¹ Basil, Address to γoung Men, 2. 37.Google Scholar Section and line references are given to the Budé edition, with text and translation by F. Boulenger (Paris, 1952). The translations given here are my own.

² Sandys, J.E.A History of Classical Scholarship, Vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1908), p. 45;Google ScholarDeferrari, R.J.St Basil: Letters, Vol. 4 (London, 1934), p. 371.Google Scholar

³ Nazianzen, GregoryOration 5Google Scholar, translated in King, C.W.Julian the Emperor (London, 1888), p. 118.Google Scholar

⁴ Puech, A.His toire de la littérature grecque chrétienne depuis les origines jusqu’à la fin du IV^e siécle, Vol. 3 (Paris, 1930), pp. 277 f.Google Scholar

⁵ Julian, Rescript on Christian Teachers (Ep. 61), ed. Bidez, J. (Paris, 1924).Google ScholarBardy, G. ‘L’ église et l’enseignement au IV^e siècle’, RSR 15 (1935), 12 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Basil, John Chrysostom, Augustine and Jerome all wrote about education for Christians.

⁶ 1. 8 ff. τη τε παρά της φύσεως οίκειότητι εύθύς μετά τούς γονέας ύμΐν τυγχάνω, ώστε μήτ’ αύτός ϊλαττόν τι πατέρων εύνοιας νέμειν ύμΐν, ύμας δέ νομίζω, εί μή τι ύμών διαμαρτάνω της γνώμης, μή ποθεΐν τούς τεκόντας, πρός έμέ βλέποντας.

⁷ 10. 32 ff. εγώ μέν ούν α κράτιστα είναι κρίνω, τά μέν νυν είρηκα, τά δέ παρά πάντα τον βίον ύμΐν συμβουλεύσω.

⁸ Quasten, J.Patrology, Vol. 1 (Westminster, Maryland, 1962), p. 9.Google Scholar

⁹ Thrax, DionysiusArs Grammatica, ed. Uhlig, G. (Leipzig, 1883), §1;Google ScholarMarrou, H.I.A History of Education in Antiquity, translated by Lamb, G. (London, 1956), pp. 165 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Petit, P.Les Étudiants de Libanius. Un professeur de faculté et ses élèves au bas empire (Paris, 1957) 139.Google Scholar

¹¹ Marrou, op. cit. p. 322: ‘St Basil was addressing young men, his own nephews, who were coming to the end of their studies.’

¹² Pfister, J.E. ‘A biographical note: The brothers and sisters of St Gregory of Nyssa’, VC 18 (1964), 108–13.Google Scholar

¹³ Gregory of Nyssa, Letter to Olympius, translated by Clarke, W.K.L.The Life of St Macrina (London, 1916).Google Scholar This gives the most information about the family. See too Nazianzen, GregoryOration XLIII (Nicene and Post-Micene Fathers, Series II, Vol. 8), and Epigrams 156–8 and 161–4 in Anthologia Graeca viii, translated by Paton, W.R.(London, 1917).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Strachey, M.Saints and Sinners of the Fourth Century (London, 1958), p. 56.Google Scholar

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¹⁶ 1. 3 ff.: τό τε γαρ ήλικίας ούτως έχειν, καΐτό διά πολλών ήδη γεγυμνάσθαι πραγμάτων, καΐ μήν καΐ τό της πάντα παιδευούσης έπ’ δμφω μεταβολής Εκανώς μετασχεΐν. μεταβολή was used of conversion from the time of Clement, and Origen, : A Patristic Greek Lexicon, ed. Lampe, G.W.H. (Oxford, 1961) s.v.Google Scholar This could refer to a change of faith, or perhaps his change of career. There is perhaps a hint of Basil’s wavering in his faith in Gregory of Nyssa’s account of the life of St Macrina, op. cit. 966 C, and in his encomium of Basil, translated by Stein, J.A.Encomium of St Gregory Bishop of Nyssa on his brother St Basil Archbishop of Cappadocian Caesarea, Diss. Catholic University of America (Patristic Studies, Vol. 17) (Washington, 1928), §20.Google Scholar

¹⁷ 2.27 : έως γε μην ύπό της ήλικίας έπακούειν… ούχ οϊόν τε,… τέως προγυμναζόμεθα.

¹⁸ N.P.F., Series II, Vol. viii, p. lxv (B. Jackson).

