, c.800–1204,” in A Companion to Byzantium and the West, 900–1204, ed. Nicolas Drocourt and Sebastian Kolditz (Leiden, 2021), 471–495.

95 In the tenth century, trading privileges were also granted to the Georgian monastery of Iveron on Mount Athos: see Laiou, “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” 164–165, 172; and on Amalfitan foundations, see von Falkenhausen, “La Chiesa amalfitana nei suoi rapporti con l’Impero bizantino (X–XI secolo); Jacoby, “Commercio e navigazione degli amalfitani nel mediterraneo orientale: sviluppo e declino,” in Medieval Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean and Beyond (New York, 2018), 65–104; Harvey, Economic Expansion in the Byzantine Empire, 25–35, 69–70, 238–241.

96 Borsari. Venezia e Bisanzio, 31, n.5; Lilie, Handel und Politik, 11-12; on Dyrrachium see DCV, 66-67 (n.63).

97 Lilie, Handel und Politik, 204–205, compiles evidence on the existence of numerous permanent markets in Catodica; the lively economy of mainland Greece attracted enough Venetian interest to leave some traces of overland trade in the Venetian documents, e.g. DCV 110-111, 129, 134-135, 136-137, 148-149, 206-208, 229-230, 264, 304-305, 347-349, 418-419, 441-442 (nn.110, 129, 135, 137, 150, 209, 235, 239, 270, 308, 353, 426, 451).

98 On trade routes, see Lilie, Handel und Politik, 243–263; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 334–336; 517–519

99 David Jacoby, “Les italiens en Egypte aux XIIe et XIIIe siècle: du comptoir à la colonie?” in Coloniser au Moyen Âge, ed. Alain Ducellier and Michel Balard (Paris, 1995), 76–89, 102–107.

100 Jacoby, “The Expansion of Venetian Government,” 93–103.

101 See Skinner, Amalfi; Jacoby, “Italian Traders,” 471–495.

102 For a recent overview, see Michel Balard, “The Genoese Expansion in the Middle Ages,” in Communicating the Middle Ages (New York, 2018).

103 Quentin van Doosselaere, Commercial Agreements and Social Dynamics in Medieval Genoa (Cambridge, UK, 2009); Agostino P. M. Inguscio, Reassessing Civil Conflicts in Genoa, 1160–1220 (Oxford, 2012); for contrast with Venice, see Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 77–78.

104 See figure 3; Magdalino, “The Maritime Neighborhoods of Constantinople”; Krijnie N. Ciggaar, Western Travellers to Constantinople: The West and Byzantium, 962–1204: Cultural and Political Relations (Leiden, 1996); Olivia Remie Constable, Housing the Stranger in the Mediterranean World: Lodging, Trade, and Travel in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge, UK, 2003); David Jacoby, “The Urban Evolution of Latin Constantinople (1204–1261),” in Byzantine Constantinople. Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life (Leiden, 2001), 277–297.

105 The emperor’s retaliation may have been a response to a conflict with the doge in the previous year: see Madden, “Venice and Constantinople in 1171 and 1172.” For more on the events of 1171, see Giorgio Cracco, Società e stato nel medioevo Veneziano (secoli XII–XIV) (Florence, 1967), 92 (n. 3); Frederic Lane, “At the Roots of Republicanism,” American Historical Review 71 (1966): 403–420, 407–409; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 20–27; David Jacoby, “Italian Privileges and Trade in Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade: A Reconsideration,” in Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean, 349–369.

106 Berto, Testi storici veneziani: XI–XIII secolo; historia ducum Venetorum, Annales Venetici breves, Domenico Tino, Relatio de electione Dominici Silvi Ventorum ducis, 28–41; Cessi, “Venice to the Eve of the Fourth Crusade,” 272–3; Lane, Venice, 90, 92; G. Maranini, La costituzione di Venezia, 2 vols (Florence, 1974), 1: 148–9; Madden, Dandolo, 57.

107 See A. Castagnetti, “Il primo commune” in Storia di Venezia 1, vol. II, ed. LC Ruggini, M. Pavan, Giorgio Cracco, and G. Ortall (Venice, 1995); Cracco, Società e stato nel medioevo Veneziano, 28–66; Un “altro mondo.” Venezia nel medioevo dal secolo XI al secolo XIV, 49–54; Castagnetti, Il primo commune; Dai tribuni ai giudici; Luzzatto, Storia economica, 3–28; Lane, Venice, 34–46, 92–95.

