^{page 277 note 1} Zahn, , Jahrb., 1908, pp. 45 ff. (especially p. 49).Google Scholar

^{page 277 note 2} Popilius and the other manufacturers of the so-called ‘Italian Megarian’ ware, were, of course, Italians, but the Greek potter Ariston, whose chief centre of activity was Delos, appears to have had a workshop in Tarentum, to judge by the discovery of a signed mould there (Courby, , Les Vases grecs à Reliefs, Paris, 1922, p. 365).Google Scholar

^{page 277 note 3} Op. cit.

^{page 277 note 4} The practice of exporting moulds (Zahn, loc. cit., pp. 52 and 54) means that we cannot be sure from a mere examination of the stamps used that a bowl was actually manufactured in the place to whose series it belongs. A good instance is afforded by certain bowls from S. Russia (Zahn, loc. cit., Nos. 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 24, 26, 32, 34, 36), which Courby (op. cit., p. 396) claims as ‘des ouvrages de l'industrie délienne.’ Now as Courby (p. 395) has stated that the clay of the S. Russian fragments found in Delos differs considerably from that of the local products, while according to Zahn the bowls in question do not differ at all in clay from the rest, we seem forced to the conclusion that it was the moulds, and not the bowls, which were exported from Delos.

^{page 277 note 5} Studied by Robert, C., 50th Berlin Winckelmanns Programm, 1890, pp. 1–96Google Scholar, and Courby, op. cit., ch. xix, ‘Les bols à sujets littéraires et réalistes.’ To the Bibliography there given add Robert, C., ‘Zwei Homerische Becher,’ Jahrb., 1919, pp. 65–77.Google Scholar

^{page 278 note 1} On two fragments from Thebes in Phthiotis (᾿Αρχ. ᾿Εφ 1910, Pl. II. 2, 3) the scenes occupy two registers, one above the other. This is unusual.

^{page 278 note 2} An exception is the lekythos from Anthedon signed by the potter Dionysios (Robert, loc. cit., p. 93 f.), the body of which is formed by a bowl divided into two registers; in the lower are scenes illustrating the story of Sisyphos and Antikleia, in the upper a wreath of vine-leaves and grape-clusters.

^{page 278 note 3} Robert, loc. cit., pp. 62–68, and the authorities quoted by Dragendorff, Terra Sigillata, pp. 12–16 (= Bonnerjahrb. xcvi. pp. 28–32).

^{page 278 note 4} Almost all the bowls whose provenance is known come from this region: eighteen from Thebes, Anthedon or Tanagra, ten from Thebes in Phthiotis, six from ‘Boiotia,’ and one from Chalkis. Courby cites his No. 30 from Cephalonia as the only example found outside this region, but we may add the bowl in the Ashmolean Museum from Megara (Report of the Keeper, 1903), which he cites under No. 7 as ‘provenance non indiquée,’ and, a fragment from Athens, Watzinger, , Ath. Mitt., 1901, p. 62, II a, 1.Google Scholar In favour of Chalkis, Dragendorff points out that (1) according to Paus. ix. 19, 8, Aulis was the only place in Boiotia famous for pottery, though it is not clear whether he was referring to his own day or deriving his information from Hellenistic sources, and (2) while the inscriptions on some of the bowls shew contact with early Alexandrian scholarship (Robert, loc. cit., p. 68), it was just in the early third century that Chalkis was a centre of intellectual life, the home of Lykophron, who afterwards became librarian at Alexandria under Ptolemy Philadelphos. But it seems to have been in Eretria rather than Chalkis that Lykophron found a congenial intellectual circle (Tarn, Antigonos Gonatas, p. 25).

^{page 278 note 5} Courby, op. cit., ch. xx, ‘Les bols à glaçure de décoration variée.’

^{page 278 note 6} A specimen illustrated by Benndorf, Griech. und Sic. Vasenbilder, Pl. LXI. 2, for instance, introduces flower heads between the leaves, and rosettes occupy a similar position on B.M. Vases, iv. G101.

On a bowl from Delphi (Fouilles de Delphes, v. Fig. 739) it forms part of the main scheme of decoration, according to a suggestion of M. Perdrizet, ‘Le feuillage imbriqué de la base, représente-il une vigne que vendageraient les Amours?’ (op. cit., p. 176).

