¹ The excavations (1978–82) were directed for the School by the writer. The present article is one of a series giving reasonably detailed preliminary publication of the major discoveries. For preliminary reports of the excavations as a whole see Warren, P. M., ‘Knossos: Stratigraphical Museum Excavations 1978–80’: Part I, AR (1980–1981) 73–92Google Scholar (hereafter ‘Knossos Part I’); Part II, AR (1982–3) 63–87 (hereafter ‘Knossos Part I’); AR (1978–9) 36–7; AR (1979–80) 48–50; AR (1981–2) 51–3; The British School at Athens. Annual Report of the Managing Committee for the Session 1977–1978 13–15; 1978–1979 12–14; 1979–1980 14–18; 1980–1981 17–21; 1981–1982 17–21; BCH 103 (1979) 607; 104 (1980) 671–3; 105 (1981) 869, 871; 106 (1982) 622–4. for preliminary notices of the circular buildings see ‘Knossos Part II’; AR (1978–9) 36–7; AR (1979–80) 48–9 and fig. 83; AR (1981–2) 51; Annual Report. … 1977–1978 14; 1978–1979 13; 1979–1980 15; 1980–1981 17–18; 1981–1982 18; BCH 103 (1979) 607; 104 (1980) 671 and fig. 184; 105 (1981) 869; 106 (1982) 622 and fig. 168.

² The reason for work on this site was the necessity of investigating the deposit in advance of future extension of the Stratigraphical Museum.

³ This is apparent from survey in 1980 by the School's Honorary Surveyor, Mr. David Smyth. Cf. ‘Knossos Part I’ 92. See Evans, , The Palace of Minos at Knossos (hereafter PM) ii (1928) 572–8Google Scholar for the Royal Road and its extension to the west.

⁴ The plan tracings in this article are the work of Mr. Smyth; the photographs are the author's, printed by Mr. G. Kelsey of the University of Bristol's Faculty of Arts Photographic Unit.

⁵ The excavation (trench J/JN) was supervised by Mr. Colin Macdonald.

⁶ The base line of the lowest course rose 0·20 m from south to north. Hence a level floor beside the building, if set a little above the base of the lowest course on the north, would have almost covered the face of that course on the south.

⁷ The northern part lay in trench P, supervisor Mr. John Falconer, the southern in trench T, supervisors Mrs. Elizabeth Warren (1978) and Mr. Philip Mudd (1979).

⁸ Cf. Sakellarakis, J. A., ‘Masons' Marks from Arkhanes’, Europa … Festschrift für Ernst Grumach (1967) 278–81Google Scholar, with references, and pl. XXIIIb (Arkhanes). At Mallia all examples of the trident sign are thickly and heavily carved (Olivier, J.-P. in Pelon, O., Le Palais de Mallia v, Études crétoises 25 (1980) 230Google Scholar and preceding catalogue.

⁹ The north-east quadrant of the building was excavated in trench T in 1979 by Mr. Mudd, the north-west and the southwest remnants in trenches S and W in 1980 by Mr. Sandy MacGillivray.

¹⁰ Letters, 7/11/80, 22/2/82.

¹¹ Mr. M. S. F. Hood, letter, 22/2/82.

¹² Another possibility, that all three courses were built together, but the lowest was later covered, with a final external ground level higher than the projecting stones, seems most improbable. The projecting stones, which again occasion the theory, would still have been visible throughout the hypothetical first period of use, while the fine, lowest ashlar course would have been needlessly covered in the hypothetical second period (needlessly because the projecting stones would not, on this view, have been considered an impediment in the hypothetical first period).

¹³ For the destruction and date of the house see ‘Knossos Part II’ 65 and figs. 12–13,16–17; for a preliminary note see AR (1979–80) 49.

¹⁴ ‘Knossos Part II’ fig. 20.

¹⁵ ‘Knossos Part II’ fig. 22.

¹⁶ ‘Knossos Part II’ figs. 36–9.

¹⁷ ‘Knossos Part II’ fig. 52.

¹⁸ Vagnetti, L., ‘L'insediamento neolitico di Festòs’, Ann. 50–1 (1972–1973) 29Google Scholar and figs. 17–18. Houses with curved, though not circular, walls are next found, in EM times, at Khamaizi (Δαβάρας, Κ. “Νέαι ἔρευναι εἰς τήν ἐλλειφοειδῆ οἰκίαν Χαμαιζίου” Πεπραγμένα τοῦ Γ′ Διεθνοῦς Κρητολογικοῦ Συνεδρίον Α′ (1973) 46–53.Google Scholar fig. 3 and pls. 14β 15α–β 16α–β.

