^{page 88 note 1} Pausan., ix. 27. 1. The image of Eros at Thespiae was an unwrought stone.

^{page 88 note 2} Loc. cit., J. G. Frazer, in his Commentary ad. loc., refers only to the image of Eros by Praxiteles at Parium. From the way in which Pausanias couples Thespiae and Parium we may probably infer that Parium had also an ancient and primitive cult-image of the god.

^{page 88 note 3} Zeus, ii. Appendix G, p. 1020 ff.

^{page 89 note 1} Op. cit., p. 1039. For further proof of this afforded by the coins of Caulonia and a South Italian terracotta cf. p. 1040 ff.

^{page 89 note 2} Beside this concept of the soul as wind, or breath, issuing from the mouth, there seems to have existed another primitive notion according to which the seat of the soul was in the reproductive organs. Traces of this belief may be seen in the primitive Phallus cult, transferred from the East to Greece, the Phallus being worshipped as the actual vehicle of the creative, productive power of the deity, being vested, in fact, with the very soul of the god. Cf. Wundt (transl. Schaub, E. L.), Elements of Folk Psychology, 1916, p. 211 fGoogle Scholar. The aniconic Thespian Eros may have been such a primitive phallus, in which event the stone was simply the vehicle for the divine cosmic desire. Compare the frequent association in Hellenistic art of Erotes, and Priapus, , Roscher, , Lex. iii. 2985 f.Google Scholar

^{page 89 note 3} Here published for the first time. I am indebted to Prof. J. D. Beazley for bringing this plaque to my notice, and to Dr. Buschor, of the German Archaeological Institute in Athens, for permission to publish it, the members of the Institute being at present engaged on a catalogue of the painted pinakes in the Acropolis Museum.

^{page 90 note 1} J. D. Beazley, The Lewes House Collection of Ancient Gems, p. 28. ‘Eros … is the deification of the Eromenos, of the pursued and not the pursuer.’ This, however, seems strictly applicable only to the Dorian Eros under discussion.

^{page 90 note 2} The child Eros is figured on an engraved gem signed by Phrygillos, probably the Syracusan die-engraver of the end of the fifth century B.C. See Furtwängler, in Roscher's, Lexikon, i. p. 1356, 52.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 1} E.g. Perrot, et Chipiez, , Hist. de l'Art, viii. p. 603, Fig. 303; p. 584, Fig. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 91 note 2} Op. cit., p. 472, Pl. XI.

^{page 91 note 3} The pudenda are, as in all sixth-century statues, level. The hair of the pubes forms a triangular patch, not unduly schematised.

^{page 91 note 4} Perrot et Chipiez, loc. cit., p. 395, Fig. 185. Cf. also the wings of the Sphinx from Spata, in Attica, Id., p. 659, Fig. 337.

^{page 91 note 5} Yellow hair became the fashion in Athens under the Peisistratidai. Apart from that, however, Eros was generally thought of as golden-haired.

^{page 92 note 1} This remarkable statuette, which was acquired in Paris, was brought to that city by an Athenian dealer who vouched for the fact that it had been found in Athens.

^{page 92 note 2} Concerning the date, ca. 502 B.C., of the completion of this temple, see my Athens, its History and Coinage, p. 97.

^{page 92 note 3} Kekule von Stradonitz, Die Griechische Skulptur ³, p. 46. Of non-Attic poros statues I have noted the following:—Upper part of female figure from Eleuthera in Crete, Lermann, W., Altgriechische Plastik, Munich, 1907, p. 25, Fig. 6Google Scholar; also poros statue in the sanctuary of the Boeotian Apollo Ptoös, op. cit., p. 47, note 1; also cf. Perrot, et Chipiez, , Hist. de l'Art, viii. p. 511, Fig. 262.Google Scholar

^{page 92 note 4} J. D. Beazley, The Lewes House Collection of Ancient Gems, Nos. 20, 32, 33. I am ndebted to Prof. Beazley for permission to reproduce the imprints of the gems, which are enlarged to two diameters.

^{page 92 note 5} Found in Cyprus and Caria respectively.