^{page 279 note 1} For illustrations see Benndorf, op. cit., pl. LIX. 2, 3; LX. 1, 3; LXI. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6; Courby, op. cit., pl. X. 6 (from the Louvre = inv. MNB. 3012); Walters, , History of Ancient Pottery, i. pl. XLVIII. 2 (= B.M. Vases, iv. G103).Google Scholar

^{page 279 note 2} Benndorf, op., cit. Pl. LIX. 3b.

^{page 279 note 3} Courby, op. cit., chap, xxi, ‘Les bols à vernis mat.’ The character of the glaze by itself is, of course, an insufficient criterion for distinguishing the different series. Some bowls, for instance, are unglazed; and the quality and character of the glaze varies considerably in each series.

^{page 279 note 4} Vessels other than bowls are fairly common in this series.

^{page 279 note 5} This phenomenon is not peculiar to these bowls. See Zahn, Priene, p. 405 ff.

^{page 280 note 1} Courby, op. cit., p. 401, claims three of the bowls, Nos. 23, 26, 27, as of Delian manufacture on account of the identity of the stamps used. But Zahn treats them as identical in clay and glaze with the rest, so that here too we are probably dealing with the importation of moulds or stamps. The shape is with few exceptions that with the characteristic Delian rim turned slightly inwards: see profiles, Zahn, loc. cit., p. 402, Fig. 528.

^{page 280 note 2} I give a list, in chronological order, of the metal vessels which constitute the material for such comparison.

(1) Two cups from Taman, (Comptes Rendus, 1880, Pl. II. 19 and Pl. IV. 8)Google Scholar; early third century.

(2) Silver flask from Boiotia, (Arch. Anz., 1899, p. 129, Figs. 11, 12, 13).Google Scholar

(3) Two bowls at Naples, (Arch. Anz., 1897, p. 129, Figs. 16, 17)Google Scholar; second century.

(4) The exterior of the Athena bowl from Hildesheim (Pernice and Winter, Der Hildesheimer Silberfund, pls. VI, VII; also Arch. Anz., 1897, p. 128, Fig. 15); first century.

^{page 281 note 1} E.g., from the Orthia Sanctuary and neighbourhood, the altar mound, the Hellenistic tombs (B.S.A. xiii. 1907, pp. 165–166), the Acropolis, a field N. of the Acropolis (L 11), E. of the Roman Villa in M 15, and the site of the Byzantine church (Hagios Nikon ?) on the Acropolis (cf. p. 118 above).

^{page 281 note 2} The practice of drawing in the soft clay to supplement an inadequate stock of stamps is illustrated by an interesting ‘Homeric’ bowl published by Robert, C. (Jahrb., 1919, pp. 72–77, and pl. 6)Google Scholar representing the death of Agamemnon. Of the figure of Aigistheus, Zahn writes: ‘Der Kopf, den der Stempel bot, scheint auch zu der vorliegenden Szene nicht gepasst zu haben. Der Töpfer hat ihn durch ein scheussliches Gebilde ersetzt, das er offenbar nach dem Eindrücken des Stempels freihändig mit dem Modellierstecher in die Formwandung eingetieft hat,’ loc. cit., p. 73, note 1.

^{page 282 note 1} Pergamon, i. 3, p. 276; a beautiful example of its use is the red-glazed goblet from Laodicea, B.M. Roman Pottery, L 35, Pl. VIII.

^{page 282 note 2} Pergamon, i. 2, Beibl. 33, 14; Ath. Mitt., 1910, p. 521, Fig. 7.

^{page 284 note 1} Both motives occur on Delian bowls. See Courby, op. cit., Figs. 76, 4 and 77, 7. The lower part of the bowl was probably occupied by a calyx of leaves, and several examples from Delos give an idea of its general appearance, e.g. Courby, op. cit., Pl. XIII, Nos. 16, 17, 36. For the scroll see also fragments from Priene (Zahn, Priene, Nos. 27, 28). The maeander occurs at Pergamon, both with the diagonals on the interpolated square (Pergamon, i. 2; Beibl., 40, 1) and without them (Beibl. 43, 2).

^{page 284 note 2} Palmettes, joined by spirals, with dolphins at each side, are very common on the ornamental band under the rims on fragments found on the Athenian Acropolis (Watzinger, , Ath. Mitt., 1901, p. 59, Nos. 11 and 12Google Scholar). A frieze of dolphins facing each other in pairs occurs on a bowl from Priene (Zahn, Priene, p. 405, No. 31). Dolphins are a common motive in all the series. They occur on rims from Pergamon combined with rosettes (Pergamon, i, 2, p. 274, 1) and sea-horses (i. 2; Beibl. 43, 2).