108 Madden, Dandolo, 56–57.

109 Many of these families later claimed more ancient origins, reflected in them being listed among the “case vecchie” in the Chronicon Iustiniani—but this is unlikely: see Andrea Castagnetti, La società veneziana nel medioevo. 2: Le famiglie ducali dei Candiano, Orseolo e Menio e la famiglia comitale vicentino-padovana di Vitale Ugo Candiano (secoli X–XI) (Verona, 1993); Luigi Andrea Berto, In Search of the First Venetians: Prosopography of Early Medieval Venice (Antwerp, 2014).

110 Sebastiano Ziani was one of the two biggest contributors to a massive emergency loan issued to the commune of Venice by a group of citizens in return for a share in an eleven-year lease of the Rialto market: see Fees, Reichtum und Macht; and Borsari, “Gli Ziani.”

111 Giorgio Cracco, Un “altro mondo”; Andrea Castagnetti, “L’età precomunale e la prima età comunale,” 1–162; Castagnetti, “Famiglie e affermazione politica;” Lane, “At the Roots of Republicanism.”

112 Fees, “Ein venezianscher Kaufmann des 12. Jahrhunderts: Romano Mairano,” 34–36; Reichtum und Macht, 47–102; Cracco, Società e stato, 43–47; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 117, 129.

113 For legal reforms, see M. Roberti, “Dei giudici veneziani prima del 1200,” Nuovo Archivio Veneto 8, no. 2 (1904): 230–245, 244; Lane, “At the Roots of Republicanism.”

114 Fees, Reichtum und Macht, 47–102, 59; Borsari, “Gli Ziani.”

115 Gli atti originali della cancelleria Veneziana, ed. Marco Pozza (Venice, 1995), 81-84 (doc. 18).

116 DCV, 279-283, 288-293 (nn. 284, 285, 287, 293, 294, 296, 297). On Mairano’s difficulties in this period, see Fees, “Ein venezianscher Kaufmann des 12. Jahrhunderts: Romano Mairano,” 34–36; Cracco, Società e stato, 43–47; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 117, 129.

117 On conveniencia agreements, see Adam J. Kosto, “The Convenientia in the Early Middle Ages,” Mediaeval Studies 60 (1 Jan. 1998): 1–54.

118 See Mueller, The Procuratori Di San Marco and the Venetian Credit Market: A Study of the Development of Credit and Banking in the Trecento, 73–9, 177–8 on the development of what he calls the “stationary commenda,” and which was central to later medieval Venetian trade.

119 A. Pertusi, “Venezia e Bisanzio: 1000-1204,” DOP 33 (1979): 1–22, 5, 11–12; Lilie, Handel Und Politik Zwischen Dem Byzantinischen Reich Und Den Italienischen Kommunen Venedig, Pisa Und Genua in Der Epoche Der Komnenen Und Der Angeloi (1081–1204), 360–372; L. Fr. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 vols (Cambridge, UK, 2012, rep.), 1: 171–175; Jacoby, “Les Italiens en Egypte aux XIIe et XIIIe siècle.”

120 See Thomas F Madden, “Alexander III and Venice,” in Pope Alexander III (1159–81) (New York, 2016), 315–340.

121 Angold, 2021 claims that Venetian elites wanted to reconnect with Byzantium for primarily sentimental reasons—but to me, it appears significant that both the richer and the poorer merchants in Venice stood to benefit materially from Byzantine trade.

122 A Venetian-Pisan treaty of 1180 refers to an ongoing conflict between Venice and the Empire; Venetians were likely only allowed to return to Byzantium around 1183: see Martin, 213–214; Madden, “Venice’s Hostage Crisis.”

123 For a detailed description of these privileges, see Donald M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice: A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 123.

124 DCV, 309 (n. 313). Cadelatis is probably a transliteration of the Greek καταλύτη (lodger); this usage is unique and the identity of these lodgers remains unclear.

125 DCV, 235-236 (n. 241).

126 Luigi Lanfranchi, ed., S. Giorgio Maggiore, vol. III, 131-133 (nn.374, 375); Luigi Lanfranchi, ed., S. Giovanni Evangelista Di Torcello (1024-1199) (Venezia, 1948), 96-98 (n.64); Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 22–23. Note that these Constantinopolitan documents do not record commercial agreements and so are not included in the calculations for figure 4 below.

