² On this transformation see Lehrer-Turner.

³ No mention is made of this collection in Murray.

⁴ Diary A12, 96.

⁵ Murray 85 (emphasis in the original).

⁶ Ibid. 82.

⁷ Ibid. 66.

⁸ Diary A12, 94.

⁹ Ibid. 96–7. See Od. vi.

¹⁰ I have attempted to trace some of the unspoken parallels and references of this kind in the notes to the translation of the Ithaca diary entries in App. I.

¹¹ Murray 86.

¹² Diary A12, 105, 114.

¹³ Ibid. 106.

¹⁴ Ibid. 107 (Schliemann's emphasis).

¹⁵ Murray's guide itself bears this out for 1854. After mentioning the grammar and primary schools on the island, and the teaching of ancient Greek, he states, ‘There are very few peasants who do not possess at least the rudiments of a good education …’ (83).

¹⁶ The title of ‘archbishop’ which Schliemann frequently uses for Vimpos is an exaggeration.

¹⁷ The location or nature of this site has not been determined by the author.

¹⁸ Schliemann's spelling of this name varies. He is the same Mr Achilles Postolaccas [sic], keeper of the National Collection of Coins at Athens mentioned in the acknowledgments in Schliemann, Heinrich, Ilios: The City and Country of the Trojans (London, 1880), 66Google Scholar.

¹⁹ This passage was first cited in Traill 1985, 14. I have reproduced Traill's translation.

²⁰ Letter of 10 Aug. 1858, preserved in the Schliemann archive.

²¹ Schliemann addressed a letter to him there, Copybook BBB 23, 19 June 1858 (in Greek and Latin) asking for a copy of the Byzantine Chronicle of George the Monk.

²² Diary A12, 123. The passage may, in fact, be confused and refer to Otto I, and not to the then king George I.

²³ A rank one step below archbishop in the Greek Orthodox Church.

²⁴ Diary A12, 124.

²⁵ Vimpos, Th., Πρὸς τὴν Σεβαστὴν τοὺ Ορθοδόξου Ελληνικοῦ ἔθνους βουλήν βραχύ περὶ κλήρου ὐπόμνημα (Athens, 1868Google Scholar).

²⁶ Copybook BBB 27, 2 Oct. 1868.

²⁷ Diary A12, 119. In 1858, he had complained to Papadakis about the ‘corruption’ of the modern Greeks, among whose ancient ancestors ‘lying was considered the greatest of faults’, Copybook BBB 23, 26 Jan. 1858 (in Greek).

²⁸ Diary A12, p. 131.

²⁹ See Calder-Traill 126. Note that, in the diary, Schliemann changes Murray's given measurements of the circuit walls from 15–20 feet to 15–35 feet.

³⁰ Diary A12, 128. The word τοῦβλα translates ‘bricks’, but Schliemann must have meant large fragments of pithoi (giant clay storage jars) which to the untrained eye would resemble building bricks or tiles.

³¹ See e.g. Deuel, L., Memoirs of Heinrich Schliemann (New Your, 1977), 127 ffGoogle Scholar.

³² IPT 110.

³³ Murray 260.

³⁴ Draft letter to Carl Andress, Language Exercise Book, before 9 Jan. 1858: ‘I plan to go to Greece and Egypt with Homer and Thucydides in hand, and visit Ithaca, the Peloponnese, the plain of Troy, the Scamander river where Achilles fought, ancient Memphis, and the other worthy ruins of antiquity—of which there are now only paltry remains.’ As far as I know, this is Schliemann's first stated desire to visit Ithaca, the Peloponnese, and Troy, a decade before he achieved that dream.

³⁵ Letter to his brother Adolf, 30 Mar. 1866 (Copybook BBB 27) and to his uncle on 8 April (ibid.)

³⁶ The question of Schliemann's early appreciation of the use of pottery as evidence for inhabitation and dating was discussed in H. Döhl, ‘Schliemann the Archaeologist’, in Calder–Traill 106–7.

³⁷ Today scholars prefer to locate Strabo's Pagus to the east of the village of Çiplak, which lies east of Hisarlik. See Cook 111 ff. for a convincing summary of the facts.

³⁸ See Cook 50 for a sketch map of Strabo's Troad. For a convenient summary of Homer's indications as to the site of Troy, see Lascarides 4.

³⁹ Lechevalier, J. B., Description of the Plain of Troy (Edinburgh, 1791Google Scholar); French expanded edition: Voyage dans la Troade ou Tableau de la Plaine de Troie (Paris, 1799Google Scholar). See Cook 21 ff., and Lascarides nos. 54, 78.