^{page 284 note 3} This bowl recalls one from S. Russia (Zahn, , Jahrb., 1908, pp. 45 ff.Google Scholar, No. 13). A similar arrangement of leaves and figures occurs on a bowl from Pergamon (op. cit., i. 2; Beibl. 43, 3), but the figures are more insignificant.

^{page 285 note 1} This motive occurs fairly frequently among the ‘bols à glaçure’; also among the little gilded clay ornaments which were used as substitutes for jewellery.

^{pagr 285 note 2} A similar motive occurs on Delian bowls, with a group of three small dots, to represent berries, instead of the rosettes (Courby, op. cit., Pl. XII. 15; XIII. 29), or with a stalk and one berry (op. cit., Figs. 77–8); also on a bowl from S. Russia, and another from Priene (Zahn, Jahrb., 1908, loc. cit., No. 8, and Priene, No. 32 a and b). A simple form with only three leaves occurs at Pergamon (op. cit., Beibl. 43, Nos. 12, 15, 19; on No. 6 it is combined with rosettes to form the band of ornament under the rim. The motive also occurs on a silver egg-platter from Boscoreale (Mon. Piot, v. Pl. XXIX).

^{page 285 note 3} Some fragments are unglazed.

^{page 285 note 4} Pergamon, i. 2; Beibl. 40, 1, and 43, passim. It also occurs in Priene (see above, p. 280, n. 1) and Russia, S. (Zahn, , Jahrb., 1908, Nos. 11–17, 20, 21, 25).Google Scholar

^{page 285 note 5} Fig. 2, k is the nearest approach to it.

^{page 286 note 1} The origin and development of the calyx-ornament has been studied by Zahn (Priene, pp. 411–417). It occupies the whole field below the ornamental band separating the rim from the body on bowls from Delos (Courby, op. cit., Pl. XII. 1, 2, 3, XIII. 17, 20), and Pergamon (Pergamon, , Beibl., 40, 1Google Scholar; 43, 1).

^{page 286 note 2} Where the fragment does not reach up to the rim it is obviously impossible to tell whether there was an ornamental band or not. Similarly the rims on Fig. 2, e–i, m, o, give no hint of the decoration beneath them; h appears to have belonged to the type under discussion.

^{page 286 note 3} Pergamon, i. 2: Beibl. 40, 1.

^{page 286 note 4} A fragment from Pergamon shews only narrow pointed leaves, with flowering stalks between (Beibl. 43, 10).

^{page 286 note 5} See above, p 281, No. 1.

^{page 288 note 1} As on a fragment from Pergamon, op. cit., i. 2; Beibl. 42, 7.

^{page 286 note 2} The practice of using moulded shells, masks, leaves in high relief, etc. as feet, is derived from metal prototypes. Zahn, Priene, p. 397, and Courby, , B.C.H., 1913, p. 427Google Scholar, give references for examples in both clay and metal. To these add:—

(1) Athens, Nat. Mus. 12622: a bowl in many ways recalling ours. On the base a rosette, around it four shells, with small leaves between: long narrow leaves, rising to the ornamental border beneath the rim, which consists of a very small egg-and-dart in shallow relief, dolphins, and a running quirk.

(2) Athens, 2112, from Boiotia: four shells as feet.

(3) A bowl at Delphi, (Fouilles, v. p. 177, No. 435, Fig. 742)Google Scholar, ‘à bas quatre coquillages autour d'un gorgoneion.’

(4) A small fragment in the museum at Delphi with a shell attached.

(5) A bowl in the museum at Thebes (LXXV. 1) which has on the base four “blobs” apparently meant for shells.

Except the bowl in the Louvre, (H 385 = Mon. Piot, vi. p. 50, Fig. 14)Google Scholar with three masks, mentioned by Courby, these are the only examples of such appendages on Megarian bowls which have come to my notice outside Sparta. For astragaliskoi I know of no actual parallel. Pollux (vi. 99) says of a psychter ῾οὐ μὴν ἔχει πυθμένα, ἀλλ᾿ ἀστραγαλίσκους and it is probable that he is using the word in its strict sense as ‘supports in the form of knuckle-bones.’