127 In 1175, William II of Sicily granted protections to all Venetians except pirates and those who were serving in the Byzantine emperor’s navy: “illis qui fuerint in auxilio imperatoris Constantinopolitani ad deffendendum ejus Imperium in galeis illis:” see Tafel, Urkunden Zur Älteren Handels- Und Staatsgeschichte Der Republik Venedig I, 172-174 (doc. 65); Cracco, Un “altro mondo,” 52.

128 DCV, 267-27 (nn.273, 274, 275). Briefly discussed in Jacoby, “Migrations familiales et strategies commerciales,” 367-368; Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 23; Lilie, Handel und Politik, 211, 505; Angold, “Venice in the Twelfth Century,” 304; Madden, “Venice’s Hostage Crisis,” 101–102.

129 The impressive magnitude of their financial losses has been estimated by Michael Hendy: Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy: C. 300–1450 (Cambridge, 1985), 590–602; “Byzantium, 1081–1204: The Economy Revisited, Twenty Years On,” 25–27; see also Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 338–339.

130 See, for example, Giovanni Dandolo leasing a workshop on the Golden Horn in 1184: DCV, n. 344.

131 Pozza and Ravegnani, I trattati con Bisanzio, 119-138 (doc.11); Penna, “Venetian Judges and Their Jurisdiction;” Laiou, “The Foreigner and the Stranger in 12th Century Byzantium: Means of Propitiation and Acculturation,” 85–87; Laiou, “Institutional Mechanisms of Integration,” 171–178; Lilie, Handel und Politik, 47–48, 105.

132 This resentment of the Latins fuelled the notorious massacre of the Latins in 1182 when Constantinopolitans attacked the Latin quarters and went on a murderous rampage. Soon after this incident, the emperor offered Venetians compensation as well as new privileges, perhaps hoping to replace the mercantile fleet that was lost with the departure of the Pisans, Genoese, and other Latins: see Ralph-Joannes Lillie, Handel und Politik zwischen dem byzantinischen Reich und den italienischen Kommunen Venedig, Pisa und Genua in der Epoche der Komnenen und der Angeloi (1081–1204) (Las Palmas, 1984), 532–537; Nicole, Byzantium and Venice, 106–119.

133 “…excepto periculo incendii et violentia imperatoris….:” see, for example, DCV n. 344; Nuovi documenti, n. 40; n.263, b.5, Corporazioni religiose, Mensa Patriarcale, ASV.

134 The Greek document is called “simioma Greca” (σημείωμα). DCV, 444-446 (n. 456); see Borsari. Venezia e Bisanzio, 56, n.118.

135 Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden, 216–25; cf. Cracco, Un “altro mondo,” 58; Maltézou, “Venetian Habitatores, Burgenses, and Merchants,” 238.

136 Choniates, Historia, 588.

137 Oikonomidès, “La décomposition de l’empire byzantin à la veille de 1204 et les origines de l’empire de Nicée: à propos de la “Partitio Romaniae.”

138 Chryssa A. Maltézou, “Venetian Habitatores, Burgenses, and Merchants”; David Jacoby, “The Venetian Presence in the Latin Empire of Constantinople (1204–1261): The Challenge of Feudalism and the Byzantine Inheritance,” in Byzantium, Latin Romania and the Mediterranean, 141–201.

139 Jacoby, “The Venetian Government and Administration in Latin Constantinople, 1204–1261: A State within a State (2006),” in Travellers, Merchants and Settlers in the Eastern Mediterranean, 19–79.

140 David Jacoby, “The Venetian Quarter of Constantinople from 1082 to 1261: Topographical Considerations,” in Novum Millenium: Studies on Byzantine History and Culture Dedicated to Paul Speck, ed. Claudia Saude and Sarolta Takács (New York, 2001), 153–170.

141 For an overview of the office of the podestà, see Robert Lee Wolff, A New Document from the Period of the Latin Empire of Constantinople: The Oath of the Venetian Podestà (Brussels, 1953).

142 Sally McKee, Uncommon dominion: Venetian Crete and the myth of ethnic purity (Philadelphia, 2000); Rena Lauer, Colonial justice and the Jews of Venetian Crete (Philadelphia, 2019); Silvano Borsari, Il Dominio Veneziano a Creta Nel XIII Secolo (Napoli, 1963).

