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² Barman, Roderick, “Business and Government in Imperial Brazil: The Experience of Viscount Mauá,” Journal of Latin American Studies 13, 2 (Nov. 1981): 242.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For biographies of Mauá see Faria, Alberto de, Mauá: Ireneu Evangelista de Sousa, Barāo e Visconde de Mauá, 1813–1889 (Rio de Janeiro, 1926)Google Scholar and Marchant, Anyda, Viscount Mauá and the Empire of brazil: A Biography of Irineu Evangelista de Sousa (1813–1889) (Berkeley, Calif., 1965).Google Scholar

³ Love, Joseph L., “Political Participation in Brazil, 1881–1969,” Luso-Brazilian Review 7 (Dec. 1970): 6–8.Google Scholar Prior to electoral reform in 1881, voting was for electors, thus indirect. The reform made voting direct, but also raised income requirements and made proof of income much more difficult. It is estimated to have reduced the number of eligible voters from over one million to roughly 150,000. Graham, Richard, Patronage and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Brazil (Stanford, Calif., 1990), 184, 202.Google Scholar

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⁶ For the advantages of the use of the term “interest group,” now prevalent, rather than “pressure group,” see Wootton, Graham, Interest Group (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1970), 76.Google Scholar

⁷ Ridings, Eugene W., “Business, Nationality, and Dependency in Late Nineteenth Century Brazil,” Journal of Latin American Studies 14, 1 (May 1982): 55–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Evidence from Rio de Janeiro indicates that foreigners were even more predominant in manufacturing than in overseas trade (ibid., 72–75). Foreign domination of overseas commerce was long-standing; in Salvador between 1600 and 1700 more than four-fifths of the merchants were of Portuguese birth. Smith, David Grant and Flory, Rae, “Bahian Merchants and Planters in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries,” Hispanic American Historical Review 54 (Nov. 1978): 575.Google Scholar

⁸ Canstatt, Oskar, Brasil: A Terra e a Gente (1871), trans. Castro, Eduardo de Lima (Rio de Janeiro, 1954), 286.Google Scholar For the colonial period see Lisanti, Luís, “Estudos: Cenário e Personagens,” in Negócios Coloniais (Uma Correspondência Comercial do Século XVIII), ed. Lisanti, Luís (Rio de Janeiro, 1973), 1: cxlviiiGoogle Scholar; Smith and Flory, “Bahian Merchants and Planters,” 576.

⁹ Ridings, Eugene W., “The Foreign Connection: A Look at the Business Elite of Rio de Janeiro in the Nineteenth Century,” New Scholar 7½ (1979): 174–77.Google Scholar For the colonial period see Mauro, Frédéric, Nova História e Nom Mundo, 3d ed. (São Paulo, 1973), 132–33Google Scholar; Smith and Flory, “Bahian Merchants and Planters,” 578–82.

¹⁰ Brazil, Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, Anuário Esmtístico, 1939–40 (Rio de Janeiro, 1941), 1379.Google Scholar Recife sugar exportation tonnage nearly doubled in the period 1836–40. Eisenberg, Peter L., The Sugar Industry in Pernambuco: Modernization Without Change, 1840–1910 (Berkeley, Calif., 1974), 16.Google Scholar

¹¹ Centro Industrial do Brasil, Brazil: Its Natural Riches and Industries (foreign ed.), vol. 1: Preface—Productive Industry (Paris, 1910), 248.Google Scholar

¹² For the causes and consequences of this shift see Leff, Nathaniel H., “Economic Development and Regional Inequality: Origins of the Brazilian Case,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 86 (May 1972): 243–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Underdevelopment and Development in Brazil; vol. 2: Reassessing the Obstacles to Economic Development (London, 1982), 5–40. Another view is found in Denslow, David, “As Origens da Desigualdade Regional no Brasil,” in Formação Econômica do Brasil: A Experiência da Industrialização, ed. Versiani, Flávio Rabelo and Barros, José Roberto Mendonça de (São Paulo, 1977), 41–61.Google Scholar

¹³ Organizations of overseas merchants were created in Pôrto in the late thirteenth and in Lisbon in the early fourteenth centuries. Neither was lasting, although the former revived briefly in 1402. Associação Comercial do Pôrto, Associação Comercial do Põrto: Resumo Histórico de Sua Atividade desde a Fundação até ao Ano das Comemoraçõs Centenárias (Pôrto, 1942), 7–10Google Scholar; Fonseca, Joaquim Roque, Cem Anos em Defisa da Economia Nacional (Lisbon, 1934), 9–10Google Scholar; Lugar, Catherine, “The Merchant Community of Salvador, Bahia, 1780–1830” (Ph.D. diss., SUNY-Stony Brook, 1980), 23–27.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The Consulado of Valencia was founded in 1283. Smith, Robert Sidney, “The Institution of the Consulado in New Spain,” Hispanic American Historical Review 24 (Feb. 1944): 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Smith, Robert Sidney, The Spanish Guild Merchant: A History of the Consulado, 1250–1700 (Durham, N.C., 1940).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Exceptions were the Consulado of Guatemala, lasting until 1871, and the Consulado of Lima, persisting into the 1850s, although both were temporarily suppressed by the government during the 1820s. Woodward, Ralph Lee, Class Privilege and Economic Development: The Consulado de Comercio of Guatemala, 1793–1871 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1966), 31, 33Google Scholar; Basadre, Jorge, Historia de la Cámara de Comercio de Lima (Lima, 1963), 12Google Scholar; Gootenberg, Paul, “The Social Origins of Protectionism and Free Trade in Nineteenth-Century Lima,” Journal of latin American Studies 14, 2 (Nov. 1982): 333, 337.CrossRefGoogle Scholar In 1832 the Consulado of Havana split, separating judicial and advisory functions, into the Junta de Comercio and the Junta de Fomento. Riverend, Julio Le, Historia Económica de Cuba, 4th ed. (Havana, 1974), 266.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Smith and Flory, “Bahian Merchants and Planters,” 589; Lisanti, “Cenáno e Personagens,” 1: cxxix, cxlvii.