⁴⁰ On Baker Webb, Maclaren, and Eckenbrecher, see Lascarides. nos. 141, 123, 147, 140. Richard Pococke (1704–65) had been the first modern traveller to suggest Hisarlik as the site of Troy in 1740 but his conclusions were largely ignored; see Pococke, R., A Description of the East and Some Other Countries (London, 1743–1745), and Lascarides, no. 39Google Scholar; also, Cook 30, 33 ff.

⁴¹ Maclaren, Charles, The Plain of Troy Described: And the Identity of the Ilium of Homer with the New Ilium of Strabo Proved (Edinburgh, 1863Google Scholar).

⁴² Lascarides 61, claims that Schliemann had read Eckenbrecher's article even prior to his visit to the Troad in 1868, but Frank Calvert's letter of 1 Nov. 1868 (Lehrer–Turner 264) suggests that he saw it only after his trip.

⁴³ On the Calverts, see Cook 35 ff. and Lascarides, no. 145.

⁴⁴ See Lehrer-Turner 255 and nn.

⁴⁵ See Cook 95; also Wood, Michael, In Search of the Trojan War (London, 1985), 42–6Google Scholar. Wood's undocumented claim that it is ‘certain’ that Calvert uncovered Bronze Age levels in the 1865 excavations has not been substantiated by this author, and does not appear in Calvert's own sparse publications (most importantly, Archaeological Journal, 22 (1865), 337Google Scholar). Traill (1985), 15 cites an article by Calvert in the Levant Herald of 4 Feb. 1872 stating that he had found ‘archaic’ pottery in 1865. This would be consistent with Troy VIII (700–85 bc), in which period the temple was erected. (‘Archaic’ means ‘old’; there is no means of telling exactly what is meant.)

⁴⁶ Schliemann, during his sojourn in Odessa in 1866, made the acquaintance of a master at the famous Greek Commercial school in that city, by the name of George Nicolaïdes. In order that there be no confusion amongst future researchers, I made extensive efforts to discover whether this was the same Nicolaïdes as the archaeologist. The results were in the negative; it is quite clear from contemporary published material that for the greater part of 1866 the archaeologist Nicolaïdes was in Athens and Crete, coordinating support for the Greek revolt against the Ottomans in the island.

⁴⁷ Bulletin, 5th ser. 13 (1867), 524Google Scholar. On Schliemann's presence, see p. 523, where he and the society's Secretary General are reported to have introduced a new member, M. Henri Krohn. to the society. Interestingly, Jules Verne was also present. A copy of Guérin's text is reproduced in the Bulletin's next issue. 5th ser., 14 (1867), 296–314Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Bulletin, 5th ser. 14 (1867), 300–1 (my translation).

⁴⁹ See Nicolaïdes 47.

⁵⁰ Bulletin, 5th ser. 14 (1867), 314Google Scholar.

⁵¹ See Lehrer-Turner 240 n. 53.

⁵² Hahn (n. 1). An unpublished English translation of the text exists amongst the George Finlay papers held by the British School at Athens.

⁵³ Bulletin, 5th ser. 15 (1868), 409Google Scholar. No summary given.

⁵⁴ Many of the minutiae involved with the interpretation of the Troad section of the diary have been relegated to the notes accompanying its translation in App. II.

⁵⁵ This river must have been the modern Akçin Çay, a tributary of the Scamander which marks the main southward route into the Troad through Ezine.

⁵⁶ On the problems involving the absence of a dateline for 10 August, see the notes to App. II.

⁵⁷ On my reasons for making these conclusions, see also the notes to App. II.

⁵⁸ Traill 1984, 300–4 attributed the gap to a missing diary page; this hypothesis was refuted by Lehrer–Turner 246–8.

⁵⁹ Traill 1984, 300 n. 17.

⁶⁰ Diary A12, 11 August. See Nicolaïdes 28–9.

⁶¹ See the notes to the Troad diary translation in App. II.

⁶² Nicolaïdes 72–6, and his fold-out ‘Plan stratégique de l'Iliade’ at the end of the book.

⁶³ Ibid. 36 ff.

⁶⁴ See Cook 29. Mauduit had written an extensive study, published in 1840, supporting the Pinarbaşi theory.

⁶⁵ This ‘wall’ was in fact an illusion caused by the peculiar geological formation of the slope. See Cook 131–2.

⁶⁶ Nicolaïdes 44–5.

⁶⁷ Ibid. 46–7.

