^{page 51 note 1} Thuc. 5. 61–75.

^{page 51 note 2} Hist. of Greece (12 vols. 1884), 6. 348. The italics in this and the following quotations are ours.

^{page 52 note 1} Hist. of Greece (8 vols. 1836), 3. 348.

^{page 52 note 2} Hist. of Greece (8 vols. 1838), 3. 122.

^{page 53 note 1} For the Σκοπή (Paus. viii. 11. 7) see Loring, W., Some Ancient Routes in the Peloponnese (in J.H.S. xv. (1895), P. 82 f.).Google Scholar

^{page 55 note 1} Paus. viii. 10. 1: ἰόντι ἐς Τεγέαν ἐστὶν ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τῆς λεωφόρου παρὰ τοῖς Μαντινέων τείχεσι χωρίον ὲς τῶν ἵππων τὸν δρόμον, καὶ οὐ πόρρω τούτου στάδιον…ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ σταδίου τὸ ὄρος ἐστὶ τὸ Ἀλήσιον…παρὰ δὲ τοῦ ὄρους τἀ ἔσχατα τοῦ Ποσειδῶνός ἐστι τοῦ Ἱππίου τὸ ἱερόν, οὐ πρόσω σταδίου Μαντινείας (read οὐ πρόσω ς´ σταδίων with Schäfer, A., Rheinisches Museum, N.F. 5 [1847], p. 61).Google Scholar According to Polybios (9. 8), the sanctuary of Poseidon κεῖται πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐν ἑπτὰ σταδίοις (cf. Pol. 11. 14). Bursian Geogr. 2. 216) suggests οὐ πρόσω ἑπτασταδίου

^{page 55 note 2} Paus. viii. 11. 1: Μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος χωρίον ὑποδέξεταί σε δρυῶν πλῆρες, καλού μενον Πέλαγος καὶ ἐκ Μαντινείας ἡ ἐς Τεγέαν ὁδὸς φέρει διὰ τῶν δρυῶν. Μαντιϝεῦσι δὲ ὄροι πρὸς Τεγεάτας εἰσὶν ὁ περιφερὴς ἐν τῇ λεωφόρῳ βωμός

^{page 55 note 3} Fougères, G., Mantinée et l'Arcadie orientale, Paris, 1898, p. 104.Google Scholar

^{page 55 note 4} Paus. viii. 11. 5: κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐς Παλλάντιον ἐκ Μαντινείας ἄγουσαν προελθόντι ὡς τριάκοντά που σταδίους, παρήκει κατὰ τοῦτο ἐς τὴν λεωφόρον ὁ τοῦ Πελάγους καλουμένου δρυμός

^{page 55 note 5} Paus. viii. 11. 7: ὁπόθεν σὲ ὰπέβλεπεν ἐς αὐτοὺς ὠνόμαζον Σκοπὴν οἱ ἔπειτα . . . καὶ αὐτὸν ἀφέντα τὴν ψυχὴν ἔθαψαν ἔνθα σφίσιν ἐγένετο ἡ συμβολή. Pausanias clearly distinguishes the place of death from the place of burial. The latter was on the plain, perhaps hard by the road. It is probable that the name Skopé, which attached to the tower, or post of outlook, gave rise to the story which connected it with the last moments of Epameinondas.

^{page 57 note 1} The renderings of Thucydides are throughout those of Jowett's translation, verbatim, with changes of spelling in Greek proper names. For scientific purposes, of course, Jowett's translation is not sufficiently close and accurate, so that I have prepared a revised text and translation, but it did not seem desirable to incorporate them here. Excerpts from the text of Thucydides are quoted from the edition by H. Stuart Jones (Clar. Press).

^{page 57 note 2} This seems clear from the words (Thuc. 5. 64) ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν Μαντινικήν, καὶ στρατοπεδευ σάμενοι πρὸς τῷ ῾Ηρακλείῳ. The battle was fought on Mantineian territory (Thuc. 5. 67: δεξιὸν μὲν κέρας Μαντινῆς εἶχον, ὅτι ἐν τῇ ἐκείνων τὸ ἔργον ἐγίγνετο), and apparently before the Herakleion was reached (cf. 5. 66: πρὸς τὸ ῾Ηράκλειον πάλιν ἐς τὸ αὐτὸ στρατόπεδον ἰόντες ὁρῶσι, κτλ) by the returning Lacedaemonians.