¹⁹ Cf. Gribomont, J. ‘Eustathe le Philosophe et les voyages du jeune Basile de Césarée’, RUE 54 (1959), 115–24, esp. 120 ff.Google Scholar Gribomont, arguing convincingly that Basil, Ep. 1, was addressed to Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste 356–c. 380, has placed Basil’s travels around the Eastern Mediterranean in the summer of 357. Using the evidence that Basil must have been in Athens in the second half of 355 if he met Julian there, he concluded that there was then no time left for Basil to do a short term of teaching in Caesarea in the interval between university and his travels. Yet he has not accounted for the academic year 356/7. Lazzati, G. replied with ‘Basilio di Cesarea insegno retorica?’, Studi e materiali di Storia delle Religioni 38 (1967), 284–92.Google Scholar He examined the evidence on which the tradition of some teaching has been based and judged it still credible. Moreover, he could not accept Gribomont’s belief that Basil would have addressed Eustathius as φιλόσοφος and ή λογιότης σου once he was elected bishop. Therefore, he moved Basil’s travels back to the summer of 356 and the letter to Eustathius to the autumn, assuming that Eustathius was consecreated towards the end of that year. The year of teaching would then have been 355/6. This might just allow for the paths of Basil and Julian to have crossed in Athens early in the summer of 355. Bidez, J.La Vie de l’Empereur Julien (Paris, 1930), p. 50,Google Scholar puts Julian’s visit there in the summer and beginning of autumn only. The timing on this basis is very fine. If Gribomont’s feeling is accepted that Basil could have addressed these titles to Eustathius with some humour after his election as bishop, the year 356/7 can still stand for Basil’s year of teaching.

²⁰ l. 20 ff.

²¹ Deferrari, R.J. ‘The classics and the Greek writers of the Early Church’, CJ 13 (1918), 579–91, at 585.Google Scholar

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¹ Translated in Laistner, M.L.W.Christianity and Pagan Culture in the Later Roman Empire (New York, 1951).Google Scholar

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²⁸ F. Boulenger, op. cit., p. 25.

²⁹ R.J. Deferrari, op. cit., Vol. i, p. xxxviii, described his letters as ‘the response of a St Paul to the sterner realities of a crisis rather than the researches of a Pliny the Younger stealing an excuse for display.’

³⁰ Cf. Synesius, Julian and Gregory Nazianzen.

³¹ Boulenger, op. cit., pp. 24 f.

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⁴¹ Julian, Ep. 78,Google Scholar op. cit., written in June 362 when he was on his way to Antioch. Harnack, A.The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries, Vol. 2, translated and edited by Moffatt, James 2nd ed. (New York, 1908), pp. 192–6.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Jerome, Dialogus contra Luciferianos (P.L. 25), col. 172.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Deferrari, op. cit., p. xxiv; Basil may have attended as a deacon.

⁴⁷ Basil, Ep. 51.

⁴⁸ Giet, op. cit., p. 20.

⁴⁹ Nazianzen, GregoryOration 38 (N.P.F. II 7).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Basil, Ep. 51.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Nazianzen, GregoryEp. 8 (N.P.F. II 7).Google Scholar

⁵² Theodosian Code 13 3.5, translated by Pharr, C. (Princeton, 1952).Google Scholar This edict was promulgated in turn in the West from Spoleto on 29 July 362.

⁵³ For the debate on the nature of this rescript or letter: Ferrarlo, E. ‘Lo studio di Classici nel dibattito tra Giuliano l’Apostata e due suoi condiscepoli dell’ Università d’Atena’, La Scuola Cattolica (July 1930), 39–52, esp. 42 f.,Google Scholar and ibid. (August 1930), 119–43. The role of a rescript is explained by Kunkel, W.An Introduction to Roman Legal and Constitutional History, translated by Kelly, J.M. (Oxford, 1966), pp. 75 ff. and 120 f.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Theodosian Code xiii 3. 6.

⁵⁶ Petit, op. cit., p. 45. The exact dates of the summer vacation are not known.

⁵⁷ For the reaction especially in later centuries: Nulle, S.H. ‘Julian and the men of letters’, CJ 54 (1958), 257–66;Google ScholarCarmen Hardy, B. ‘The Emperor Julian and his school law’, CZ 37 (1968), 132 f.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Quoted by Nulle, op. cit. p. 259.

⁶¹ Marrou, op. cit. p. 397. Golega, J.Das Homerische Psalter, Studien iiber die dem Apollinarios von Laodikeia zugeschriebene Psalmenparaphrase (Freising, 1960),Google Scholar attributes the surviving paraphrase of the Psalms not to Apollinaris, but to an unknown Egyptian poet of c. 460 A.D. There is a translation of this paraphrase by Slater, T.A Metaphrasis: A Metrical Version of the Book of Psalms, made by Apollinaris (London, 1870).Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ Sallustius, Concerning the Gods and the Universe, ed. Nock, A.D. (Cambridge, 1926), prolegomena, pp. 101–102.Google Scholar

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