^{page 288 note 3} A gorgoneion or mask occurs on three bowls from Pergamon (Beibl. 42, Nos. 5, 6, 7). There is no example from Delos of any head or mask on the base (Courby, op. cit., p. 392).

^{page 288 note 4} This pattern is probably derived from metal prototypes (like the cup from Boscoreale, Mon. Piot, v. Pl. XXIII) on which it can be traced back to the fourth century (Not. degli Scavi, 1896, p. 382, Fig. 8). It is used to cover the whole bowl on specimens from Delos (Courby, op. cit., Pl. XII. 8, 13; XIII. 24; for the different types of leaf used, see Courby, op. cit., Fig. 80, 8), S. Russia (Zahn, Jahrb., 1908, No. 36), and Thrace (Arch. Anz., 1918, p. 25, Fig. 29, c, h).

^{page 290 note 1} This division into hexagons occurs on bowls from Delos (Courby, op. cit., Fig. 80, 1 and pl. XII. 7) and on two bowls from S. Russia (Zahn, op. cit., Nos. 25 and 26). Incised hexagons also occur on plain black glazed bowls (Watzinger, , Ath. Mitt., 1901, p. 70, No. 6Google Scholar).

^{page 290 note 2} As on No. 25 from S. Russia, mentioned above.

^{page 290 note 3} This constitutes the lower zone on a fragment from Pergamon (Beibl. 43, 22); the upper one is occupied by a wreath of oak-leaves and acorns; a motive which, so far as I am aware, does not occur at Delos. For the types of scale pattern used at Pergamon, see also Beibl., 43, Nos. 7, 8, 10.

^{page 290 note 4} See note 3 above. Oak wreaths also occur on Arretine ware.

^{page 290 note 5} Cf. Courby, op. cit., Fig. 77, 9 (from Delos); Zahn, , Jahrb., 1908, pp. 50 ff.Google Scholar, Nos. 4 and 5 (from S. Russia); Pergamon, Beibl. 43, 8.

^{page 291 note 1} Cf. Pergamon, i. 2, p. 274, Figs. 16, 17. The festoons are much more elaborate than on our bowl.

^{page 291 note 2} The only other examples I know are ΟVΙΛΙC = (Vilis) (Zahn, , Jahrb., 1908, p. 73Google Scholar) and ΠΟCCΙΔΟC (?=ΠΑCΙΔΕΟC) (loc. cit., p. 68, note 24), both from S. Russia; ΗΡΑΚΑΕΙΔΗC from Cervetri (loc. cit., p. 74, note); ΔΙΟΝYCΙΟC on a bowl from Boiotia in Athens (Nat. Mus. No. 11556), and the graffito ΜΑΡW a woman's name, from Russia, S. (Arch. Anz., 1912, p. 341).Google Scholar

^{page 291 note 3} For the known signatures, see Zahn, loc. cit., p. 72 sqq., note 31, and Courby, op. cit., pp. 363–366, 393. 412, 415–416.

^{page 291 note 4} As on a vase signed ΑCΚΛΗΠΙΑΔΟV in the National Museum at Athens (No. 12619: provenance unknown), and one signed ΕΥΒΑΝΟΡΟC from Gythion, (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ., 1892, p. 192).Google Scholar

^{page 292 note 1} As on a mould for a lamp, bearing the signature of the potter Ariston (Furtwängler, Coll. Sabouroff, Pl. LXXV.).

^{page 292 note 2} Op. cit., i. 2; Beibl. 40, 1; 42, 3, 5; 43, 1, 2.

^{page 293 note 1} B.S.A. xiii. p. 167.

^{page 294 note 1} Ure, Black Glaze Pottery from Rhitsona, p. 33.

^{page 294 note 2} For a discussion of this class see Pagenstecher, , Die Calenische Reliefkeramik, I. Vorstufen, pp. 5–21.Google Scholar

^{page 294 note 3} Reinach, Antiquités du Bosphore Cimmérien, Pl. XIX. 1, and pp. 631 and 632.

^{page 294 note 4} They are mostly derived from the type of the Russian medallions. For a list of Greek examples, see Courby, op. cit., p. 226, No. 3: for examples in Calene ware, Pagenstecher, op. cit., pp. 23–24, No. 5 (bowls), and pp. 91–92, Nos. 165–167 (gutti). Of less artistic merit are two stamps of Priene (Wiegand-Schrader, Priene, p. 466, Nos. 236, 237), which Zahn considers were used for decorating fancy bread.