143 For thirteenth-century Venetian trade, see Luzzatto, Storia Economica, 29–132; Reinhold C. Mueller and Frederic C. Lane, The Venetian Money Market: Banks, Panics, and the Public Debt, 1200–1500, 1 (Baltimore, 1997).

144 Annabel Hancock, “Tracing Connections: Using Network Analysis to Study Trade and Movement in the Mediterranean in the 11th to 14th Centuries,” Digital Scholarship in the Humanities 38, no. 4 (2023): 1536–1563; Angeliki E. Laiou, “Venice as a Centre of Trade and of Artistic Production in the Thirteenth Century (1982),” in Byzantium and the Other, 11–26.

145 Angeliki Laiou, “The Many Faces of Medieval Colonization (1998),” in Byzantium and the Other, 13–30; Mario Gallina, Una società coloniale del trecento, Creta fra Venezia e Bisanzio (Venice, 1989); “Progetti Veneziani Di Economia Coloniale a Creta,” in Gallina, Conflitti e Coesistenza Nel Mediterraneo Medievale (Umbria, 2003), 301–320; David Jacoby, “The Economy of Latin Greece,” in A Companion to Latin Greece (Leiden, 2014), 185–216.

146 Antonella Rovere, “L’organizzazione burocratica: uffici e documentazione,” in Genova, Venezia, il Levante nei secoli XII-XIV, ed. Gherardo Ortalli and Dino Puncuh (Venice, 2001), 103–128; David Jacoby, “Multilingualism and Institutional Patterns of Communication in Latin Romania (Thirteenth–Fourteenth Centuries),” in Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500, 25–48; Maria Francesca Tiepolo, “Public Documents and Notarial Praxis: Some Examples from Venetian Greece of the Early Fourteenth Century,” Mediterranean Historical Review 10, no. 1–2 (1995): 302–21.

147 Gli statuti veneziani di Jacopo Tiepolo del 1242, I, ed. Roberto Cessi, (Venice, 1938), xxvii, 62; idem, V, viii, 22. Another clear change in Venetian record-keeping is evident from the survival from the thirteenth century of contracts for trade in Western Europe, which, as mentioned above, are conspicuously absent from the twelfth-century documentary record.

148 Louise Buenger Robbert, “Rialto Businessmen and Constantinople, 1204–1261,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 1995, 43–58; David Jacoby, “Venetian Settlers in Latin Constantinople (1204–1261): Rich or Poor?” in Byzantium, Latin Romania and the Mediterranean, 181–204; Jacoby, “The Economy of Latin Constantinople, 1204–1261 (2005),” in Travellers, Merchants and Settlers in the Eastern Mediterranean, 195–214; Jacoby, “The Encounter of Two Societies: Western Conquerors and Byzantines in the Peloponnesus after the Fourth Crusade,” in Jacoby, Recherches Sur La Méditerranée Orientale Du XIIe Au XVe Siècle (London, 1979), II:873–906; Angeliki E. Laiou, “The Byzantine Economy in the Mediterranean Trade System; Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries,” in Laiou, Gender, Society and Economic Life in Byzantium (New York, 1992), 177–233.

149 For the muda, see F. M. Hocker and J. M. McManamon. “Mediaeval Shipbuilding in the Mediterranean and Written Culture at Venice,” Mediterranean Historical Review 21, no. 1 (2006): 1–37; Jean-Claude Hocquet, “La politica del sale,” in Storia di Venezia. Dalle origini alla caduta 2, ed. Giorgio Cracco (Rome, 1995), 713–736; Frederic Lane, “Venetian Merchant Galleys, 1300–1334: Private and Communal Operation” Speculum 38, no. 2 (Apr. 1963): 179–205.

150 On the relationship between the use of the colleganza and the prevalence of the muda, see Dean Williamson, “The Financial Structure of Commercial Revolution: Financing Long-distance Trade in Venice 1190–1220 and Venetian Crete 1278–1400,” in The Economics of Adaptation and Long-term Relationships, ed. Williamson (Cheltenham, 2019). The muda system was characterized by low risks, but also predictable and limited returns; newer merchants seeking to distinguish themselves and hoping to attain higher than average profits still ventured out independently, sometimes to increasingly distant and improbable places.

151 Jacoby, “Les Italiens en Égypte aux XII^e et XIII^e siècles,” 86; Balard, “Le commerce génois à Alexandrie,” 271–275; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 516–517.