⁶⁸ See Cook 131 on the results of excavations on the site of Ilion at Pinarbaşi.

⁶⁹ Ibid. 128 ff.

⁷⁰ For example, compare the description of the walls with Hahn 10.

⁷¹ Ibid. 34–5.

⁷² IPT 162.

⁷³ Traill 1984, 308. Lehrer-Turner 254.

⁷⁴ This was first pointed out by Traill 1984, 308.

⁷⁵ Turner, W., Journal of a Tour in the Levant (London, 1820), iii. 226Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Newton, C. T., Travels and Discoveries in the Levant (London, 1865), i. 132Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Gell, W., The Topography of Troy and its Vicinity (London, 1804), pls. 31, 36, 45Google Scholar. Cf. the reconstructed drawing of the site prior to excavation in Wood (n. 45), 53.

⁷⁸ This question was addressed in detail in the second part of Lehrer-Turner (255 ff.). This author has since modified his opinion on the matter.

⁷⁹ Traill 1984, 308.

⁸⁰ The Guardian, 31 May 1875. See Traill 1985, 19, Lehrer-Turner 261.

⁸¹ See Traill 1984 and 1985 on the public correspondence between Schliemann and Calvert at this time.

⁸² Letter of 22 Aug. 1868 to (sister) Doris, and Petrowsky, Hans, in Briefe von Heinrich Schliemann, ed. Meyer, E. (Leipzig, 1936), no. 6, pp. 111–12Google Scholar.

⁸³ Diary A3, 85.

⁸⁴ Diary A10, 61, contains similar underlining in a description of a torture chamber in Nurenburg.

⁸⁵ Schliemann uses the $ sign for drachmai in Greece, and piastres in Turkey. The English shilling was also used in the Ionian islands, a legacy of the brief period of British rule. A ‘taler’ is (presumably) 5 drachmai.

⁸⁶ The Greek word is ἐργαστήρια, which in modern Greek means ‘workshop’, but is used by Schliemann here and elsewhere in the ancient sense of a shop. It is not clear what led him to make this identification. Strictly speaking the word means a place where work is both done and paid for, such as a barber's or a brothel, not a place where goods obtained elsewhere, such as vegetables or fish, are sold.

⁸⁷ Schliemann used the word for Lent (σαρακοστή) but this is impossible. As this was a Friday, he must have simply meant a day of fasting.

⁸⁸ Murray 84: ‘where the Nymphs may be fancied to have woven the threads whose colour was like the purple of the ocean (Od. xiii. 107)’.

⁸⁹ The modern name of the port of Phorcys to the right of the entrance to Vathi bay (ibid.).

⁹⁰ Ibid. 86–7: the slope of Aetos ‘among the rocks to the westward of the modern town…’.

⁹¹ The top of Mt. Aetos is characterized by two ‘crests’ joined by an incline.

⁹² The site is described in far less detail ibid. 86.

⁹³ This seems to be the site, ibid. 87, although no detailed description is given there.

⁹⁴ The word κεραμίδιον, often used by Schliemann, may refer to clay tiles or bricks.

⁹⁵ Murray 88.

⁹⁶ Murray 89. The site of Polis is identified here mostly owing to the proximity of the island of Dascalion (Homeric Asteris) on which the suitors lay in wait for Telemachus.

⁹⁷ At IPT 49 there are eight coins, seven of which are rusted; the exception is described as having an eagle on one side and on the other Bacchus' head crowned with ivy and the inscription ΑΙГΙΕΩΝ; this must be BMC Peloponnese, pl. iv. 15.

⁹⁸ The inscription is also given thus at IPT 49; but see IG ix. 1. 653. In the right-hand margin, Schliemann has noted ‘Something is missing on both sides’; on p. 108 he notes ‘Below: [FIG. 3 (b)]’.

⁹⁹ So too IPT 49; see IG ix. 1. 655.

¹⁰⁰ Not mentioned in Murray. The word ‘underground’ (χωμένη) literally means ‘buried’.

¹⁰¹ Murray 88. No measurements are given, as is mostly the case in this Guide.

¹⁰² Written in French.

¹⁰³ Murray mentions the ruins, possibly of a temple, on the site.

¹⁰⁴ Τοῦβλα, normally meaning clay bricks, but this cannot be so asjust above Schliemann comments on the lack of Τοῦβλα or clay bricks.

¹⁰⁵ This must be from the heights of Pinarbaşi (Balli Dağ). Views from both points are given by Gell (n. 77), pls. 31 and 36. See FIG. 3.

¹⁰⁶ Cf. Cook 316.