¹⁸ Vice-Rei Conde dos Arcos to Thomé Joaquim da Costa Corte Real, Salvador, 24 Aug. 1757, in Eduardo de Castro e Almeida, ed., Inventário dos Documentos Relativos ao Brasil Existentes no Anquivo da Marinha e Ultramar de Lisboa, vol. 1: Bahia, 1613–1732 (Rio de Janeiro, 1913), 171Google Scholar; Lugar, “Merchant Community of Salvador,” 23–27. The organization's establishment followed the foundation of a General Welfare Board in Lisbon in 1722.

¹⁹ They were the Superintendency of Tobacco (Intendência de Tobaco) (1698–1751) of Salvador, the Boards of Inspection of Sugar and Tobacco (Mesa de Inspeção de Açúcar e Tobaco) (1751–1827) of Salvador, Rio de Janeiro, Recife, and São Luís, and the Royal Boards of Commerce, Agriculture, Manufactures, and Navigation (Real Junta do Comércio, Agricultura, Fábricas e Navegação) (1809–22) of Rio de Janeiro and São Luís. Lugar, Catherine, “The Portuguese Tobacco Trade and Tobacco Growers of Bahia in the Late Colonial Period,” in Essays Concerning the Socioeconomic History of Brazil and Portuguese India, ed. Alden, Dauril and Dean, Warren (Gainesville, Fla., 1977), 42Google Scholar; Luccock, John, Notes on Rio de Janeiro and the Southern Parts of Brazil Taken During a Residence of Ten Years in the Country from 1808 to 1818 (London, 1820), 575Google Scholar; Viveiros, Jernimo de, História do Comércio do Maranhão, 1612–1895 (São Luís, 1954), 1: 118–19.Google Scholar

²⁰ For examples of committee activity see John Wylie to John Hancock, Rio de Janeiro, 7 Feb. 1909, Letter Book, John Wylie & Co. Ltd., Feb. 1809 to Dec. 1809, UGD 28–1/1, Adam Smith Record Store, University of Glasgow, 8; Committee to Brazilian Foreign Ministry, Rio de Janeiro, no date, 239/1/5, Arquivo Histórico de Itamaraty [hereafter cited as AHI], Rio de Janeiro.

²¹ Gibbs, John Arthur, The History of Antony and Dorothea Gibbs and of Their Contemporary Relatives, Including the History of the Origin and Early Years of the House of Antony Gibbs and Sons (London, 1922), 400Google Scholar; Love, George Thomas, A Five Years Residence in Buenos Aires During the liars 1820 to 1825; Containing Remarks on the Country and Inhabitants and a Visit to Colonia del Sacramento (London, 1825), 37–38.Google Scholar

²² The Commercial Association of Pernambuco, first Brazilian organization to take that title, initially contemplated calling itself chamber of commerce or mercantile association. Minutes, meeting of Preparatory Committee of Commercial Association of Pernambuco, 18 June 1839, Livro 1 de Atas, Arquivo da Associação Comercial de Pernambuco [hereafter cited as AACP], Recife, 1. On the other hand, some business interest groups in the United States were known as commercial associations. Sturges, Kenneth, American Chambers of Commerce (New York, 1915), 47.Google Scholar

²³ The New York Chamber of Commerce, founded in 1767, was probably the first, although a number of British chambers of commerce, not all of which adopted that title initially, arose at virtually the same time. “History of the New York Chamber of Commerce,” Harper's Weekly 66 (15 Nov. 1902): 1720; Ilersic, Alfred Roman, Parliament of Commerce: The Story of the Association of British Chambers of Commerce, 1820–1960 (London, 1960), 3.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ilersic, Parliament of Commerce, 3–4; Sturges, American Chambers, 42.