¹⁹ Chapouthier, F., Demargne, P., and Dessenne, A., Fouilles exéecutées à Mallia. Quatrième rapport. Exploration du palais, Études crétoises 12 (1962) 17–19Google Scholar and pl. 21–2, 30 no. 4 and plan 1. Renfrew, C., The Emergence of Civilisation (1972) 292–3Google Scholar and fig. 15.9 above. Pelon, op. cit. (n. 8) 221–6 and pls. 156, 3–4; 157.

²⁰ Evans, , PM i (1921) 207–8Google Scholar; iv (1935) 61–6. Levi, D., Festòs e la civiltà minoica (Incunabula Graeca 60, 1976)Google Scholar testo 1 i 349–58 and tavole 1 ii pls. B and X. For the Phaistos koulouras as granaries too, Levi, op. cit. 352.

²¹ Evans, , PM ii (1928) 44, 64–6, and figs. 29–30.Google Scholar

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²³ Platon, N., Ζáκρος. Τό νέον μινωϊκόν ἀνάκτορον (1974) 172–7 and figs. 103, 122.Google Scholar

²⁴ Zervos, Chr., L'Art des Cyclades du début à la fin de l'âge du bronze, 2500–1100 avant notre ère (1957) pls. 28–9.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ölmann, F., ‘Das Kornspeichermodell von Melos’, AM 50 (1925) 19–27.Google ScholarMarinatos, Sp., ‘Greniersdel'helladique ancien’, BCH 70 (1946) 337.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Renfrew, op. cit. (n. 19) 288, 578, and pl. 15, 1.

²⁶ Popham, M. R., Sackett, L. H., and Themelis, P. (eds.), Lefkandi I (British School at Athens Supplementary Volume 11, 1980) 24–5 and pls. 5Google Scholar, 6b–d, 7, 8b, 9b, 11.

²⁷ For preliminary statements of this interpretation see AR (1979–80) 49; Annual Report… 1978–1979 13; BCH 104 (1980) 671. A paper making the same proposal was also read to the Fifth International Cretological Congress at Aghios Nikolaos, September 1981. For χορός as a dancing-place see Wegner, M., ‘Musik und Tanz’, Archaeologica Homerica iii (1968) U40–1Google Scholar, from Odyssey viii. 260, Iliad xviii. 590. That χορός can mean a circular dancing-place or dance is implied by Hesychius: χορός κύκλος, στέφανος. Cf. Willetts, R. F., Cretan Cults and Festivals (1962) 125 n. 32.Google Scholar

²⁸ Levi, D., ‘La tomba a tholos di Kamilari presso a Festòs’, Ann. 39–40 (1961–1962) 139–45Google Scholar and fig. 174a–b. The possibility of a circular building in reality, on the idea of which the models might be based, was percipiently raised by Professor Levi, op. cit. 142, though with hesitation in the then absence of any such buildings. For the photograph at Plate 34d I am most grateful to Professors di Vita and Levi and the Scuola archeologica di Atene.

²⁹ Dawkins, R. M., ‘Excavations at Palaikastro III’, BSA 10 (1903–1904) 216–25 and fig. 6Google Scholar; Mosso, A., The Palaces of Crete and their Builders (1907) 282 and fig. 136Google Scholar; Bosanquet, R. C. in Bosenquet, R. C. and Dawkins, R. M., The Unpublished Objects from the Palaikastro Excavations 1902–1906 (British School at Athens Supplementary Paper 1, 1923) 88–91 and fig. 71Google Scholar; Evans, , PM iii (1930) 72–3 and fig. 41Google Scholar; Nilsson, M. P., The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion (2nd edn. 1950) 109–10 and fig. 30Google Scholar; Zervos, Chr., L'Art de la Crète néolithique et minoenne (1956) pl. 794 (figures only)Google Scholar; Marinatos, Sp. and Hirmer, M., Crete and Mycenae (1960) pl. 132Google Scholar above (figures on restored base); J. Hawkes, The Dawn of the Gods (1968) col. frontispiece (figures only, in restored ring).