^{page 294 note 5} Malmberg, , Materialen zur Archäologie Russlands, vii. Pl. I. 4.Google Scholar = Minns, Scythians and Greeks, p. 365.

^{page 294 note 6} Watzinger, , Ath. Mitt., 1901, p. 67, c. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 294 note 7} For further links, see Pagenstecher, op. cit., p. 19. Löschcke notes the technical resemblance between the bowls with a portrait medallion of Euripides and the ‘Homeric’ bowls, and suggests that there may have existed metal prototypes with a portrait medallion inside and scenes from the plays outside (Dragendorff, Terra sigillata, p. 15 (31) note).

^{page 294 note 8} Pagenstecher, op. cit. p. 11.

^{page 296 note 1} E.g. Watzinger, op. cit., p. 70, Nos. 7a, b, c, p. 80, No. 29, p. 81, No. 30, p. 82, No. 32 (platter).

^{page 296 note 2} The combination of painted or incised decoration with a relief medallion in the centre of the interior is more usual than the combination of painting and relief on ‘Megarian’ bowls, of which I only know the following three examples:—

(1) Athens, Nat. Mus. 2112, from Boiotia. Under the rim are twelve moulded rosettes, painted alternately pink and white; probably in imitation of silver vessels decorated with inset precious stones, like the two bowls from Hildesheim referred to on p. 280, n. 2, and an elegant kantharos from Tarentum, (Not. degli Scavi, 1897, pp. 380–381, Figs. 5, 5a).Google Scholar

(2) and (3) Watzinger, , Ath. Mitt., 1901, p. 71Google Scholar, 8a and b, two fragments of rims, each with two bands of decoration, one painted and one in relief. Both the painted motives appear in relief on ‘Megarian’ bowls; indeed the painted dolphins on the second of these fragments are repeated in relief in the lower band of decoration. A simplified version, in relief, of the ivy-wreath painted on the other rim appears on one of our fragments (Fig. 2, e).

^{page 296 note 3} A beardless Herakles mask occurs on three askoi in London, B.M. Vases, IV. G73–75. For Calene ware, see Pagenstecher, op. cit., p. 65, No. 85 (bearded, on a bowl) and p. III, No. 258 (gutti).

^{page 296 note 4} Five examples of the head of Omphale in the lion's skin are quoted by Pagenstecher on gutti of Calene ware (op. cit., p. 112, No. 260).

^{page 297 note 1} See p. 251, above.

^{page 298 note 1} B.S.A., xxiv. p. 116.

^{page 298 note 2} A list is given by Schröder, 74^th Berlin Winckelmanns Programm, p. 10.

^{page 298 note 3} Courby, op. cit., ch. xv, ‘Vases côtelés.’

^{page 298 note 4} The kelebe, B.M. Vases, G29, is exceptional.

^{page 298 note 5} Courby, op. cit., ch. xxiv, ‘La céramique à reliefs à Pergame.’

^{page 299 note 1} Imhoof-Blumer, Die Münzen der Dynastie von Pergamon, Pls. I. and II., Nos. 8–24.

^{page 299 note 2} Winter, F., Arch. Anz., 1897, p. 127.Google Scholar Pernice and Winter, Der Hildesheimer Silberfund, p. 24.

^{page 301 note 1} Die Münzen von Pergamon, p. 39.

^{page 301 note 2} 58th Winckelmanns Programm, pp. 19–25.

^{page 301 note 3} Schröder, 74th Winckelmanns Programm, Pl. I and II.

^{page 301 note 4} Sieveking, , Münchener Jahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst, 1922, p. 117, Fig. 1.Google Scholar See also his remarks on the relation of the Hellenistic pictorial reliefs to the pictorial treatment of background on toreutic works.

^{page 302 note 1} It is, of course, not certain that the kraters of this series were made in pairs, but an examination of the fragments suggests it.

^{page 302 note 2} Courby has compared the motives on the bowls to these friezes. Brückner, , Ath. Mitt., 1888, p. 382Google Scholar, studied similar motives on tombstones and compared them to ‘Megarian’ bowls. The famous Siris bronzes closely resemble the style of the Mausoleum, and the combatants on the frieze of the Nereid monument at Xanthos borrow their attitudes and grouping from these friezes. In fact, they were part of the stock-in-trade of the Hellenistic craftsman, and might be applied to any decorative purpose.