²⁵ First was the Chamber of Commerce of Mexico City. Shafer, Robert Jones, Mexican Business Organizations: History and Analysis (Syracuse, N.Y., 1973), 17, 233Google Scholar. Other leading chambers of commerce arose in Bogotá in 1879, in Lima in 1888, and in Buenos Aires not until 1924. Sojo, José Raimundo, El Comercio en la Historia de Colombia (Bogotá, 1970), 66Google Scholar; Basadre, Cámara de Lima, 15; Imaz, José Luís de, Los que Mandan (Those Who Rule), trans. Astiz, C. A. and McCarthy, M. F. (Albany, N.Y., 1970), 134.Google Scholar

²⁶ Sabine, Lorenzo, “The Origin of Boards of Trade,” Banker's Magazine and Statistical Register 13 (March 1859): 687–91Google Scholar; Bisbee, L. H. and Simonds, J. C., The Board of Trade and the Produce Exchange: Their History, Methods, and Law (Chicago, 1884), 24–27Google Scholar; Sturges, American Chambers, 20–32.

²⁷ Sturges, American Chambers, 49–51; Sabine, “Origin of Boards,” 686–91; Mathews, Franklin, “The Organized Conscience of the Rich,” The World's Work 4 (Oct. 1902): 2629–30.Google Scholar

²⁸ For comissários see Sweigart, Joseph E., “Financing and Marketing Brazilian Export Agriculture: The Coffee Factors of Rio de Janeiro, 1850–1888” (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1980).Google Scholar For correspondentes see Eisenberg, Sugar in Pernambuco, 63–79. For aviadores see Weinstein, Barbara, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850–1920 (Stanford, Calif., 1983).Google Scholar

²⁹ Two members of the first board of directors of the Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce were simultaneously directors of the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, and all the board members belonged to the Rio organization. Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 286–93. Four of the board members of the Center for Sugar Industry and Commerce were also board members ofthe Rio association. Raffard, Henri, O Centro da Indùstria e Comércio de Açúcar no Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 11.Google Scholar During approximately half of the twenty-five years of interest group activity ofthe Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco, its president was a sometime director ofthe Commercial Association of Pernambuco, as usually was at least one member of its five-man board of directors. Livros de Atas, Associação Comercial Agrícola de Pernambuco, 1877–1903, AACP.

³⁰ Shafer, Mexican Business, 19; Imaz, Los que Mandan, 134; Shafer, Robert J., A History of Latin America (Lexington, Mass., 1978), 459.Google Scholar

³¹ Brazil, Ministério de Fazenda, Proposta e Relatório Apresentados à Assembléia Geral Legislativa na Segunda Sessão da Dècima Ottava Legislatura telo Ministro e Secretário de Estado dos Negócios da Fazenda, Martinho Ahares da Silva Campos (Rio de Janeiro, 1882), 33.Google Scholar For commercial associations see, for example, Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro to Viscount Ouro Preto, Rio de Janeiro, 18 Sept. 1889, Oficios da Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, 1887–92, Arquivo da Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter cited as AACRJ], 51; Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatório de 1874, 69, and Relatório de 1878, 58.

³² Most conspicuous was Francisco de Paula Mayrinck, president of the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro, vice-president of the Engineering Club (Clube de Engenharia), and member of the Industrial Association. Almanak Administrativo, Mercantil e Industrial do Rio de Janeiro para 1892 (Almanak Laemmert) (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 1106; Revista do Clube de Engenharia 2, vol. 10 (1888): 21; Associação Industrial, Relatório Apresentado à Assembléia Geral da Associação Industrial em Sessão de 9 de Junho de 1884 pela Diretoria da Mesma Associação (Rio de Janeiro, 1884), 1–3.Google Scholar

³³ Ridings, “Foreign Connection,” 176.

³⁴ Boxer, Charles R., The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–1825 (New York, 1969), 333–34.Google Scholar

³⁵ Quoted in Pinho, José Wanderky de Araújo, História de um Engenho do Ricôncavo: Matoim-Novo-Caboto-Freguezia (1553–1944) (Rio de Janeiro, 1946), 316n.Google Scholar

³⁶ Minutes, extraordinary meeting of 17 Nov. 1891, Livro 5 de Atas, Arquivo da Associação Comercial da Bahia [hereafter cited as AACB], Salvador, 386.

³⁷ Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatório da Associção Comercial de Santos Apresentado em Sessão Ordinària da Assembléia Geral em Março de 1881 (Rio de Janeiro, 1881), 14.Google Scholar

³⁸ Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório da Comissão da Praça, Apresentado à Assembléia Gemi dos Assinantes da Casa da Praça em 9 de Janeiro de 1872 (São Luís, 1872), 6–8Google Scholar; Viveiros, Comércio do Mamnhão, 2: 440–45.

