¹ Strabo 380.

² Perachora I 19.

³ Ibid., 120–1.

⁴ Perachora I 152 f.

⁵ See below p. 63.

⁶ Bronze bull dedicated by Naumachos, with inscrip tion in Sicyonian letters, Perachora I 136, pi. 43, 5 – 7. Inscribed sherds of the sixth century, to be published by Miss L. H. Jeffery in Perachora II.

⁷ Perachora I 82 ff.

⁸ A number of parallels for the title Limenia or a form of similar meaning are quoted in Perachora I 110 and RE XIII 570 f. But only Hera Epilimenia at Thasos and Aphrodite Limenia at Hermione are well established as cult titles; the others are of poetical use or very late. It used to be believed that the temple, one column of which stands near the town of Aegina, was dedicated to Aphrodite Epilimenia, but Welter has shown that this was not so (AA 1938, 489). In the inscription at Delos mentioning Hera (Perachora I no, n. 2; see Roussel, Délos, colome athénienne 397, no. XVII) the attributive phrase has purely local significance.

⁹ Fifth-century marble bowl and two fourth-century sherds: Perachora I, pi. 27, 2; 29, 1–2; 131, 1–2; pp. 78, 98.

¹⁰ Perachora I 113.

¹¹ Ibid., 121.

¹² Ibid., 120.

¹³ Ibid., 92 f.

¹⁴ See n. 9. The name is used by Strabo in the passage quoted, and by Livy, XXXII 23; also by Euripides, if the passage in the Medea (1378 ff.) should indeed refer to Perachora rather than to Corinth, as Payne has shown good reason to believe (Perachora I 19 f.; cf. Scranton, R. L., Corinth I ii, 131 ff., esp. 159 ff.Google Scholar; D. L. Page, Euripides' Medea, xxviii).

¹⁵ See Perachora I 22; JHS 1948, 63 f.

¹⁶ Alternative titles in private dedications are not unusual. To give only a few examples: Artemis Orthia at Sparta had the by-name Limnaia or Limnatis, derived from the location of her sanctuary (Artemis Orthia, 400; RE III A, 1470). Archaic dedications on the Acropolis call Athena alternatively Pallas or, from her function, polioukhos (Raubitschek, Dedications from the Athenian Acropolis, Index, 527; polioukhos, nos. 3, 53, 233). At Perachora, on the stone bases found inside the Limenia temple, Hera is addressed as Leukolenos, which is not a cult title (Perachora I 258, 263).

¹⁸ Ninck, M., Die Deutung des Wassers im Kult und Leben der Alter (Philologus Suppl. XIV 2), 47 ff.Google Scholar; W. R. Halliday, Greek Divination, 116 ff.

¹⁹ Tac. Ann. II 54; Plin. NH II 103, 232.

²⁰ Paus. IX 2, 1.

²¹ Paus. III 23, 8.

²² Steph. Byz. s.v. ps.-Arist, de mir. ause. 57; cf. Freeman, , History of Sicily I 517 ff.Google Scholar The refer ence to the craters of Etna in Paus. III 23, 9, is no doubt a confused account of the lakes or craters (as they are called by Diod. XI 89 and other sources) of the Palici.

²³ The of Dia in Arabia (Damascius, Vita Isidori 199; cf. Hopfner, , Griechisch-Ägyptischer Offenbarungszauber, II 114)Google Scholar; spring of Aphrodite at Aphaka in Lebanon (Zosim. I 58).

Similar offerings are made to springs at Lilaia (Paus. X 8, 10) and Aigion (Paus. VII 24, 3) without any divinatory powers being vouched for. It may be that here this aspect of the cult of the waters has faded. Another case is the healing spring of the Amphiareion at Oropos (Paus. I 34, 4), where coins were thrown in by, those healed in consequence of an oracle. Here it may be that originally the throwing in of coins or other precious objects constituted the consultation of the oracle : cf. Halliday, Greek Divination, 135 ff.

