^{page 209 note 1} I have found it necessary, to my genuine regret, to criticise or reject many of the suggestions and restorations put forward by the late Professor Walther Kolbe in his comments on texts in IG V. i. His lamented death has deprived me of the opportunity, and the privilege, of submitting my notes to his critical judgment; but even when compelled to disagree with his views on points of detail, I have never ceased to be grateful for the services which he rendered to learning by his careful editing of the Laconian inscriptions in the Corpus. I wish to acknowledge my profound indebtedness to Mr. M. N. Tod, who has read the proofs of this article and, in addition to eliminating an unpardonably large number of inaccuracies, has provided some most helpful suggestions, of which I have gratefully availed myself.

^{page 210 note 1} For especially in the aorist tense, meaning ‘to march out’, it will suffice to cite Thuc. ii. 12,

^{page 210 note 2} Before I would prefer to Kolbe's In the gap between and I would suggest Πολέμωι έπὶ or perhaps πημονῆι ἐπὶ as in Thuc. v. 18. 4 and 47. 2, though these are both in Attic treaties.

^{page 210 note 3} The alteration of ΣΣ to seems fully justified, as all the other eight sigmas found on the stone are shown as and not Σ.

^{page 210 note 4} Cf. Ηαγηἠίσσ(τ)[ρατος BSA xxix. p. 54, N0. 81, 1. 7, where the H serves also for the intervocalic sigma; and for other examples, E. Bourguet, Le Dialecte Laconien, 42, 63.

^{page 210 note 5} As Wilamowitz points out (quoted by Kolbe ad loc.) The use of κα is not decisive either way. If we accept the fourth-century date, the son of Agesilaos might be in fact King Archidamos III., and the date would be earlier than his departure from Greece to help Tarentum (ca. 343?). I find that Poralla, Prosopographie der Lakedaimonier [1913], p. 9, accepts the restoration ᾿Αγησιλά(ου) without suggesting that it might be the King of that name.

^{page 211 note 1} This usage is found perhaps more frequently in commendation of a state for sending judges, e.g., Milet, i. 3, Delphinion, No. 154, 11. 8–9, and BSA xxix. 62 f., in identical terms (both being decrees passed by Eretria).

^{page 211 note 2} Cf. CIG 3777 for the same phrase at Nicomedia, and the technical use of in the Itanos-Hierapytna boundary-award, SIG ³ 685, 11. 57, 65.

^{page 212 note 1} As in the Eretrian decree quoted above.

^{page 212 note 2} Cf. M. N. Tod, Greek International Arbitration, 116ff.

^{page 212 note 3} Epidauros Limera is Kolbe's suggestion; Tod, op. cit. 8, No. III, had previously suggested Kotyrta.

^{page 213 note 1} Cf. IG V. I, 1144, 1. 16.

^{page 213 note 2} In V. 1, 952, 1. 13, from Kyparissia, die restoration is too speculative to quote in further support of my conjecture.

^{page 213 note 3} The use of the singular, shows that this expression is. applied to an individual, and not to the envoys; presumably, therefore, to the secretary.

^{page 214 note 1} V. I, 17 is another example of a text where practically no sense can be extracted from Fourmont's copy. (Did he perhaps rely on the copy made by an unskilled assistant?). Little importance need be attached to F.'s statement that this stone (V. 1, 25) was found ‘sur une tour au dela du pont’. The finding-place of V. I, 37 overlooks the river and the bridge, but cannot be said to be beyond it.

^{page 214 note 2}

^{page 215 note 1} V. i, 40, 11. 13–19.

^{page 215 note 2} BSA xxvi. 177.

^{page 215 note 3} BSA xxvii. 217¹.

^{page 216 note 1} In my commentary on this stone, op. cit. 195, I held office in the short period between the years of suggested that Polyeuktos and Aristokles seem to have Damonikidas and Hadrian.

^{page 217 note 1} The Eponymos Kallikrates, in l. II, is, I still believe, to be distinguished from whom Kolbe ascribes to the reign of Trajan, whilst I would date him in about the middle of the second century. [Cf. BSA xxvi. 186.]

^{page 219 note 1} For the earlier of the two, cf. BSA xxix. p. 26, 46 (late Flavian or early Trajanic period ?); for the other, IG V. 1, 358, who may have been G. Pomponius Agis, son of the well known G. Pomponius Alkastos (cf. V. 1, 494).