³⁹ de Rêgo Barros, H., Chief of Customs, to Commercial Association of Bahia, Salvador, 9 Oct. 1877, Relatório da Associação Comercial da Praç da Bahia, Apresentado em Sessão Ordinária da Assembléia Geral de 22 de Janeiro de 1878 (Salvador, 1878), 38.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Men of landowner origin overwhelmingly dominated cabinet positions during the empire. Carvalho, José Murilo de, A Construção da Ordern: A Elite Política Imperial (Rio de Janeiro, 1980), 165.Google Scholar

⁴¹ For example, Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatóne de 1897, 134–37; Bello, Wenceslao, “Crônica Agrícola: O Café,” A Lavoura (Rio de Janeiro) 4 (Dec. 1900): 382–83.Google Scholar

⁴² Sociedade Auxiliadora da Agricultura de Pernambuco, Relatório Anual Apresentado na Sessão de 4 de Julho de 1878 da Assembléia Geral pelo Gerente Inácio de Barros Barrett em Ata da Mesma Sessão (Recife, 1878), 15–16Google Scholar; Pang, Laura Jarnagin, “The State and Agricultural Clubs of Imperial Brazil, 1860–1899” (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1981), 64–68.Google Scholar For marketing costs see Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 47, 62.

⁴³ Wenceslau Guimarães, 11 May 1928, Estado da Bahia, Assembléia Legislativa, Diário da Assembléia (Salvador, 1928), 285.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Lima, Heitor Ferreira, História do Pensamento Econômico no Brasil (São Paulo, 1976), 80–82.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Associação Industrial, Relatórie de 1882, 27.

⁴⁶ Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatório de 1891, 317.

⁴⁷ Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 64–68, 70.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 81–84.

⁴⁹ Their decline in the dress goods trade has been attributed to the establishment of direct undersea cable communication with Europe, enabling British manufacturers to communicate directly with their Brazilian customers, thus bypassing the British importer middleman. Stein, Stanley J., The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, Mass., 1957), 71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; White to Department of State, London, 18 Feb. 1899, United States Reports from Consuls [hereafter cited as USRC] 60, no. 224 (May 1899): 2.

⁵⁰ Quintas, Amaro, O Sentido Social de Revolução Praieira (Rio de Janeiro, 1967), 21–27Google Scholar; Reis, João José, “A Elite Baiana Face aos Movimentos Sociais: Bahia, 1824–1840,” Revista de História 54 (Oct.–Dec. 1976): 342–43, 363–64, 367.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For Portuguese numerical predominance in retailing see Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 80–83.

⁵¹ Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 63–68; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 59n, 70; Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 58, 72.

⁵² Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency,” 72–75. Whether manufacturers were more likely than other foreign businessmen to settle permanently in Brazil, or the extent to which they retained overseas ties (many were simultaneously engaged in overseas trade) cannot be determined from available sources. Despite the relative ease of naturalization, only about 20 percent of foreign men (including Portuguese) in Rio de Janeiro in 1890 chose Brazilian citizenship. Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 75.

⁵³ For Iberian traditions of corporatism see Newton, Ronald C., “On ‘Functional Groups,’ ‘Fragmentation,’ and ‘Pluralism’ in Spanish American Political Society,” Hispanic American Historical Review 50 (Feb. 1970): 1–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wiarda, Howard J., “Corporatism and Development in the Iberic-Latin World: Persistent Strains and New Variations,” in The New Corporatism: Social-Political Structures in the Iberian World, ed. Pike, Frederick B. and Stritch, Thomas (Notre Dame, Ind., 1974).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Jornal de Notícias (Salvador), 5 June 1911, 1.

⁵⁵ Such usages and customs were registered by the commercial courts, thus becoming law. Brazil, laws, statutes, etc., Coleção das Leis do Império do Brasil de 1850 (Rio de Janeiro, 1851), 13Google Scholar, pt. 2: 255.

⁵⁶ For example, Commercial Association of Bahia to President of Province, Salvador, 6 Sept. 1842, Registro de Oficios, 1840–50, AACB, 103; Minutes, meeting of 10 Jan. 1848, Livro 1 de Atas, AACP, 159; Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatórlo de 1877, 8; Commercial Board (Junta Comercial) of São Paulo to Commercial Association of Santos, São Paulo, 7 May 1892, Relatório de 1893, 147.

⁵⁷ Ridings, Eugene W., “Business Interest Groups and Communications: The Brazilian Experience in the Nineteenth Century,” Luso-Brazilian Review 20 (Winter 1983): 247–48Google Scholar, and “The Business Elite and the Economic and Urban Integration of Brazil,” SECOLAS Annals: Journal of the Southeastern Council of Latin American Studies 12 (March 1981): 19.

⁵⁸ Pujol, Alfredo, “Consultas e Pareceres: LXXVI, Associaçóes Comerciais,” Revista de Comércio e Indústria: Publicação Mensal do Centro do Comércio e Indùstria de São Paulo, 3 (Jan.-Dec. 1917): 388.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatório de 1893, 75–77.

⁶⁰ Minutes, meeting of 16 June 1854, Livro 2 de Atas, AACP, 75–77.

⁶¹ Jornal do Recife, 3 Jan. 1900, 1.

⁶² Ibid., 4 Jan. 1900, 1.

⁶³ Minutes, meeting of 3 Jan. 1900, Associação Comercial Agrícola de Pernambuco, Livio de Atas, 1877–92, AACP, 51–52.

⁶⁴ Commercial Association of Pernambuco to President of Republic, Recife, 2 Jan. 1900, Relatório da Associação Beneficente de Pernambuco, Lido em Sessão da Assembléra Geral em 10 de Agôsto de 1900 (Recife, 1900), anexo 23, unpaginated.