²⁴ Especially in the case of the lakes of the Palici and the spring of Zeus Horkios at Tyana, (Philostr. Vit. Apoll. I 6)Google Scholar, used to detect false oaths. Compare the use of springs as tests of virginity: Achill. Tat. VIII 12,8; Eustr. phil. VIII 7,2; XI 17,5; cf. Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer, 116.

Many of these instances belong to Semitic lands, and it may be worth while to record that an attempt has been made to derive the Palici from a Phoenician origin (Lévy, I., RA XXXIV (1899), 256 ff.Google Scholar; cf. Marcus, R. and Gelb, I. J., JNES VII (1948), 196Google Scholar, discussing the Karatepe inscription). I am not competent to discuss the philological equation on which this rests.

²⁵ Perachora I 120 f.

²⁶ See Ganszniec, , RE XII 1879 ff.Google Scholar, s.v. Hopiher, , op. cit., II 114 ff.Google Scholar; Jastrow, , Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens II 749 ff.Google Scholar; Delatte, La catoptromancie grecque, 8 ff., 147 ff.; Halliday, Greek Divination, 145 ff.

²⁷ Pap. Gr. Mag. (ed. Preisedanz) I, IV 3210 ff. (cf. Ganszniec, , RE XII 1883Google Scholar). That the phiale of the ancients is the vessel which archaeologists know by that name is shown by F. Luschey, Die Phiale, 10 ff. and Richter and Milne, Shapes and Names of Athenian Vases, 29 f. For the word see LS. ⁸

²⁸ Migne, , Patrologia Graeca CVI 160Google Scholar (ap. Ganszniec, op. at., 1885).

²² FR pl. 140; Beazley, ARV 739, no. 5 (Codrus Painter, c. 440 B.C.). Found at Vulci.

²³ For Gaia-Themis as giver of oracles see Farnell, Cults III 8 ff. But see Nilsson, M. P., Gesch. Gr. Rel. I 159.Google Scholar

³¹ E.g., by MissMudie-Cooke, P. M., JRS III 169Google Scholar; Cook, Zeus II 206.

³² FR III 110.

³³ Cf. Paus. X 24, 7 (Kassotis, not Castalia); Lucian, Hermot. 801; cf. lup. Trag. 675; Diss. cum Hes. 246. On the Delphic springs, Kassotis and others, see Ninck, op. cit., 84 ff.

³⁴ See Parke, History of the Delphic Oracle, 26 f., who holds that the draught of the Castalian waters is a late, syncretistic addition to the procedure, not vouched for earlier than Lucian. Contra, Nilsson, , Gesch. Gr.Rel. I, 156Google Scholar; Histoire générale des religions: Grèce, Rome, 205; cf. Holland, L. B., AJA 1933, 210.Google Scholar The contrast of the Delphic procedure with the Klarian where the priest drinks the water is clearly made by Iamblichus, de myst., III 11.

³⁵ Loc. cit., n. 34 above.

³⁶ E.g., amphora by Syleus Painter in Kansas City, ARV 164 no. 1, Athena and warriors setting out; Italiote krater, London F 166, Ann. dell' Inst. 1847, pl. X, Apollo purifying Orestes. Cf. further P. Stengel, Opferbräuche der Griechen, 35 f.

³⁷ For which see E. Bielefeld, Archäologische Ver mutungen, 5.

³⁸ Op. cit., 185 f.

³⁹ Tongue-pattern phiale; Luschey, Die Phiale, 76 ff.; cf. 87, n. 503.

⁴⁰ For this passage see Delatte, op. cit., 133 ff. He explains it as catoptromancy, not lecanomancy. The scholiast, while interpreting the passage as an instance of divination, has confused catoptromancy and lecanomancy, or rather, has put two interpretations side by side; either the oil is poured on to the outside of the shield to polish it for use as a mirror, or it is poured into the hollow of the shield to take the omens from its behaviour. The latter practice is referred to in the words The common figure of speech which compared a shield to a phiale (Arist. Rhet. 1412^b 35; Poet. I457^b 20; cf. the confusion in Paus. V 10, 4) may give point to the passage in the Acharnions, if the shield is indeed being used for divination in the way in which Themis' phiale appears to be on the cup in Berlin. Lamachus' phrase ‘I see in the bowl’—may favour the view that he is looking into the inside, not the outside, of the shield. But the point cannot be determined with certainty, nor is it certain that there is any reference to divinatory rites.

