^{page 216 note 1} See B.S.A. xi. pp. 181 ff.

^{page 216 note 2} See some strictures in this connection by MrHall, H. R. in Clas. Rev. xix. 81.Google Scholar

^{page 216 note 3} Athen. Mitt. xxx. 258.

^{page 217 note 1} Athen. Mitt. ibid. 288.

^{page 217 note 2} J.H.S. xvi. 270.

^{page 219 note 1} Vorgriechische Ortsnamen, pp. 1–5 and passim. Conway, , B.S.A viii. 125–156Google Scholar, ‘The Pre-Hellenic Inscription of Praesos,’ makes what, in view of Fick's conclusions, must be regarded as an unsuccessful attempt to show the Aryan affinities of Eteocretan.

^{page 219 note 2} Fick himself is hardly discreet in this connection, when he would account for the dynasty and following of Minos by the hypothesis of a later migration into Crete of a people from southeast Anatolia cognate with the original Eteocretans of the island. See ib. 37.

^{page 220 note 1} See Hall, H. R. on ‘The Two Labyrinths’ (J.H.S. xxv. 323).Google Scholar The designations ‘kleinasiatisch’ and ‘Asianic’, as well as other statements in the passage cited, would seem to indicate an underlying belief on Mr. Hall's part that the primary movement of the Aegeo-Pelasgian people was from an initial centre of departure somewhere in Asia. Even Fick continues to behold one last vestige of the same oriental mirage. The initial racial movement which led to the Aegeo-Pelasgian culture would, according to Fick, have to be assigned a starting-point at some centre in Asia beyond the Hittite country.

^{page 221 note 1} See Excavations at Phylakopi, 243, where under the influence of these earlier conceptions I have characterized the Carians as a foreign race. I should say now that Carians and Cretans were foreign to each other somewhat in the same way as the Dutch and English.

^{page 221 note 2} See J.H.S. xxiii. 178–9, note 20.

^{page 223 note 1} See Boehlau, , Aus Ion. u. Ital. Nekropolen, 61 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 223 note 2} Ibid. Figs. 25, 26, 29a, 30. Taf. ii. 5, iii. 1, 3. J.H.S. xxiii. 179, note 20, where however ‘29’ has been misprinted for ‘29a.’

^{page 223 note 3} This is what Doerpfeld does when, ib. 290, he says that for present-day research, with its gradual accumulation of new material for observation, it can no longer be doubtful that the early Cretan civilization ‘die Kultur jener Karischen Seeherrschaft oder kurz die Karische Kultur ist.’ The anachronism involved is evident.

^{page 226 note 1} By MrDawkins, R. M. while working for the British School. See B.S.A. xi. 260–8.Google Scholar

^{page 226 note 2} For a summary account of the Neolithic pottery of Knossos see J.H.S. 158–164 and Pl. IV. 6–31. Fragment 19 is Early Minoan. The Neolithic pottery of East Crete is described and illustrated in B.S.A. xi. 264–5, Pl. VIII. Nos. 24–31, and Fig. 3.

^{page 226 note 3} For a female image of this kind from Neolithic Phaestos see Mosso, , Escursioni nel Mediterraneo e gli Scavi di Creta, 214, Fig. 119.Google Scholar The Knossian figurines await publication.

^{page 226 note 4} See B.S.A. vi. 6

^{page 227 note 1} The squat clay figures when seen en face, themselves give the outline of the most typical ‘fiddle’ shapes.

^{page 227 note 2} See Cretan Pictographs, 126, Figs. 129, 131, 133–4. As Dr. Evans says, they ‘are of essentially the same class as those found in Amorgos and other Greek islands.’

^{page 227 note 3} See Memorie del r. Istituto Lombardo, xxi. Tav. xi. Fig. 27, 13, 14, in the series. Prof. Halbherr here rightly emphasizes the Libyan affinities of the great majority of the tholos figurines See ib. 251 and note I, where the apt comparison is made with the similar ‘figurine antichissime dell Egitto … trovate dal Flinders Petrie, il quale vi ha appunto notato “the domed head and the pointed chin of the prehistoric people.” Man, 1902, p. 17.’

^{page 227 note 4} The finds from this necropolis await publication at the hands of its explorer, Dr. Stephanos Xanthoudides, Ephor at Candia.

^{page 228 note 1} See J.H.S. xxi. 78, for a statement to his effect.

^{page 228 note 2} Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1904, Troja—Mykene—Ungarn, 608–56. See particularly for the repetition of the mistake referred to, page 650.

^{page 228 note 3} B.S.A. ix. 336–343. Figs. 1, 2.

^{page 229 note 1} See J.H.S. xvii. 362–395.

^{page 229 note 2} J.H.S. xxiii. 162–4.