^{page 220 note 1} Who suggested

^{page 220 note 2} Kolbe dates this list ‘exeunte II vel ineunte III saeculo’, which is, I am sure, too late.

^{page 220 note 3} The only other instance of known to me in a Greek inscription is to be found in IGR iii. 1432 at Amastris; only the lambda has survived, but therestoration seems certain, since the Greek text is an exact translation of the Latin text which precedes it (ILS 2663). I owe to Mr. Tod the suggestion after as equivalent to torquibus, armillis which precede phaleris in that inscription. For other examples see ILS, Index VII–K, pp. 483–5.

^{page 221 note 1} Cf. CAH xi. 360–362.

^{page 222 note 1} For other posts held by see below, notes on V. I, 90.

^{page 222 note 2} A quite possible alternative for 1. 18 would be

^{page 224 note 1} The other occurrence of his name, BSA xxvi. p. 165, 1, B 1 (α), indicates that his name has overflowed (but without his title) from an adjoining block.

^{page 224 note 2} I do not understand why Kolbe accepts Boeckh's restoration in spite of his comment ‘quod spatio non convenit’. For further evidence of Pius acting as Eponymos, see below, V. 1, 121.

^{page 225 note 1} By a curious coincidence this occurred in the year of the earlier Eponymos of the name of G. Julius Charixenos.

^{page 225 note 2} It is attached to the name of the last Ephor in the three following lists: V. I, 61,1. 6; 64,1.6; 68,1. 19; in 71, III. 1. 58 f. we find the last name of the five followed by the words and in 167, 1. 5 the bearer of the title is apparently a member of a board of for the erection of a statue.

^{page 226 note 1} This copy is further discussed below, p. 242 f.

^{page 227 note 1} a member of the Gerousia in V. 1, 103, 1. 8, is of too early a date to be identified with the man whose name I restore here.

^{page 227 note 2} is more likely to be son than father of for he might well have been a before a contemporary of his father's held the responsible post of

^{page 227 note 3} For another example of these two posts being held in direct succession cf. BSA xxvii, p. 218 f., i, E 32; and supra, p. 225, n. 1.

^{page 228 note 1} I agree with Kolbe in attributing this to the reign of Pius, but I cannot supply a probable name for the Eponymos.

^{page 228 note 2} V. I, 71, coll. II. and III. are full of typical examples; cf. for a statue-base with similarly plentiful ligatures, V. 1, 533 (last quarter of second century).

^{page 228 note 3} The remains of the first letter in 1. 3 look definitely like part of but this must be a mistake by the copyist. Kolbe naturally restored but the join seems certain and the patronymic in 1. 5 is obviously copied correctly.

^{page 229 note 1} In his commentary on V. 1, 89.

^{page 229 note 2} V, 1, 45, 1. 14 and 89,1. 16.

^{page 229 note 3} Cf. BSA xxvi. p. 237, 29, 1. 6.

^{page 230 note 1} In the same way records at the beginning of his cursus his post as op. cit. p. 166, 1, B 8.

^{page 230 note 2} For the identity and approximate date of Titianos, v. infra, p. 258.

^{page 230 note 3} See No. 138, note 3 infra, p. 241.

^{page 231 note 1} His year as Eponymos is mentioned in V. 1, 44, 1. 3, above.

^{page 231 note 2} I have shown that this view is untenable (The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, 290).

^{page 232 note 1} In the Index only.

^{page 233 note 1} See BSA xxvi. Pl. XVI. I, which shows blocks 1, 4 and 8 in course ‘B’ to be approximately two metres in length.

^{page 233 note 2} For the uncertainty as to where Fourmont saw this stone, see Kolbe's lemma.

^{page 233 note 3} This occurred to me only after I had left Sparta, and Messrs. C. Bradford Welles and R. D. Barnett kindly verified the join for me in the Sparta Museum in 1931.

^{page 235 note 1} here may well be brother of in V. I, 109; they seem to have been close contemporaries.

^{page 235 note 2} See above, p. 225, V. 1, 59, 1. 17 and note.

^{page 236 note 1} This records the Ephors of the year of Claudius Aristoteles, which seems to have been somewhat later than that of Biadas; but the evidence is scanty, as we have only V. 1, 109, where Claudius Aristoteles is Ephor in addition to V. 1, 68.