⁴¹ L. R. Farnell, Greece and Babylon, 301, finds another reference in Aesch. Ag. 322. This is unconvincing, as Aeschylus speaks of oil and vinegar, not oil and water; it is, as Professor Fraenkel points out, to be taken as a domestic metaphor.

⁴² Apulian pelike, Naples 3231, AZ 1869, pl. 17; A. B. Cook, Zeus I Pl. 12, from Ruvo; where the group of Aphrodite and Eros is so interpreted by Cook, op. cit. 128: ‘Aphrodite … is unconcernedly holding a phiale to serve as a divining-glass for Eros’ Delatte, op. cit., 186, rightly reserves judgement on this interpre tation. Pompeii, Villa Item, scene in which a young satyr looks into a tilted cup: see Mudie Cooke, , JRS III 167 ff.Google Scholar and pl. XI. For objections to this inter pretation see Maiuri, La Villa dei Misteri, 146 ff. Rome, House of Livia: see Perrot, G., RA 1870–1871, 193 ff., pl. XXI.Google Scholar

⁴³ Varro ap. Augustin, , de Civ. Dei VII 35Google Scholar; Apul. Apol. 42; Strabo 762.

⁴⁴ Cf. Halliday, Greek Divination, 145.

⁴⁵ Paus. VII a 21, 12; see Delatte, op. cit., 135 ff. The ritual is parodied by Lucian, , VH I 26.Google Scholar For a modern parallel at Andros see Delatte, 111; compare also the sacred well of the church of St. George at Amorgos, described by Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore compares a number of Attic and Italiote vases on which and Ancient Greek Religion, 332 ff. Delatte also quotes Demeter fills a phiale from which Triptolemos will pour parallels in medieval manuscripts for the combination of mirror and spring or vessel of water (op. cit., 217 ff.). 167 ff.). The sacred spring at Patras, it is interesting to note, is still venerated and regarded as healing; S. Andreas has succeeded Demeter (see Herbillon, , Les cultes de Patras, 24, 28Google Scholar).

⁴⁶ Paus., loc. cit.

⁴⁷ Paus. III 25, 8.

⁴⁸ Herbillon, op. cit., 36–7.

⁴⁹ Athen. XI 460 d; cf. Cook, Zeus I 228, n. 1, who compares a number of Attic and Italiote vases on which Demeter fills a phiale from which Triptolemos will pour a libation before setting out on his journey (ibid., 217 ff.).

⁵⁰ Psellus, de daem. 6 (Patr. Gr. CXXII 881Google Scholar; cf. Ganszniec, op. cit., 1884).

⁵¹ Pap.Gr. Mag. I, IV226 (cf. Ganszniec, op. cit., 1882).

⁵² Cf. Perachora I 3.

⁵³ Sea water is used if the question is put to the gods of earth (see papyrus quoted in n. 51). There was plenty of this at Perachora, but as the goddess of the shrine is not a god of earth, sea water would not be suitable for her.

⁵⁴ Perachora I 120–1.

⁵⁵ House and cistern visible in the foreground of Perachora I pl. 4a.

⁵⁶ See refs. in Perachora I 14, n. 3.

⁵⁷ Herod. VII 54, 2.

⁵⁸ Cf. Ganszniec, , RE XII 1880.Google Scholar For Persian ‘magi’ as see Strabo 762.

⁵⁹ Arrian, Anab. I 11, 6Google Scholar; V 19, 5.