¹⁰⁷ Ezine is clearly described, cf. Cook 316 ff.

¹⁰⁸ This section agrees with descriptions of ‘Chiblak’, or the site of the so-called city of Ilium Recens, in IPT and in other works.

¹⁰⁹ Hisarlik seems to be described here, and this description provided the basis for the ‘first-hand’ account in IPT.

¹¹⁰ According to travellers' descriptions, this must have been the cemetery of Halileli, cf. Cook 68 ff.

¹¹¹ Schliemann's addition of the French form stems from Nicolaïdes. Cf. Sigee on the following page.

¹¹² This is exactly the spelling used by Nicolaïdes 85. Schliemann will later spell the name correctly in his 16 August entry after making Frank Calvert's personal acquaintance.

¹¹³ This is obviously the Tumulus of Ajax (Cook 88) but there is no mention of Calvert ever digging there before 1868. As suggested below, Schliemann may have confused the excavations made by Frederick Calvert in a tumulus near Renköy (Cook 64) with the Tomb of Ajax.

¹¹⁴ Corrected to 33 in ink.

¹¹⁵ Corrected to 120 in pencil.

¹¹⁶ The Tumulus of Patroclus. Cf. Cook 151–2.

¹¹⁷ Cf. ibid. 159–64.

¹¹⁸ The French in parentheses is copied from Nicolaïdes' translation of the name ‘Bounarbachi (source principale).’ Nicolaïdes 32.

¹¹⁹ The village's name is a direct transcription from Nicolaïdes.

¹²⁰ Cf. Nicolaïdes 28–9.

¹²¹ Hagios Demetrius, or Kesik Tepe, identified by Schliemann as the Tomb of Festus (IPT 211–12). Cf. Cook 165–6.

¹²² This site, recorded also in IPT 215, has not been identified. Cf. Cook 168.

¹²³ The information that Ücek Tepe, the tomb of Ilios, was the tomb of Aesyetes and considered the tomb of the Prophet Elijah by the local Greek population is recorded by Nicolaïdes 88 n. 1, 134.

¹²⁴ Schliemann wrote the name in Greek, but crossed it out, thus making it illegible. In Greek characters, however, he rewrote the name as Ezi-Inai above an underlined parenthetical observation ‘(perhaps Enach)’. Evidently, Schliemann had been confused by the village's name, which he initially records in Arabic script on p. 138. The fact that he suggests that this village may be ‘Enach’ may point to yet another source at his disposal, Murray 169–70, where the name is recorded with precisely this spelling. If this were the case, Schliemann does not seem to have been greatly influenced by, or to have copied, the meagre entries in this Guide.

¹²⁵ Schliemann's perceptions are guided by Hahn 6–7.

¹²⁶ This observation is condensed from ibid. 10. Hahn's excavation report pays close attention to the different kinds of building stones at the site and evidently influenced Schliemann's perceptions in this respect.

¹²⁷ i.e. Hahn and his collaborators.

¹²⁸ Cf. Hahn 8–9. On p. 26 Hahn supposes that the Scaean Gate stood in this area.

¹²⁹ Cf. ibid. 7–8, also IPT 154.

¹³⁰ Schliemann here gives dates in both the Gregorian and Julian calendars, the latter then in use in Greece, the Ottoman Empire, and Russia.

¹³¹ This ‘building’ in the acropolis corresponds to the ‘Lechevalier-Viereck’ described by Hahn 13–14. The supposed temple is also mentioned in IPT 153.

¹³² Cf. Hahn 7: ‘Der höchste Punkt dieses Hügels ergiebt sich nach Schmidts mehrwöchentlichen Barometermessungen 472 pariser Fuss Meereshöhe.“ The Parisian foot measures 32.48 cm.

¹³³ The Kemer Su.

¹³⁴ Hahn 26.

¹³⁵ Cf. Cook 194–201 on Alexandria Troas and the vicinity.

¹³⁶ Cf. the ‘plusieurs arches de 10 mètres de diamètre’ described in IPT 220.

¹³⁷ Cf. IPT 225–6. No explanation is given as to how Schliemann and Calvert finally met on the 15th. The item mentioned by Schliemann (the bronze lion) had been published by Calvert with a detailed drawing and transliteration of the inscription in Archaeological Journal, 17 (1860), 199–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³⁸ Schliemann begins this entry in the pencil of the Troad section before switching to pen in the middle of a word. He seems to have made at least the last one or two Troad entries after arriving in Constantinople, perhaps writing them in pencil to preserve the diary's authenticity.