⁶⁵ The latter course was followed by the Commercial Agricultural Association (Associação Comercial Agrícola) of Pernambuco and the Commercial Center (Centro Comercial) of Rio de Janeiro. Minutes, general assembly of 29 Feb. 1904, Livro 8 de Atas, AACP, 41; Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Relatório da Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Apresentado à Assembléia Geral dos Sócios em 1906 (Rio de Janeiro, 1906), 6–8.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ One glaring exception was the Agricultural Industrial Center (Centro Agrícola Industrial) of Pelotas, Rio Grande do Sul. Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Depurados, Anais do Parlamento Brasileiro, Câmera dos Srs. Deputados, Terceira Sessão da Vigésima Legislatura de 3 de Agôsto aide Setembro de 1888, 4:151–52. The Industrial Association only politely chided the Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro for its policy on tariff protection and for the efforts of its importer leaders to stifle debate on the subject. Associação Industrial, O Trabalho Nacional e seus Adversérios (Rio de Janeiro, 1881), 170–79Google Scholar, 317–34.

⁶⁷ Minutes, meeting of 18 Aug. 1904, Centro Industrial do Brasil, Atas, 1904–23, Arquivo do Centro Industrial do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, 1.

⁶⁸ Schmitter, Philippe C., Interest Conflict and Political Change in Brazil (Stanford, Calif., 1971), 148.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Minutes, meeting of 9 March 1904, in Pinto, Estevão, A Associação Comercial de Pernambuco (Recife, 1940), 177.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Cartas do Solitàrio, 3d ed. (São Paulo, 1938), 357.

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⁷² Commercial Association of Bahia to President of Republic and Governor of State of Bahia, Salvador, 31 March 1891, Relatório de 1892, 51.

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⁷⁵ Ridings, “Interest Groups and Communications,” 241–57; Ridings, Eugene W., “Class Sector Unity in an Export Economy: The Case of Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Hispanic American Historical Review 58 (Aug. 1978): 432–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁷⁸ Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1899, 51–53; Souza, José Bonifácio de, Associação Comercial do Ceará: Memória Histórica, 1868–1968 (Fortaleza, 1969), 24.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Gazeta da Tarde (Rio de Janeiro), 10 Dec. 1880, 2; O Cruzeiro (Rio de Janeiro), 4 Dec. 1880, 13, and 10 Dec. 1880, 12; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 311–12, 359.

⁸⁰ For example, Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório da Exposição do Açúcar e Algodão Fetta pela Associação Comercial do Maranhão em 23 de Dezembro de 1883 (São Luís, 1884), 13Google Scholar; Commercial Association of Bahia and Imperial Bahian Institute of Agriculture to Brazilian Parliament, Salvador, 30 May 1884, Relatório de 1885, 22–23, 26–29; Commercial Association of Rio de Janeiro to Baron Cotegipe, Rio de Janeiro, 19 Aug. 1887, lata 77, doc. 14, Arquivo do Barao de Cotegipe [hereafter cited as ABC], AIHGB.

⁸¹ Commercial Association of Ceará to President of Province, Fortaleza, 6 July 1871, Relatório da Associação Comercial da Praça do Ceará, Apresentado à Assembléia Geral dos Sóciospela Diretoria no Dia I de Maio de 1872 (Fortaleza, 1872), 10, 19–20.

⁸² Displaying its ambiguity, the Pernambuco association sent congratulations to the president of the Council of Ministers on passage of the Law of Free Birth of 1871, which freed the children of slave mothers, but made no mention of doing so in its annual report. Minutes, meetings of 20 Oct. and 6 Nov. 1871, Livro 3 de Atas, AACP, 84, 87. It refused to take part in a proslavery congress held in Recife in 1884, but suggested that its members attend as individuals and lent its headquarters as a meeting place; Relatório de 1884, 35–37.

⁸³ Conrad, Robert, The Destruction of Brazilian Slavery, 1850–1888 (Berkeley, Calif., 1972), 284.Google Scholar

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⁸⁶ Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, 167.

⁸⁷ Associação Comercial de Santos, Relatório de 1880, 8.

⁸⁸ Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Relatório de 1867, 12.

⁸⁹ Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório de 1879, 5.

⁹⁰ For the corporarist inheritance see Smith, Spanish Guild Merchant, Associação Comercial do Pôrto, Resumo Histórico, 7–10.

⁹¹ Bendix, Reinhard, Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait (New York, 1962), 336–37.Google Scholar

⁹² Revista do Clube de Engenharia (Rio de Janeiro), Ano 1 (1887) and Ano 2 (1888).

⁹³ As of mid-1885, the Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce claimed to have organized forty-seven expositions of Brazilian coffee and other products abroad. Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce to Baron Cotegipe, Rio de Janeiro, 10 July 1885, lata 90, doc. 10, ABC, AIHGB.

⁹⁴ Ridings, “Economic and Urban Integration,” 14–16.

⁹⁵ Minutes, meeting of 25 Sept. 1854, Livro 2 de Atas, AACP, 38.