^{page 57 note 3} Xen. Hell. vi. 5. 15 f.

^{page 58 note 1} Curtius, E., Peloponn. 1. 243Google Scholar: ‘Wegen der Verbindung, in welche die Sage den Herakles mit Alkimedon brachte, lässt sich vermuthen, dass das von Thukydides in der Nähe von Mantineia erwähnte Herakleion unweit der Alkimedonebene an den Höhen von Kapsa lag.”

^{page 59 note 1} Thuc. 5. 59: τὸ μὲν οὖν πλῆθος τῶν ᾿Αργείων καὶ τῶν ξυμμάχων οὐχ οὔτω δεινὸν τὸ παρὸν ἐνόμιζον, ἀλλ᾿ ἐν καλῷ ἐδόκει ἡ μάχη ἔσεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπειληφέναι ἐν τῇ αὑτῶν τε καὶ πρὸς τῇ πόλει

^{page 59 note 2} Thuc. 5. 63: Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐπειδὴ ἀνεχώρησαν ἐξ ᾿´Αργους τὰς τετραμήνους σπονδὰς ποιησά μενοι, ᾿´Αγιν ἐν μεγάλῃ μεγάλῃ αἰτίᾳ εἶχον οὐ χειρωσάμενον αφίσιν ᾿´Αργος, παρασχὸν καλῶς ὡς οὔπω πρότερον αὐτοὶ ἐνόμιζον

^{page 61 note 1} Thuc. 5. 72: τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους διέφθειρον καὶ κυκλωσάμενοι ἔτρεψαν καὶ ἐξέωσαν ἐς τὰς ἁμάξας καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῶν ἐπιτεταγμένων ἀπέκτεινάν τινας

^{page 62 note 1} Op. cit. pp. 44 f. and 576.

^{page 63 note 1} Thuc. 5. 66: ὁρῶσι δι ᾿ ὀλίγου τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐν τάξει τε ἤδη πάντας καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου προελη λυθότας. μάλιστα δὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐς ὄ ἐμέμνηντο ἐν τούτῳ τῷ καιρῷ ἐξεπλάγησαν

^{page 65 note 1} Thuc. 5. 65: τὸ στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος πρὶν ξυμμεῖχαι ἀπῆγεν What κατὰ τἀχος looked like is shown lower down, where the Confederates τοὺς ἐαυτῶν στρατηγοὺς αὖθις ἐν αἰτίᾳ εἶχον . . .νυν ὅτι ἀποδιδράσκοντας οὐδεὶς ἐπιδιώκει. There can be no doubt as to the (simulated) character of the withdrawal.

^{page 67 note 1} It did not seem necessary to discuss in this place the question of numbers. I have therefore been content to adopt a round figure which is sufficiently near the truth.

^{page 67 note 2} Op. cit. p. 349.

^{page 67 note 3} Op. cit. p. 350.

^{page 68 note 1} Op. cit. p. 576.

^{page 68 note 2} Op. cit. p. 574.

^{page 68 note 3} Thuc. 5. 69: ἐπεὶ δὲ ξυνιέναι ἔμελλον ἤδη, ἐνταῦθα καὶ παραινέσεις καθ ἐκάστους ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων στρατηγῶν τοιαίδε ἐγίγνοντο . . . καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἡ ξύνοδος ἦν

^{page 68 note 4} Op. cit. p. 352 f.

^{page 70 note 3} Thuc. 5. 66: καὶ εὐθὺς ὑπὸ σπουδῆς καθίσταντο ἐς κόσμον τὸν ἐαυτῶν, ᾿´Αγιδος τοῦ βασιλέως ἔκαστα ἐξηγουμένου κατὰ τὸν νόμον

^{page 72 note 1} Thuc. 5. 71: διὰ τὸ φοβουμένους προσστέλλειν τὰ γυμνὰ ἔκαστον ὡς μἁλιστα τῇ τοῦ ἐν δεξιᾷ παρατεταγμένου ἀσπίδι . . . ἔπονται δὲ διὰ τὸν αὐτὸν φόβον καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι. It is useless to try to water down this reiterated φόβος to something less portentous. In Grote's account (6. 354) it appears only as done ‘in order to avoid exposing their own unshielded side ; while for the same reason every man along the line took care to keep close to the shield of his right-hand neighbour ‘—and not a syllable betrays the φόβος of the original.