^{page 229 note 3} See Petersen, in Röm. Mitt. xiii. 171–191.Google Scholar

^{page 229 note 4} Ibid. xiv. 167–172.

^{page 229 note 5} Evans, Arthur, ‘Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos’, Archaeologia, 1906, 17Google Scholar, cites this evidence in a connection which bears in the same direction.

^{page 230 note 1} The reference is to Evans's, ‘Further Discoveries of Cretan and Aegean Script’, J.H.S. xvii. 362–385, 385–390.Google Scholar

^{page 230 note 2} Mon. Ant. ix. 502–4. Orsi in this connection makes the island of Pantelleria, with which he is specially dealing, like the Straits of Gibraltar, one of the stepping-stones from the African continent.

^{page 230 note 3} Rendered familiar to us from the works, among others, of Sergi. Quoted also by Orsi, Ibid. 503, note 1. See especially The Mediterranean Race. Sergi brings out similar results for Sardinia, see La Sardegna, 1–74.

^{page 231 note 1} For a short report on this interesting discovery see B.S.A. ix. 336–43, 344–50. These remarkable results have all the more importance on account of the exceptional care with which both the excavation itself and the craniological observation of the remains were conducted.

^{page 231 note 2} See Zeitschr. für Ethnol., 1904, pp. 608–56.

^{page 232 note 1} See Mem. r. Ist. Lomb. Vol. xxi. Fasc. v. 252. ‘I cranii meglio conservati, e in parte portati al museo antropologico di Roma, appartengono,’ Prof. Halbherr here writes, ‘come mi comunica il Prof. Sergi, alla varietà mediterranea già nota, la quale comprende le forme elissoidali, ovoidali e pentagonali corrispondenti alla misura craniometrica dei dolicomesocefali.’ See Mosso, Angelo, Escursioni nel Mediterraneo e gli Scavi di Creta, 265–281.Google Scholar Mosso here, page 273, note 1, announces that he is publishing a special work on Cretan craniology. His general conclusions coincide with those of Sergi referred to above.

^{page 233 note 1} B.S.A. ix. 349.

^{page 233 note 2} B.S.A. x. 194–5. Mr. R. M. Dawkins, who has examined the pottery of Roussolakkos, rightly emphasizes the fact of continuity in this very connection. See also Ibid. 26.

^{page 233 note 3} B.S.A. ix. 356–57, Pls. VIII.–XIII.

^{page 233 note 4} B.S.A. vi. 15–16, 12–13, 46–48.

^{page 233 note 5} Mon. Ant. xiii. 78–131, Figs. 1–4. Tav. i.–iii., xiv. 713–19. Rendic. Lincei, xii. 343.

^{page 234 note 1} B.S.A. ix. 361, 365.

^{page 234 note 2} As is done by Prof. Savignoni, ib. xiii. 109, when he suggests that the loin-cloths of the ‘Harvesters’ of Haghia Triada were received by the Cretans from the Orientals. It may be as well to remark here that Dr. Savignoni's ‘tasca o sacchetto’ which appears above the left thigh of all the ‘Harvesters’ and which forms no intrinsic part of the loin-costume is more probably a pad meant obviate friction to the leg during sheaf-binding. A close examination of the original has convin e d me that the ‘cordoncino rilevato, che si nota lì accanto’ has really to do with the pad which it fastened round the leg at the knee. The sheaving pad and the cord or strap, thus mutually explain each other.

^{page 234 note 3} Mr. R. M. Dawkins makes the interesting suggestion that what is apparently the most primitive part of the Aegean loin-cloth arrangement (Mr. Myres's ‘loin-cloth proper’) ‘may be a “Bantu sheath” of the type which is familiar on sculptured and modelled figures of Pre-dynastic style in Egypt.’ See B.S.A. ix. 387, note to p. 364.

^{page 235 note 1} See Furtwängler, and Loeschcke, , Mykenische Vasen, Taf. xlii. Text 68–9.Google Scholar These ‘Schurzgewänder,’ in the sense of loin-cloths beneath the short chiton or shirt, quite clearly do not exist. The Warrior Vase belongs to their decadent ‘Fourth Style’ and to the period of the break-up of the Aegeo-Pelasgian Culture. For the stelè, see Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1896, Pls. I., II.

^{page 236 note 1} See Myres on the Petsofà, figurines, B.S.A. ix. 386.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 2} See Excavations at Phylakopi, 123–5, Fig. 95, Pl. XXII.

^{page 237 note 1} Mon. Ant. Linc. xiii. 109.

^{page 237 note 2} See the very pronounced white top-boots of the male figurine from Petsofà, , B.S.A. ix. Pl. IX.Google Scholar which Myres (ib. 363) would regard as the prototype of the characteristic modern Cretan white top-boot.