⁶⁰ Cf. Cook, , Zeus I 217 ff.Google Scholar and n. 49 above. A good instance, not included by Cook: the kotyle by Makrón, London E 140 (FR pl. 161; Beazley, ARV 301, no. 3).

⁶¹ Cook, , Zeus I 36Google Scholar ff. In one of these (Apulian krater, London, Soane Museum, Zeus I Pl. 5) Oinomaos pours a libation before his sacrifice; cf. Plut, de def. orac. 435c for libations poured over a sacrificial animal, and an augury drawn from its behaviour whether to proceed to consult the oracle. So in Babylonian divination, sacrifice and lecanomancy may be part of the same consultation, omens being drawn both from the behaviour of the oil in the bowl and from the exta of the sacrificed animal (see Ganszniec, , RE XII 1880Google Scholar).

⁶² Pind. Pyth. IV 193.

⁶³ Polemon, ap. Athen. XI 462b.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ It is not known whose this altar was. Schubring, Achradina, 40 f.; Bewässerung von Syrakus, 628, suggests Zeus Ourios; Holm, Topografia di Siracusa, 186, suggests Hera Olympia. These are guesses: and Hera Olympia is not known nor clearly referred to in the text of Athenaeus (see Freeman, , History of Sicily, II 441 ff.Google Scholar).

⁶⁵ Cf. Payne, , Perachora I 25.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See Delatte, op. cit., 167 f., and texts there quoted; ps.-Callisth. Vit. Alex. 1,1.

⁶⁷ Paus. III 25, 8; see above p. 67.

⁶⁸ For the connexion of Tainaron with the West cf. its occurrence in the story of Arion (Herod. I 24) and the statue there of a rider on a dolphin, which recalls the famous group on the coins of Taras.

⁶⁹ We do not know how often the pool was cleaned out, but not very often or thoroughly, for many seventh-century objects were found in the mud of its bottom.

⁷⁰ Cf. Farnell, , Cults I 193.Google Scholar I have let the statement in the text stand; but there is some evidence that Hera was an oracular goddess at Cumae in Italy; see the text quoted by Maiuri in, A.Ausonia VI (1912)Google Scholar, 1 ff., and read by him as He compares the appearance of luno Regina in the Sibylline cult at Rome, derived from Cumae. Cf. also the ordeal of virginity associated with the cult of luno Sospita at Lanuvium or Lavinum (Prop. IV 8, 3 ff.; Aehan, , NA XI 16)Google Scholar; for the connexion of ordeal and divination see n. 24; for the relation of the cult of luno at Lanuvium to that of Hera Argeia near Poseidonia, which in turn is related to that of Hera Akraia at Argos and Perachora, see J. Heurgon, Capoue préromaine, 375.

⁷¹ Perachora I 20 f.

⁷² Cf. Sydney Smith, , AJ 1942, 99Google Scholar, for Corinthians at Posideion (Al Mina); JHS 1948, 66.

⁷³ Gen. xliv, 5.

⁷⁴ Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und Römer, 116, n. 1; L.S⁹s.v. The word is as old as Aristophanes; and in MetrMusStud IV 18, Mrs. A. D. Ure argues that the sixth-century vase in the form of a shallow bowl, conventionally called lekane;, was known by that name in antiquity and may have been the vessel of lecanomancy.

⁷⁵ The word is Homeric (II. XXIII 243, 253, 270), but this does not exclude an oriental derivation, for I take it that parts at least of the Iliad are contemporary with the earliest appearance of orientalising elements in Greek culture. The Homeric phiale is a different vessel from the classical; that is to say, the word reached Greece before the thing.

⁷⁶ Luschey, Die Phiale, 31 ff.

⁷⁷ Cf. Perachora I 152 f.; Luschey, RE Suppl. VII 1027 ff. (where its use in divination is not included among the uses of the phiale listed).

⁷⁸ Farnell, , Cults I 201 ff.Google Scholar; E. Maass, Griechen und Semiten auf der Isthmus von Korinth; cf. Wade-Gery, , CAH II 538.Google Scholar