Bosanquet, op. cit., points out that the fragmentary circular base found with the figures belonged to this group of figures or to another of which fragments were found with the main group. The fact that the three dancing figures of our group have a bevelled base to the skirt, fitting the edge of the circular ring base (cf. Dawkins, op. cit., 219) strongly suggests they and the base belong together, as restored soon after discovery.

³⁰ It is worth recalling the terracotta model of a chair, Evans's sedia gestatoria, for conveying a person of importance. Evans imagined processions with such a person (PM i (1921) 224 and fig. 166g), evidenced too by the Palanquin Fresco, perhaps conveying a seated priestess (PM ii (1928) 770–3).

³¹ Zervos, op. cit. (n. 24) pls. 333–4. Warren, P., The Aegean Civilizations (1975) col. pl. at p. 55.Google Scholar

³² Τζεδάκις, T., Μινωϊκός κιθαρῳδός, Athens Annals of Archaeology 3 (1970) 111–12Google Scholar, figs. 1–2 and col. pl. on cover of volume.

³³ Παπαποστόλου, I. A., Τά σφραγίσματα τῶν Χανιῶν Συμβολή στή μελήτη τῆς μινωϊκῆς σφραγιδογλυφίας (1977) 69–73Google Scholar (especially 72) and pls. 2ζ, 38a, 39a–β.

³⁴ Phaistos bowl: D. Levi, op. cit. (n. 20) testo 1 i 96 and fig. 120, and pis. lxviia, 160b–c; op. cit. (n. 28) 142–3. Fruit-stand: Levi, op. cit. (n. 20) pls. lxv–lxvi; op. cit. (n. 28) 142–3. Isopata ring: Evans, , ‘The Tomb of the Double Axes and Associated Group’, Archaeologia 65 (1914) 10 fig. 16Google Scholar; PM iii (1930) 68 fig. 38; Nilsson, op. cit. (n. 29) 279–80 and fig. 139; Marinatos and Hirmer, op. cit. (n. 29) pl. 111 above; σακελλαράκης, I. A. ‘Über die Echtheit des sogennanten Nestorringes’, Πεπραγένα τοῦ Γ′ Διεθνοῦς Κρητολογικοῦ Συνεδρίου Α' (1973) pls. 91, 93βGoogle Scholar (for details on large scale); Judge, J., ‘Minoans and Mycenaeans. Greece's Brilliant Bronze Age’, National Geographic 153, 2 (February 1978) 178–9 col. pl. at large scale.Google Scholar

³⁵ Caskey, M. E., ‘Ayia Eirene, Kea: The Terracotta Statues and the Cult in the Temple’, in Hägg, R. and Marinatos, N. (eds.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age (1981) 127–35, at 131–2.Google Scholar

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³⁷ Marinatos and Hirmer, op. cit. (n. 29) pls. 138–9. For a survey of models of round buildings in Crete see Mavriyannaki, C., ‘Modellini fittili di costruzioni circolari dalla Creta minoica’, SMEA 15 (1972) 161–70.Google Scholar For circular religious buildings in later, Greek times see F. Robert, Thymélè. Recherches sur la signification et la destination des monuments circulaires dans l'architecture religieuse de la Grèce (1939).

³⁸ Arkhanes: Sakellarakis, J., Archaeology 20 (1967) 280 fig. 13Google Scholar; op. cit. (n. 34) pl. 95; Warren, op. cit. (n. 31) col. pl. at p. 99, centre; Sakellarakis, Y. and Sapouna-Sakellaraki, E., ‘Drama of Death in a Minoan Temple’, National Geographic 159, 2 (February 1981) col. pl. at p. 216.Google Scholar Mycenae: A. Sakellariou, Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (ed. F. Matz) I. Die minoischen und mykenischen Siegel des Nationalmuseums in Athen (1964) no. 126. Vapheio: Τσοῦντας, I.AE (1889) pl. 10 no. 39Google Scholar; Evans, , PM iii (1930) 141 and fig. 91Google Scholar; Sakellariou, op. cit. no. 219; Guida, P. Cassola, Le armi difensive dei micenei nelle figurazioni (Incunabula Graeca 56, 1973) 129 no. 30 and pl. v 5Google Scholar; Sakellarakis, op. cit. (n. 34) pl. 88 for the dancing women on large scale. For discussion of cult scenes with ecstatic dancing generally see Nilsson, op. cit. (n. 29) 274–80.