⁹⁶ Minutes, meeting of 19 June 1866, Livro 3 de Atas, AACB, 87; Pinto, Associação Comercial, 12.

⁹⁷ Minutes, meeting of 30 Nov. 1875, Livro 4 de Atas, AACP, 50.

⁹⁸ Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 33, 76–77.

⁹⁹ Center for Coffee Agriculture and Commerce to Baron Cotegipe, Rio de Janeiro, 10 July 1885, lata 90, doc. 19, Arquivo do Barão de Cotegipe, AIHGB; Centro da Indústria e Comércio de Açúcar, Crise do Açúcar: Representação e Memorial Apresentado ao Carpo Legislativo da Nação Brasileira pelo Centro da Indústria e Comércio de Açúcar do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1887), 43.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Auler, Guilherme, Os Titulares Sousa-Leão (Recife, 1945), 77Google Scholar; Heitor Beltrão, “O Civismo da Praça num Século de Labor,” in Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Aspetos Colegidos a Propósito do Centenário da Associação Comercial (Rio de Janeiro, 1935), 84.Google Scholar The president of the Council of Ministers had the role and powers of a prime minister in a constitutional monarchy.

¹⁰¹ Almanak Laemmert, 1892, 1113.

¹⁰² Pinho, José Wanderley de Araújo, Salões e Damas do Segundo Reinado (São Paulo, 1945), 161–68, 219, 244, 286Google Scholar; Lyra, Heitor, Historiade Dom Pedro II, 1825–1891 (São Paulo, 1939), 3: 45–77Google Scholar; Needell, Jeffrey D., A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge, 1987), 64–74.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ See Conniff, Michael L., “Voluntary Associations in Rio, 1870–1945: A New Approach to Urban Social Dynamics,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 17 (Feb. 1975): 64–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Almanak Laemmert, 1872, 388.

¹⁰⁵ Jornal do Comércio (Rio de Janeiro), 3 Aug. 1840, 3; 13 Aug. 1840, 3; and 1 May 1841, 3.

¹⁰⁶ They were Marquis Bomfim (José Francisco de Mesquita) and his son Count Mesquita (Jerônimo José de Mesquita). Baron Nogueira de Gama to Baron Mesquita, Rio de Janeiro, 15 Sept. and 7 Dec. 1875, lata 354, docs. 1, 7, Coleção Instituto Histórico [hereafter cited as CIH], AIHGB; “Traços Biográficos, Conde de Mesquita,” lata 352, doc. 21, CIH, AIHGB, 28.

¹⁰⁷ For example, minutes, meeting of 21 July 1873, Livra 3 de Atas, AACP, 124; Minutes, meeting of 7 July 1874, Livro 4 de Atas, AACP, 11; Minutes, meeting of l Nov. 1880, Livro 5 de Atas, AACP, 34–35. Such employment was temporary and for newspaper writing only, not for other means of creating publicity. Nor did it evolve into a profession.

¹⁰⁸ For the press agent in the United States, see Tedlow, Richard S., Keeping the Corporate Image: Public Relations and Business, 1900–1950 (Greenwich, Conn., 1979), 7–8Google Scholar, and Raucher, Alan, Public Relations and Business, 1900–1929 (Baltimore, Md., 1968), 13.Google Scholar Probably the outstanding ghost writer-intellectual was Manuel Buarque de Macedo, later imperial deputy and minister of agriculture, who worked for the Commercial Association of Pernambuco. Minutes, meeting of 21 Feb. 1871, Livro 3 de Atas, AACP, 71.

¹⁰⁹ Revista Agrícola do Imperial Instituto Fluminense de Agricultura (Rio de Janeiro) 13 (March 1882): 46; Revista do Clube de Engenharia (Rio de Janeiro), Ano 1 (July 1887): 8, 30.

¹¹⁰ Lloyd, Reginald, et al., Twentieth Century Impressions of Brazil: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London, 1913), 513.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Associação Comercial do Maranhão, Relatório de 1870, 5–6.

¹¹² Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1871, 7; Minutes, general assembly of 20 Jan. 1874, Livro 4 de Atas, AACB, 172.

¹¹³ Ridings, “Business, Nationality and Dependency.”

¹¹⁴ Until the entry of the Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco into activity in 1878, the only organized interest groups other than the commercial associations were agricultural interest groups. They tended to be short-lived and had no wish to challenge the export-import economy. Ridings, “Class Sector Unity,” 443–44; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 24–237.

¹¹⁵ Barman, “Viscount Mauá.”

¹¹⁶ Great Britain, Foreign Office, Annual Series of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, no. 504 (1888): 57. For provincial spending see Brazil, Conselho de Ministros, Breve Notícia do Estado Financeiro das Províncias, Organizada por Ordem do Barão de Cotegipe, Presidente do Conselho de Ministros (Rio de Janeiro, 1887).Google Scholar Imperial government expenditures for development, 1867–77, were in much greater proportion than those of Mexico for the same period and even larger than Mexican developmental expenditures in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Andrade, Luís Aureliano Gama de, “Dez Anos de Orçamento Imperial: 1867–1877,” Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos 31 (May 1971): 197–99.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Ridings, “Interest Groups and Communications”; Dean, Warren, “The Brazilian Economy, 1870–1930,” in The Cambridge History of Latin America, ed. Bethell, Leslie (Cambridge, 1986), 5: 688.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Brazil, Instituto Brasileira de Geografia e Estetística, Anuário Estatístico, 1378.