^{page 237 note 3} Smith, , Dict. Gk. and Roman Ant., ii. 721, s.v. Subligaculum.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 1} See ib. 386 and Journ. Anthr. Inst. xxx. pp. 252 ff.

^{page 239 note 1} See Studniczka, , Altgriechische Tracht, 32–3.Google ScholarMilchhoefer, , Anfänge der Kunst, 35.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 1} See Lady Evans's description of the dress in B.S.A. ix. 80. For the panier, ib. Figs. 55, 56, 57.

^{page 240 note 2} See J.H.S. xxii. Pl. VI. 6, 7, 8; Mon. Ant. xiii. 39–41. Figs. 33, 35 = our Figs. 1, 2. I have here warmly to thank Prof. Frederico Halbherr for his generous permission to reproduce a number of these sealings from the original excellent drawings by Signor Stefani.

^{page 240 note 8} The man to the right in Fig. 2 has below his armour a loin-cloth skirt like that of his female companion. These ‘vesti globulari a grandi sgonfi’ closely resemble the baggy breeches worn by modern Cretans. A bronze statuette from the Dictaean Cave, now in the Ashmolean Museum, has a loin-cloth arrangement of very similar character.

^{page 242 note 1} Compare the white spots on the panier of the Snake Goddess of Knossos, which may have a more symbolical relation to the spots of the snakes coiled round her body. See B.S.A. ix. 75, Fig. 54a and b; 76, Fig. 55.

^{page 242 note 2} Perrot-Chipiez, vi. Figs. 349, 350; Furtwängler, , Aegina, Text, 371, Abb. 296.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 3} Ibid. Fig. 355, Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1891, 190–1; Tsountas, and Manatt, , The Mycenaean Age, Pl. XVII.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 4} Mon. Ant. Linc. xiii. 44, Fig. 40.

^{page 243 note 1} Ibid. Fig. 34.

^{page 242 note 2} Mon. Ant. Linc. xiii. Tav. x.

^{page 243 note 3} Mon. Ibid. Fig. 38.

^{page 244 note 1} See Sergi, La Sardegna, Figs. 21, 39, 46, 50, 51, etc. The women's dress is not so well illustrated. Sergi does not include places like Ergosolo and Fonni, where two- and three-fold multiple skirts are often to be seen. The women of Sardinia squat while occupied with such household avocations as baking, as well as in their Sunday best at Mass in Church, in a way which is as suggestive of primitive African connections as the similar custom of their pre-historic sisters of Crete.

^{page 244 note 2} I suggest that these are side-panels, because otherwise the front and back parts of the polonaise have to be conceived as shifted to either side, which does not seem probable. The side of these invisible in the illustrations is left rough: this suggests that they belonged to figures appearing in relief-profile on the background of an elaborate ritual composition, which had the Snake Goddess, Votaries, etc. in the round, in front. The suggestion that what we really see is one side of these gowns, fits in with this conception of the composition, since it is well known that in Minoan art all figures painted in the flat or in relief, appear in profile, the bust, however, as here, being shown en face. The relief part of the composition was apparently made up of separate pieces fitted on to each other, and it is in this way apparently that we may account for the separate girdles shown in B.S.A. ix. Fig. 58, for the busts en face made separate from the skirts, and (though these were not found), probably, for the heads in profile fitted on to the busts, etc. We have an analogous example of this kind of technique in the faïence House-Façades of Knossos. See B.S.A. viii. 14–22, Figs. 8–10.

^{page 248 note 1} Part of this wall-painting, after a coloured drawing by M. Gilliéron, has been published by DrEvans, in J.H.S. xxi. Pl. V.Google Scholar

^{page 248 note 2} This dance is performed to the music of a bag-pipe which is in all essentials like the Cretan one. Of stringed instruments Crete still retains the very primitive but expressive three-stringed ‘lyra’ or fiddle.

^{page 248 note 3} B.S.A. x. 217, Fig. 6. Mosso, , Excursioni nel Mediterraneo e gli Scavi di Creta, 225, Fig. 124.Google Scholar

^{page 249 note 1} The man or woman in the middle of the ‘Dancing Women’ of Palaikastro, Mosso, ib. rightly recognises as a lyre-player. The musician there, as now, has his place in the centre of the ring of dancers. The lyre-player of the Haghia Triada larnax teaches us that the long skirts in themselves, do not disprove the possibility that the musician of Palaikastro was also a man.

^{page 249 note 2} Mosso, ib. 260–1, Figs. 145, 146.

^{page 249 note 3} Perrot-Chipiez, vi. pp. 760, 1, Figs. 357, 358.

^{page 249 note 4} Savignoni suggests that the three singers are women, ‘ma tre donne che nell' aspetto poco si distinguono dagli uomini, perchè incolte e barbaresche.’ Is it not more likely that they are men wrapped up in conventional mantles like the musicians of the Haghia Triada larnax? The breasts in the case of women are always so clearly rendered in Minoan art that it seems incredible there should be no indication whatever of them in a representation which surprises by its minute rendering of details. Mon. Ant. Linc. xiii. 86, Fig. 3; 120.