³⁹ Marinatos and Hirmer, op. cit. (n. 29) pls. 103–5. For interpretation as a seed-sowing procession see Forsdyke, J., ‘The “Harvester” Vase of Hagia Triada’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 (1954) 1–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁰ P. Warren, ‘Of Squills’, Mélanges Henri van Effenterre (forthcoming).

⁴¹ ‘Knossos Part II’ figs. 32–3.

⁴² Sex/80/1129. The seal will be published in full in a subsequent paper.

⁴³ ‘Knossos Part II’ figs. 34–5.

⁴⁴ Evans, , PM iii (1930) 69–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lawler, Lillian B., ‘The Dance in Ancient Crete’, Studies Presented to David M. Robinson i (1951) 23–51Google Scholar; The Dance in Ancient Greece (1964) 28–39, 147–8. See also ‘The Dancing Figures from Palaikastro—A New Interpretation’, AJA 44 (1940) 106–7; ‘The Lily in the Dance’, AJP 65 (1944) 75–80; for an MM II fruit-stand from Phaistos actually depicting a dance with flowers, very probably lilies, see Levi, op. cit. (n. 20) pls. lxv–lxvi; op. cit. (n. 28) 142–3; ‘The Geranos Dance—A New Interpretation’, TAPA 77 (1946) 112–30; ‘A Necklace for Eileithyia’, Classical Weekly 42 (1948) 2–6.

⁴⁶ Iliad xvi 617; Lawler, op. cit. (n. 45) (1951) 23; (1964) 13, 30.

⁴⁷ Cf. the survey by Evans, , PM iii (1930) 69–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Sandys, G., A Relation of a Journey Begun An. Dom. 1610 (6th edn. 1670) 176–7.Google Scholar Text also quoted in Warren, P., ‘16th, 17th, 18th century British Travellers in Crete’, Κρητικά Χρονικά ΚΔ' (1972) 76.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Lawler, opp. citt. (n. 45) (1951) 39; (1964) 36–7.

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⁵¹ Pollux iv 103; Athenaeus xiv 629 D.

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⁵³ Xanthoudides, op. cit. (n. 50) 15–18 and fig. 3; Chapouthier, op. cit. (n. 54 below) 312; Nilsson, op. cit. (n. 29) 138–9 and fig. 48; Levi, D., ‘Arkades’, Ann 10–12 (1927–1929) 617 and fig. 651.Google Scholar The find-place at Kourtes is not known, but the complete state of the kernos strongly implies that it was from a tomb. The tombs at Kourtes are PGB-Geom. (Desborough, V. R., Protogeometric Pottery (1952) 256–8, with refs.Google Scholar).

⁵⁴ Chapouthier, F., ‘Une table à offrandes au palais de Mallia’, BCH 52 (1928) 292–323, at 307–8.CrossRefGoogle Scholar It may be remarked that in later times kernoi were not associated with Eleusinian Demeter only. They played a part in the rituals of Rhea also (κερνοφόρος ζάκορος βωμίστρια Ρείης, Nicander, Alexipharmaca 217, cf. Dawkins, op. cit. (n. 29) 222–3, Chapouthier, op. cit. 312–14, 322). Given that Rhea is an or the historical manifestation in Crete of a great Minoan goddess of the natural world, the possibility arises that she might have been the divinity recipient of kernos offerings as well as dance at the circular buildings. Professor Levi associated Ariadne-Aphrodite and birds with the Kamelari and Palaikastro models (op. cit. (n. 28) 141–2); the particular relevance of Ariadne to our circular buildings is noticed below (p. 323). Cypriot evidence exists for linking Aphrodite and Rhea (Chapouthier, op. cit. 313).

⁵⁵ Dawkins, op. cit. (n. 29) 220–1; Bosanquet, op. cit. (n. 29) 91 and fig. 75; cf. Nilsson, op. cit. (n. 29) 109.

⁵⁶ Warren, P., Minoan Stone Vases (1969) 127–8Google Scholar, discusses the use of the stone in Bronze Age Crete.

⁵⁷ Warren, P., Myrtos. An Early Bronze Age Settlement in Crete (1972) 230–1Google Scholar for discussion, with references.

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⁶⁰ Xanthoudides, op. cit. (no. 50); Nilsson, op. cit. (n. 29) 129–42.

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⁶⁷ Cf. Lawler, op. cit. (n. 45) (1964) 45.