¹¹⁹ The Commercial Agricultural Association of Pernambuco was established in 1826. However, it functioned for many years only as a commodity exchange for sugar, not beginning true interest group activity until 1878. See Associação Comercial Agrícola, Livro de Atas, 1877 to 1892, AACP. Two other factor-controlled groups existed briefly, in addition to those mentioned in the text. The Agricultural and Commercial Club (Club da Lavoura e do Comércio) was an organization of factors and planters formed to combat the Law of Free Birth (Rio Branco Law) in 1871. It disbanded after the passage of the law later that year. Diário do Bio de Janeiro, 17 July 1871, 1, and 24 July 1871, 2; Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 84, 94–95, 122, 171–82. The Commercial and Agricultural Association (Associação Comercial e Agrícola) of São Paulo, composed of coffee factors from that city, was created in 1884, but it became inactive during the upswing in coffee prices after 1886. Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Relatório da Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Ano de 1895 (São Paulo, 1896), 106–8.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Since export producers were usually paid in hard currency, the fall of Brazilian exchange acted as a bonus or premium. Wileman, J. P., Brazilian Exchange: The Study of an Incontrovertible Currency (1896; rpt. New York, 1969), 13.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Aviadores received rubber from the owners of groves for sale to exporters and contracted with import houses for goods furnished on long-term credit to grove owners, roving peddlers, or small-town merchants. They also sent out agents with took, goods, and manpower to open up new rubber districts or to set up commercial contacts with those beginning to develop. Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório da Comissão da Praça do Comércio do Pará do Ano de 1898, Apresentado e Aprovado em Sessão da Assembléia Geral de 7 de Fevereiro de 1899 (Belém, 1899), 21Google Scholar; Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 18–19.

¹²² On this legislation see Van Delden Laërne, C. F., Brazil and Java: Report on Coffee Culture in America, Asia, and Africa (London, 1885), 227–28Google Scholar; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 194–95. For the colonial period see Araújo Pinho, História de um Engenho, 181–82, 194, 308–9; Schwartz, Stuart B., “Free Labor in a Slave Economy: The Lavradores de Cana of Colonial Bahia,” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil: Papers of the Newberry Library Conference, ed. Alden, Dauril (Berkeley, Calif., 1973), 186.Google Scholar

¹²³ For example, Centro da Lavoura e Comércio do Café, Representação Subtnetida ao Poder Legislativo Sôbre Algumas das Necessiaades da Lavoura e do Comércio (Rio de Janeiro, 1882)Google Scholar; Sweigart, “Coffee Factors of Rio,” 198–99.

¹²⁴ Melo, Evaldo Cabrai de, O Norte Agrário e o Império, 1871–1889 (Rio de Janeiro, 1984), 132.Google Scholar The legislation did not provide for precise registration of mortgages, leaving rural lands with unclear title and unknown encumberances. São Paulo, Governador do Estado, Men sagens Apresentadas ao Congresso Legislativo de S. Paulo pelos Presidentes do Estado e Vice-Presidentes em Exercício, desde a Proclamação da República até ao Ano de 1916 (São Paulo, 1916), 178.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Pang, “State and Agricultural Clubs,” 312, 362–63.

¹²⁶ Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório de 1884, 20; Aviador commerce to State Government [sic], Belém, 30 Nov. 1889, Associação Comercial do Pará, Relatório de 1890, 19–20. On unsuccessful attempts to found a monopoly company see Weinstein, Rubber Boom, 149–64.

¹²⁷ For the importing business as an entry to manufacturing see Dean, Warren, The Industrialization of São Paulo, 1880–1945 (Austin, Texas, 1969), 19–33.Google Scholar For the anti-industrialization influence of importers as perceived by manufacturers see Brazil, Parlamento, Câmara dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 4: 153Google Scholar, and 5: 225.

¹²⁸ Wileman, Brazilian Exchange, 21.

¹²⁹ Centro da Lavoura e Comércio do Café, Representação Submetida, 306.

¹³⁰ In particular, the raising of tariffs for the Paraguayan War, 1865–70, had an involuntary protectionist result. Lorenzo-Fernandes, Oscar Soto, A Evolução da Economia Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro, 1976), 103.Google Scholar In the period 1870–75, fourteen new cotton mills were added to Brazil's previous ten, and imports of British machinery were over two and one-half times those in 1860–70. Versiani, Flávio Rabelo, “Industrial Investment in an Export Economy: The Brazilian Experience before 1914,” Journal of Development Economics 7 (Sept. 1980): 310, 312.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 14. The period 1873–81 marked a significant decline in the international price of manufactures. Gonçalves, Reinaldo and Barros, Amir Coelho, “Tendências dos Têrmos-de-Troca: A Tese de Prebisch e a Economia Brasileira, 1850–1979,” Pesquisa e Planejamento Econômico 12 (April 1982): 124.Google Scholar

¹³² Agricultural Industrial Center of Pelotas to President, Council of Ministers, Pelotas, 18 Feb. 1888, lata 77, doc. 19, ABC, AIHGB; Brazil, Parlamento, Câmara dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 4: 151–52.Google Scholar

¹³³ For example, Centro Industrial do Brasil [sic], Representação ao Sr. Ministro da Fazenda (Rio de Janeiro, 1890)Google Scholar; [no author], Auxílios à Indústria: Representação dos Industriaes ao Congresso Nacional (Rio de Janeiro, 1892).