152 See Reinhold Mueller, The Procuratori Di San Marco and the Venetian Credit Market: A Study of the Development of Credit and Banking in the Trecento (Baltimore, 1969) and Mueller, The Venetian Money Market: Banks, Panics, and the Public Debt, 1200-1500, 2 (Baltimore, 2019) for the role of this centralization in the development of banking; the thirteenth century also saw the rapid growth of local industry, especially luxury manufacture, see Laiou, “Venice as a Centre of Trade and of Artistic Production in the Thirteenth Century (1982).” On glass production, see Veronica Occari, Ian C. Freestone, and Corisande Fenwick, “Raw Materials and Technology of Medieval Glass from Venice: The Basilica of SS. Maria e Donato in Murano,” Journal of Archaeological Science Reports 37, no. 3 (June 2021).

153 Pozza and Ravegnani, I trattati con Bisanzio, 27-35 (doc.2).

154 David Jacoby, “Italian Privileges and Trade in Byzantium before the Fourth Crusade”; Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 335–336.

155 See, for example, the port city of Halmyros where extensive Venetian activity is attested throughout the period: Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 335; and Lillie, Handel und Politik, 135–136 on Demetrias and Halmyros.

156 Venetian churches within Byzantium are listed in Borsari, Venezia e Bisanzio, 40–41; and Lillie, Handel und Politik, 117–222, who includes them in his survey of Italian presence in Byzantium. To their findings, here I add Rhodes, where there is some evidence for Venetian churches dating to the period of Byzantine control, Limassol on Cyprus, and Thessaloniki. Moreover, in this map I identify all overseas Venetian churches, including those located outside Byzantium.