^{page 236 note 2} His name must have come towards the end of the list in Sejanus's year, as it is not included among the seventeen names wholly or partly preserved in V. 1, 111.

^{page 238 note 1} My own first idea ‘not much, if at all, earlier than 150’ (BSA xxvii. 220), put it, I am sure, at least ten years too late.

^{page 238 note 2} Cf. BSA xxvii, p. 216, 1, E 30.

^{page 239 note 1} Cf. BSA xiii. 201, 207; xxvi. 178.

^{page 240 note 1} Very possibly the same name is lost from before in V. 1, 162, 1. 15.

^{page 240 note 2} P. 237. Another possible name for 1. 8 would be whom we know as in V. 1, 40, 11. 21–2; this is slightly earlier than the year of Pius.

^{page 240 note 3} I was perhaps too confident in making this suggestion, BSA, loc. cit.

^{page 240 note 4} Alkastos's year was very close to 140, and that of Lysippos ca. 120, cf. V. 1, 32 B, II. 15 and 19 f. and 65, 11. 19f.

^{page 241 note 1} Ab Excessu Divi Marci, iv. 8, §§ 3–3: ἐπιλεξάμενός τε νεανίας καὶ στρατεύσας Μακεδονικὴν ἐκάλει φάλαγγα … ἀπό τε Σπάρτης μεταπεμψάμενος νεανίας Λακωνικὸν καὶ Πιτανάτην λόχον ἐκάλει; and iv. 9, § 4 (at a parade at Alexandria) φήσας ἐς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τιμὴν φάλαγγα βούλεσθαι συστήσασθαι, ὥσπερ Μακεδονικὴν καὶ Σπαρτιᾶτιν.

^{page 241 note 2} I cannot trace an epigraphical parallel for but it is used by Polybius and Diodorus for ‘Legionaries’, cf. LS ⁹, s.v.

^{page 241 note 3} The only example, among upwards of sixty instances, of a Spartan, possessing Roman citizenship and, after reaching manhood, recording that he was Τ. Κλαύ(διος) ᾿Αγαθοκλῆς to another man, is κάσεν BSA xxvi. p. 167, I, C 3 (oc). In V. 1, 281, a boy-victor, who records his name as is no doubt son of a Roman citizen.

^{page 242 note 1} This fragment, found in 1908, was published in BSA xiv. p. 133, 57; my tentative suggestion that in 1. 2 we. might restore which evoked Kolbe's comment ‘res incertissima’, receives gratifying confirmation after many years. The main portion, V. 1, 157 has not been rediscovered.

^{page 243 note 1} See above, No. 66; the second of the two identifiable. Eponymoi is (θεὸς) Λυκοῦργος, but the first is not

^{page 244 note 1} BSA xxvi. p. 164, i, A 3–5; V. 1, 32 B, 11. 6–7.

^{page 244 note 2} V. 1,32 A, 1.3f.

^{page 244 note 3} BSA xxvi. p. 164, 1, A 3–5, 1. 1; xxvii, p. 220, 1, E 33. These, perhaps, refer to the same man.

^{page 245 note 1} His patronymic raises a further difficulty. The Ο at the end of 1. 2 can hardly be an error for the Ν which we require, and the remains of a lambda (?) at the beginning of 1. 3 cannot be ignored. Is it not possible that Fourmont omitted the final N and read Ο for Φ, which would enable us to complete the patronymic as Φ[ι] λαθηναίου? In any case Areton here may very possibly be identified with, or more probably the father of, the Areton who appears as ἀγωνοθέτης in V. 1, 666, 1. 4, which I discuss below, P. 255.

^{page 246 note 1} The patronymic given in the Corpus, ad loc, must be corrected to Φιλωνίδα, as I pointed out in BSA xxix. 22, in publishing another list in which his name is found in its correct form.

^{page 246 note 2} As Kolbe implies, following a suggestion of M. Fraenkel.

^{page 247 note 1} In reply to my enquire, Dr. P. J. Riis, Keeper of the Department of Antiquities in the National Museum at Copenhagen, informs me that this fragment, which was brought from Sparta by C. T. Falbe, was acquired in 1844 from King Christian VIII's collection. A photograph, which he has most kindly supplied, shows that the reading in 1. 2 is quite distinctly Φιλωνίδα and that, as he confirms in writing, the last letter in 1. 4 might be P.