^{page 250 note 1} See B.S.A. xi. Cretan Palaces, 220, Fig. 4.

^{page 250 note 2} These have been published by DrEvans, Arthur, The Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, Archaeoloaia, 1906.Google Scholar [Separately in Book-form: B. Quaritch].

^{page 252 note 1} See J.H.S. xx. 149.

^{page 252 note 2} Op. cit. 34–6.

^{page 253 note 1} For this view see Homerische Paläste, 34.

^{page 253 note 2} The connection of the primitive Mediterranean type of house with the original troglodyte dwelling of North Africa probably preserves to us a reminiscence of original custom in the fondness for hill-slope positions, preferably looking east, with the house foundations laid upon artificial terraces cut into the side of the hill. Compare at Knossos the Villa, Royal, B.S.A. ix. 130–153Google Scholar, and Pl. I. and The House of the Shrine, Fetish, B.S.A. xi. 2–16.Google Scholar For similar houses excavated at Knossos by MrHogarth, D. G., see B.S.A. vi. 70–79, Pls. III.–VII.Google Scholar

^{page 254 note 1} Noack, , Hom. Pal. 21Google Scholar, says: ‘In Tiryns wäre es ein leichtes gewesen, durch ein paar Türen eine direkte kürzere Verbindung des grossen Megaron (Abb. 3, M) mit den Nebenräumen herzustellen.’ But, it was not at all so easy, and that quite apart from the reasons given by Noack.

^{page 255 note 1} Gardner, in J.H.S. iii. 264–282Google Scholar; Jebb, , J.H.S. vii. 170–188.Google Scholar The former wrote before the discovery of Tiryns; the latter writing after, ‘deliberately rejects the comparison proposed by Dr. Dörpfeld in Tiryns.’ See Myres, J.H.S. xx. 129.Google ScholarGardner, ‘while making large concessions to the alternative view’ (New Chapters in Greek History, pp. 103 ff.Google Scholar) also made certain reservations which were more than justified.

^{page 255 note 2} See Meitzen, , Das Deutsche Haus, 17–19.Google Scholar Meitzen here compares the Nordic type of house with the Lycian on the one hand, and the Bosnian on the other, and (page 9) concludes ‘Der Zusammenhang des Nordischen Hauses mit dem Oriente lässt sich also nicht ohne Weiteres abweisen.’ Meitzen follows out these connections still further in Siedelung und Agrarwesen, iii. 464–520, Das nordische und das altgriechische Haus. On the Greek house see also Gardner, Ernest in J.H.S. xxi. 293–305.Google Scholar

^{page 256 note 1} See Meitzen, op. cit. 476, Fig. XIV.; 478, Figs. XVI a, XVII a.

^{page 257 note 1} Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1904, 645 ff. I am thus glad to find myself in entire agreement with the judicious criticism of Hubert Schmidt's views by Hoernes, , Die neolithische Keramik in Oesterreich (Jahrbuch der k. k. Zentral-Kommission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst und Historischen Denkmale, 1905, 25and note I).Google Scholar He says: ‘Ich glaube nicht, dass in dieser aus einigen Punkten der Umgebung von Kronstadt massenhaft überlieferten bemalten Keramik, wie H. Schmidt a. O. 1904, 645 ff. beweisen will, die Voraussetzungen für die Entwicklung der mykenischen Vasenmalerei gesucht werden müssen.’

^{page 257 note 2} I was brought to conclusions in this sense in the course of researches in Bosnia and Austria-Hungary undertaken in 1906. Special travelling funds for this purpose were generously placed at my disposal, while Carnegie Fellow in History at the University of Edinburgh, by the Carnegie Trust. I have also to thank the same enlightened patrons of scientific research for similar liberality in connection with journeys to Turkey, Syria, Egypt, and Sardinia.

^{page 257 note 3} Hoernes, ib. 126–7 suggests a cautious conclusion in the same sense, to which I would attach all the more value because he and myself seem here to have reached common ground after an independent start on either side, from the opposite poles of Hungary on the one hand, and the Aegean on the other.

^{page 257 note 4} von Stern gave some account of the Neolithic pottery of this region at the Archaeological Congress at Athens in 1905. See Hoernes, ib. 117.

^{page 258 note 1} This white-encrusted pottery is very amply illustrated in Wosinsky, Die inkrustierte Keramik der Stein- und Bronzezeit. See Hoernes, ib. 41 ff., especially on the pottery of Dehelo-brdo near Sarajevo in its contrast with that of Butmir.

^{page 258 note 2} Die prä-mykenische Keramik in Süd-Russland, Moscow, 1905.