^{page 73 note 1} Thuc. 5. 71: καὶ ἡγεῖται μὲν τῆς αἰτίας ταύτης ὁπρωτοστάτης τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως, προθυμούμενος ἐξαλλάσσειν αὶεὶ τῶν ἐναντίων τὴν ἐαυτοῦ γύμνωσιν. Thucydides is here right in regard to the fact, but his explanation is imaginary.

^{page 75 note 1} From his expression in chap. 68: τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων μεῖζον ἐφάνη it has been conjectured that Thucydides was himself an eye-witness of the battle (cf. Thirl., Hist. of Gr. 3. 349Google Scholar, ‘the eye-witness seems to speak’). The whole character of the account seems to disprove this. More probably Thucydides derived his information, such as it was, in part at least from one or other of the exiled Polemarchs, or from both; they were naturally not so anxious to make things clear, as to see that Thucydides represented the king in what they regarded as the proper light. That information derived from an eye-witness, if not from a principal actor in the drama, underlies the narrative is very probable; but proof of this depends upon more subtle evidence than that adduced above, and is reserved for another place.

^{page 77 note 1} Thuc. 5. 70: Ἀργεῖοι μὲν καὶ οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐντόνως καὶ ὀργῇ χωροῦντες, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ βραδέως.

^{page 78 note 1} Thuc. 5. 62: καὶ οἱ μὲν Ἠλεῖοι ὀργισθέντες ὅτι οὐκ ἐπι Λέπρεον ἐψηφίσαντο ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπ᾿ οἴκου.

^{page 79 note 1} Cf. Thuc. 5. 75: τοὺς ξυμμάχους ὰφέντες (Κάρνεια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐτύγχανον ὄντα) τὴν ἑορτὴν ἦγον. The festival was probably overdue. The harvest in this part of Arkadia was reaped a full month before, the date of the battle.

^{page 79 note 2} Thuc. 5. 75: τὴς δὲ μάχης μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι καὶ Πλειστοάναξ ὁ ἔτερος βασιλεὺς ἐχων τούς τε πρεσβυτέρους καὶ νεωτέρους ἐβοήθησε, καὶ μεχρι μὲν Τεγέας ἀφίκετο, πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν νίκην ἀνεχώρησεν. Note that these πρεσβύτεροι καὶ νεώτεροι accompanied Agis when he first marched from Sparta, but were sent back from Orestheion (Thuc. 5. 64) for home defence.

^{page 80 note 1} Thuc. 5. 75: καὶ Ἠλείων τρισχιλίων ὁπλιτω-ν βοηθησάντων Μαντινεῦσιν ὕστερον τῆς μάχης καὶ Αθηναίων χιλίων πρὸς τοῖς προτέροις ἐστράτευσαν ἅπαντες οἱ ξύμμαχοι οὗτοι εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Ἐπίδανρον.

^{page 81 note 1} The Spartans were notoriously prodigal of the blood of the Skiritai (cf. Xen. Kyrop. iv. 2. 1: διὸ καὶ ἐχρῶντο αὐτοῖς οἱ Ἀσσύριοι ὥσπερ καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς Σκιρίταις, οὐδὲν φειδόμενοι αὐτῶν οὔτ᾿ ἐν πόνοις οὔτ᾿ ἐν κινδύνοις ).

^{page 81 note 2} Thuc. 5. 71: δείσας δὲ Ἆγις μὴ σφῶν κυκλωθῇ τὸ εὐώνυμον, καὶ νομίσας ἄγαν περιέχειν τοὺς Μαντινέας.

^{page 82 note 1} Thuc. 5. 71: ἐς δὲ τὸ διάκενον τοῦτο παρήγγελλεν ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως δύο λόχους τῶν πολεμάρχων Ἱππονοἴδᾳ καὶ Ἀριστοκλεῖ ἓχονσι παρελθεῖν where note the tense, and compare above τοῖςμὲν Σκιρίταις καὶ Βρασιδείοις ἐσήμηνεν, and, in chap. 72, κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τοὺς Σκιρίτας ὡς οὐ παρῆλθον οἱ λόχοι, πάλιν αὖ σφίσι προσμεῖξαι.

^{page 83 note 1} See article by the present writer, The Greeks at Plataiai (in J.H.S., xviii. [1898], p. 33 f.), many of the conclusions of which have passed into the unacknowledged κοινὰ of the writers on Greek history.