^{page 303 note 1} Benndorf, Griech. und Sic. Vasenbilder, Pl. LIX. 2b.

^{page 303 note 2} Harrison, J. E., Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 379.Google Scholar

^{page 303 note 3} Hist. Nat., xxxiii. 154.

^{page 303 note 4} Th. Reinach (L'histoire par les Monnaies, pp. 87 ff.) has even suggested that there was ‘no sich person’: that his name arose from a misunderstanding of the inscription on a coin used as an emblema for a bowl, which the Cicerone of the temple interpreted as the maker's signature, and Pliny uncritically accepted as such.

^{page 303 note 5} 58th Winckelmanns Programm, p. 21.

^{page 303 note 6} Cat. of the Museo Capitolino, Salone, Nos. 2 and 4, pp. 274–5, and 277–8, and Pl. 64.

^{page 303 note 7} Hellenistic Sculpture, p. 51.

^{page 305 note 1} Ath. Mitt., 1912, Pls. IV. and V.; see also the description by Arvanitopoullos, loc. cit., pp. 87–95.

^{page 305 note 2} The grave from which the pyxis comes belongs to the middle of the second century (Ath. Mitt., 1912, p. 75).

^{page 305 note 3} Jahresh., 1910, Pls. III. and IV.

^{page 305 note 4} Illustrated in Annali dell' Inst. Arch., xxxiv., 1862, pl. IV.; Casson, S., Cat. of the Acropolis Museum, vol. ii. No. 1327, p. 228.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 5} Studniczka, , Kalamis, p. 29.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 6} S. Casson, op. cit. (where, however, the absence of distinctive attributes is noted).

^{page 305 note 7} Robert, C., Archäologische Hermeneutik, p. 80.Google Scholar

^{page 305 note 8} Instances are too numerous to need mention.

^{page 307 note 1} The type was probably appropriate to the nymphs. Walter, Beschreibung der Reliefs im Kleinen Acropolismuseum in Athen, No. 176, p. 83, and S. Casson, op. cit., 1345, p. 248 ff., and literature mentioned there.

^{page 307 note 2} Stais, Marbres et Bronzes du Musée national, Nos. 259–260, p. 53.

^{page 307 note 3} Brunn—Bruckmann—Arndt, Denk., No. 599.

^{page 307 note 4} Furtwängler u. Reichhold, Vasenmal. Pl. 80, i.

^{page 307 note 5} As on a silver vase from Vicarello, , Arch. Zeit., 1867, Pl. CCXXV.Google Scholar and text by Otto Jahn, pp. 78–82, with a list of monuments on which the figure occurs: he also quotes the passage from Niketas.

^{page 307 note 6} A similar vine appears on a Campanian plaque, Rohden, Die Antiken Terrakotten, pl. 37.

^{page 308 note 1} B.M. Cat., No. 312, Select Bronzes, pl. XXXV.

^{page 308 note 2} Published by Pagenstecher, , Jahrb., 1912, p. 167, Fig. 17Google Scholar, and Rom. Mitt., 1911, Pl. XI. 2.

^{page 308 note 3} See Overbeck, Künstmythologie ⁴, ‘Poseidon.’

^{page 308 note 4} The motive, or the figures isolated, occurs on several bowls, e.g. Athens, Nat. Mus. 2100, from Megara, good black glaze; ibid., 2117, from Epidauros Limera, coarse ware; B.M. Vases IV. G101, provenance uncertain, ‘coarse black ware,’ and a situla from Olbia, , Rev. Arch., 1904, i. p. 8.Google Scholar Also on terracotta incense altars, Rev. Arch., 1907, ii. p. 250, Fig. 3.

^{page 308 note 5} Conze, , Die Kleinfunde aus Pergamon, p. 20Google Scholar, where, however, the motive is misinterpreted as Iphigeneia and a sacrificing priest.

^{page 308 note 6} With the possible exception of scenes from an Amazonomachy, which appear to me to be represented on the fragments illustrated, Ath. Mitt., 1907, p. 408, Fig. 14, though Hepding there suggests Perseus slaying Medusa.

^{page 308 note 7} Pergamon, i. 2; Beibl. 44, 1.

^{page 309 note 1} Found in 1908 in a trial pit (‘E’ in 0 12, General Plan).

^{page 309 note 2} For the form ᾿Ασαναίαι cf. the votive stele published above, p. 233, No. 25.