^{page 247 note 2} For ΙΠΤΑΣΑ V. I, 159,1. 34, 479,1. 2; for ᾿Επικτᾶς 1. 2 above, 159, 1. 8, 529, 1. 15. The photograph indicates that the letter after Εύτυχᾶς was probably Ε rather than Ỵ

^{page 248 note 1} The only complete list (V. 1, 674) contains the names of fourteen σφαιρεῖς

^{page 249 note 1} See my note on No. 135, above.

^{page 249 note 2} Could this possibly be an abbreviation for σφαιρεῖς or the remains of στ(ρατηγός)?;

^{page 249 note 3} If Agesilaos was [ίππ]εὺς ῾Ρωμαίων? in A.D. 97 (±) and Eponymos not many years later, he might very well have been President of the Gerousia ca. 110–115.

^{page 249 note 4} ἀθλοθέτης was Θεόδωρος Θεοκλἑους in BSA xxvi p. 168, 1, C 6 (α), and γερουσίας τὸ β´ in V. 1, 99, 1.4 and ᾿Αγαθοκλῆς< is γερουσίας BSA xxix. p. 14, 2 (N).

^{page 250 note 1} BSA xii. 440, Nos. 2 and 3.

^{page 251 note 1} Op. cit., 295 ff.

^{page 251 note 2} For ἑπ [Λο. Οὐολ.] ᾿Αριστοκρἁτους (imperfect) cf. the Damonon inscription. V. 1, 213,1. 13 and passim.

^{page 252 note 1} E.g., BSA xxx. 214 and n. 2.

^{page 252 note 2} Die Römische Reichsbeamten von Achaia, 144. This restoration is even less suitable for 1. 7, as it would leave a gap of nearly twenty letters after if I am interpreting him rightly.

^{page 254 note 1} As corrected by Tod, , JHS xxxiv. (1914), 61 f.Google Scholar

^{page 254 note 2} Cf. Kolbe's lemma, ad loc.

^{page 254 note 3} Cf. Box, H., ‘Roman Citizenship in Laconia’, JRS xxii. (1932), 178.Google Scholar

^{page 255 note 1} I suggest above that he may be identified with, or more probably the son of, in No. 164, 1. 2.

^{page 255 note 2} He won the at Olympia in the 240th Olympiad (= A.D. 181) and records that he retired, after six years of competition, at the age of twenty-five. For fuller details of his career see the commentary on IGR. i. 153.

^{page 256 note 1} I assume that like his father and his brother he also had the praenomen of for the former cf. V. 1, 65, I. a, for the latter, 71, 111 1.50 f. and 494.

^{page 257 note 1} Hadrian, , IG V. 1, 32 B 1. 13fGoogle Scholar; 33, 1. 5; 1314, 1. 26; add to these BSA xxvi. p. 170, 1, D 3. Tib. Cl. Atticus, V. i, 32 A, 1.13; 62,1. 2; 287,1. 7; 288, 1. 3.

^{page 258 note 1} BSA xxvi. p. 171, i, E 7 is an incomplete copy of V. i, 69, but gives us the correct form of the nomen, which was restored as in the texts previously known.

^{page 258 note 2} Op. cit. 197, citing SIG ³, 833, 1. 14.

^{page 258 note 3} SEG ix. 173.

^{page 258 note 4} Ibid. 170; cf. PIR ² ii. p. 255, 1044, where it is shown that his native city was Ephesus.

^{page 259 note 1} Wiegand, , Abhandl. Beri. Akad. 1932, v. p. 48Google Scholar, 13 (1); and p. 52, 4 (2); cf. Hepding, Philologus, lxxxviii. 93. This shows that he was a Roman citizen with the nomen Claudius. For other evidence for his career and writings cf. PIR ² ii. p. 189, 831, to which we must now add NSc. 1940, 361, where he appears, in a list of Fasti at Ostia, as cos. suffectus in the year 147.

^{page 159 note 2} IG V. 1, 39, II. 25–27. Kolbe is, I think, mistaken in expanding the abbreviation used here to read It should be read as

^{page 159 note 3} BSA xxvi. p. 163, 1, A 10.

^{page 159 note 4} It should not be overlooked that Titianus Demostratos also came from an Ephesian family.