¹³⁴ For example, Auxílios à Indústria, 56; Associação Industrial, Relatório de 1882, 19–20; Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, 31–33, 62.

¹³⁵ Associaçâo Industrial, Representação ao Ministro da Fazenda, 4; Associação Industrial, Trabalho Nacional, vi–vii, 20.

¹³⁶ Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Deputados, Anais, 1888, 5: 223–25; 4: 151, 153.

¹³⁷ Duties on sixty-three imports competing with goods made in Brazil were placed on a scale which increased their levy when the exchange rate rose. Armstrong to Department of State, Rio de Janeiro, 1 June 1889, USRC, 30, no. 105 (May-Aug. 1889): 218–22.

¹³⁸ For example, Minister of Finance Ruy Barbosa, “Exposição ao Chefe do Govêrno Provisório,” in Associação Comercial da Bahia, Relatório de 1891, 56; Brazil, Ministério de Fazenda, Relatório de 1894, 74, and Relatório de 1897, 137.

¹³⁹ Brazil, Ministério da Fazenda, Relatório de 1892, 34–39; Associação Comercial do Rio de Janeiro, Reìatório de 1890, 9.

¹⁴⁰ Associação Comercial de Pernambuco, Relatório de Abril de 1896, 80–93, and Relatório de Dezembro de 1896, 25–26.

¹⁴¹ Corrio de Notícias (Salvador), 13 Nov. 1899, 1, and 16 Nov. 1899, 1. For an overview see [no author], O Treze de Novembro de 1899 na Capital da Bahia (Subsídios Para a História) (Salvador, 1900).

¹⁴² Hahner, June E., “Jacobinos Versus Gallegos: Urban Radicals Versus Portuguese Immigrants in Rio de Janeiro in the 1890s,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 18 (May 1976): 128–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴³ Associação Comercial de São Paulo, Relatório de 1895, 54–55. On the profit squeeze see Edward Greene to John Gordon, Santos, 18 July 1899, Personal Copy Book, Edward Greene, E. Johnson & Co., Latin American Business Archives, University College, London, 321–22.

¹⁴⁴ Greene to Gordon, 18 July 1899, 321.

¹⁴⁵ “Coffee Speculation and Trade,” USRC, 57, no. 215 (Aug. 1898): 498–501; Gazeta de Notícias (Rio de Janeiro), 28 Jan. 1902, 1.

¹⁴⁶ For example, Jornal do Comércio, 6 Sept. 1897, 1; Commercial Center of Rio de Janeiro to President of Republic, Rio de Janeiro, 6 Feb. 1901, Relatório dos Atos da Terceira Direção, desde 17 de julho 1900 a 17 de Julho de 1901 (Pôrto, 1901), 218–23.

¹⁴⁷ Minutes, meetings of 20 Dec. 1898, and 24 Jan. 1899, Livro de Atas, 1894–1904, Arquivo da Associação Comercial de Santos, 15–16, 39–41; Lobo, Hélio, Docas de Santos: Suas Origens, Lutas, e Realizações (Rio de Janeiro, 1936), 123.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Baer, Werner, Industrialization and Economic Development in Brazil (Homewood, Ill., 1965), 85.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ The Commercial Association of Bahia tried to organize a nationwide “commercial strike,” a refusal of merchants to dispatch merchandise from the customs houses. Though unsuccessful, the threat caused the gpvernment to back down. Burke to Department of State, Salvador, 8 June 1891, National Archives, Department of State, Despatches from United States Consuls in Bahia, T-331, reel 6, unpaginated.

¹⁵⁰ Funding equaled about 12 percent of the 1893 budget and 10 percent of the 1894 budget. Topik, Steven, The Political Economy of the Brazilian State, 1889–1930 (Austin, Texas, 1987), 137.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Brazil, Parlamento, Câmera dos Deputados, Anais, 1899, 5: 421.

¹⁵² Stein, Cotton Manufacture, 85.

¹⁵³ Schmitter, Interest Conflict, 195.

¹⁵⁴ Freyre, Gilberto, Inglêses no Brasil: Aspectos da Influência Britânica Sôbre a Vida, A Paisagem, e a Cultura do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1948), 132–33Google Scholar; Carvalho, Verediano, A Praça do Rio, 1890–1891: Série de Artigos do Jornal Fluminense ‘O Tempo’ com o Pseudonimo Zefirino (Rio de Janeiro, 1892), 30–31.Google Scholar