157 [1. Dyrrachium]: The (likely Amalfitan) church of St. Andrew was granted to the Venetians in the 992 chrysobull; a significant community of Venetian colonists in Dyrrachium is also mentioned by Anna Komnena in the Alexiad, V.1, and by Guillaume de Pouille in La geste de Robert Guiscard, ed. M. Mathieu (Palermo, 1961), lines 465–466; Skinner, Amalfi, 219–220; von Falkenhausen, “La chiesa amalfitana,” 402; Alain Ducellier, La façade maritime de l’Albanie. [2. Corinth]: Lillie, 195–7, Borsari, 41; DCV, 90-91, 95-96 (n. 88, 94). [3. Sparta]: Lillie, 198–200; Borsari, 41; DCV, 203-204 (n. 205). [4. Thebes]: Lillie, 210–213, 287; Borsari, 41; DCV, 136-137 (n. 137). [5. Halmyros]: Lillie, 187–190; Borsari, 41; Nuovi documenti, 15-16 (n. 13); S. Giorgio Maggiore 463-470, 526-527 (nn. 231, 232, 233, 271). [6. Thessaloniki]: A dependency of San Nicolò di Lido: David Jacoby, “Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike, c. 1150–c. 1450,” in Jacoby, Latins, Greeks and Muslims, 2009, 85–132, 92; B. Lanfranchi Strina, ed., Codex Publicorum (Codice del Piovego), I (1282–1298), Fonti per la Storia di Venezia, sez. I, Archivi pubblici (Venice, 1985), 207 (n. 28) [7. Abydos]: Borsari, 41; DCV, 375-376 (n. 382). [8. Rodosto]: San Giorgio: Nuovi documenti, 14-15 (n. 12); S. Giorgio Maggiore, 533-534 (n. 276), and Santa Maria: Borsari, 40; S. Giorgio Maggiore, n. 216; Nuovi documenti, 9-10, 14-15, 25-26 (nn. 8, 12, 23). [9. Adrianople]: The Latin monastery attested at Adrianople is not clearly described as being Venetian but there is strong circumstantial evidence to support its links to Venice; it certainly signals significant Venetian presence: see Lillie, Handel und Politik, 171 (n. 2); Jacoby, “Italian Traders in Byzantium, c.800–1204,” 484. [10. Kotzinos]: The oratory of St. Blasius near the town of Kotzinos on Lemnos was given to the Venetians by the orthodox bishop of the island and became the property of San Giorgio Maggiore: S. Giorgio Maggiore, 380-383 (n. 181); Lillie, Handel und Politik, 63, 122. [11. Limassol]: see Tassos C. Papacostas, “Secular Landholdings and Venetians in 12th-Century Cyprus,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 92, no. 2 (1999): 479–501 for extensive evidence on a large, settled Venetian community in Limassol around a church of San Marco, esp. 485–490; Nicholas Coureas, The Latin Church in Cyprus, 1195–1312 (Aldershot, 1997). [12. Rhodes]: Jacoby, “Italian Traders in Byzantium, c.800–1204,” 483 mentions a Venetian church on Rhodes as being first attested in 1187, but a Latin, most likely Venetian church, was already present there around 1100 when it is mentioned in a treatise related to the Great Schism: see Siecienski, “The Azyme Debate: The Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” 137; and Shepard, “Knowledge of the West in Byzantine Sources, c.900–c.1200,” 40. [13. Acre]: Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus. Bd. 4: The Cities of Acre and Tyre: With Addenda and Corrigenda to Volumes I–III (Cambridge, UK, 2009), 125–126; DCV, 266-267 (n. 272); Jacoby, “The Expansion of Venetian Government in the Eastern Mediterranean until the Late Thirteenth Century,” 91; David Jacoby, “The Venetian Privileges in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: Twelfth and Thirteenth-Century Interpretations and Implementation,” in Jacoby, Commercial Exchange across the Mediterranean (New York, 2005), 155–175. [14. Tyre]: First attested in 1137: DCV, 126-127 (n. 126). See Jacoby, “The Venetian Presence in the Crusader Lordship of Tyre: A Tale of Decline,” Gli atti originali della cancelleria Veneziana, 70-74, 81-84 (docs. 15, 18). [15. Beirut]: Jacoby, “The Expansion of Venetian Government in the Eastern Mediterranean until the Late Thirteenth Century,” 94; Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener Im Heiligen Land Vom Ersten Kreuzzug Bis Zum Tode Heinrichs von Champagne (1098–1197), 46–48, 86–87; Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus, Bd. 1 A-K (Excluding Acre and Jerusalem) (Cambridge, UK, 1992), 116. [16. Palermo]: Garufi, I documenti inediti dell’epoca normanna in Sicilia, 44-45, 92-93, 149-150, 209 (nn. 18, 39, 60, 86). See David S. H. Abulafia, “Pisan Commercial Colonies and Consulates in Twelfth-Century Sicily.” [17. Bari]: Bari has the most tenuous claim to having a Venetian church on this list, yet ultimately its existence seems probably in the late twelfth century: see David Abulafia, The Two Italies: Economic Relations between the Norman Kingdom of Sicily and the Northern Communes (Cambridge, UK, 1977), 80; Francesco Carabellese, Bari, Collezione Di Monografie Illustrate (Bergamo, 1909), 85–86. Note that this list does not include Venetian monasteries and churches in the Northern and Eastern Adriatic because, as Venetians vied for political control over that area, churches there were not extraterritorial in the same way as those that existed further away.

158 Venetian documents show merchants leaving documents on Crete (e.g. DCV, 164-165 (n.167)), but it is impossible to know where exactly on the islands this was; sources post-dating 1204 claim that some Venetians had already owned property on the island in the twelfth century, but they are dubious and unspecific: see David Jacoby, “Byzantine Crete in the Navigation and Trade Networks of Venice and Genoa,” in The Eastern Mediterranean Frontier of Latin Christendom, ed. Jace Stuckey (New York, 2008), 39–62. Another location where Venetians may have had a presence is the port of Kytros: see Lillie, Handel und Politik, 193.

159 See Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 515; Lillie, Handel und Politik, 135; Jacoby, “The Expansion of Venetian Government in the Eastern Mediterranean until the Lite Thirteenth Century,” 94.

160 Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 515–516; David Jacoby, “Les italiens en Egypte aux XIIe et XIIIe siècle: du comptoir à la colonie?”

161 Byzantium, Venice and the Medieval Adriatic, ed. Magdalena and Herrin; Rowan Dorin, “Adriatic Trade Networks in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” in Trade and Markets in Byzantium, ed. Cécile Morrisson (Cambridge, MA, 2012); Wickham, The Donkey and the Boat, 514. Some Venetians were certainly resident in the Adriatic ports: e.g. “Iohannes Serçi de Boda de Kataro” (from the Bay of Kotor): DCV, 218-219 (n.221).

162 Lillie, Handel und Politik, 200-202; Borsari, 56 n.118.