^{page 93 note 1} Fig. 3 is reproduced from a paper by Perdrizet, P. in Rev. d'Études Anciennes, 1904, vi. p. 14, Fig. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 93 note 2} Beulé, in Rev. Arch., 1862, p. 349Google Scholar, and Pl. XX. This has been brought into relation with the story of Aelian, ii. 28, concerning Themistocles and the fighting-cocks; cf. Pauly-Wissowa, , Realencyclop. vii. 2210, 54.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 1} Reproduced from Die antiken Terracotten, iii. 2, Winter, F., Typen d. Figurlichen Terrakotten, i. p. 182 (3).Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 1} Cf. Eros as a wingless boy on the fragment of a cup from this same Theban Kabeirion in Roscher's, Lex, ii. 2, p. 2538Google Scholar, Fig. 3.

^{page 95 note 2} On the sherd he stands in front of his father, who is called ΚΑΒΙRΟΣ and is himself labelled as ΠΑΙΣ.

^{page 95 note 3} Cook, A. B., Zeus, ii. p. 314 f.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 4} Op. cit., 315, note 3.

^{page 95 note 5} Hephaistos is, like Athena, a deity of prehistoric date. He is constantly depicted with the double-axe, especially on representations of the birth of Athena, having employed that weapon to split open the head of Zeus.

^{page 95 note 6} The unseemly tale preserved by Apollodorus, 3, 14, 6, concerning these deities points to the conclusion that Athena was not always the Parthenos, but originally the mate of Hephaistos and mother of Erichthonios. When the Greeks, still at an early date, lost touch with the primitive notion that virginity can be magically renewed, that the same goddess can be both mother and virgin (cf. Paus. ii. 38, 2), this curious tale must have been invented to account for the affiliation of Erichthonios to Athena. On the Panathenaic frieze of the Parthenon the pair (viz.: Hephaistos and Athena) sit side by side balancing the other divine pair, Zeus and Hera. Cf. Roscher's, Lex. i. 2, 2063.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 7} Die Anfänge der Göttin Athene, Copenhagen, 1921. I am indebted to Mr. A. D. Nock for bringing this important paper to my notice. See also Nilsson, M. P., Hist. of Greek Relig., Oxford, 1925, p. 26 f.Google Scholar

^{page 96 note 1} Nilsson has not mentioned the pillar-cult. It may, however, be surmised that the pillar which stood beside the Chryselephantine Athena of Pheidias was more than a mere support for the hand which held the golden Niké. How otherwise are we to account for its curious shape as preserved on the Varvakeion replica of the Parthenos ? See Miss F. M. Bennett in A.J.A., 1909, xiii. 431–446. Diodorus, v. 72, 3, had recorded the tradition that Athena was born in Crete.

^{page 96 note 2} The connection with the axe-god is not referred to in Nilsson's paper or book.

^{page 96 note 3} It would take too long to digress into the ramifications of the prehistoric Cretan cult. I can do no more than suggest a scheme which may account for much in the classical worship of various goddesses.

A i, ii, iii, iv, v are only later versions of the original A. Evidence concerning A ii has been cited by M. P. Nilsson, loc. cit. The last line of the scheme gives the classical equivalent goddesses, whose myths, attributes' and qualities, derived as they were originally from A, tended to get mixed. Thus Athena was both wife and maid; Demeter was mother and mourner (if not widow); besides Eileithyia, we find Hera Eileithyia, Demeter Eileithyia and Artemis Eileithyia. All this seems to have little to do with Eros, but a point worth noting is the following: Pausanias (ix. 27, 2), when writing of the oldest cult-centre of Eros, Thespiae, mentions that ‘Olen the Lycian, author of the oldest Greek hymns, says in his hymn to Eileithyia that she is mother of Eros.’ Now if Eileithyia (A iii above) is but a form of the original A, then Eros was the product of A, and we come back to the Hesiodic concept of Chaos—Earth (= A)—Eros as the three first primaeval forces (cf. p. 88 above). If Athena (A ii above) was also a version of A, Eros may have been connected with her likewise.

In the Hellenistic age even Aphrodite and Athena could be merged. Cf. Athena in the guise of Aphrodite, Furtwängler, Ant. Gemmen, Pl. XXXIX. 29 (Augustan) and PI. LXV. 24 (first century A.D.); G. Lippold, Gemmen u. Kameen, Stuttgart, s. a. Pl. XXI. 6 and 9. This, however, is mere syncretism.

^{page 97 note 1} Beulé, , L'Acrop. d'Ath., ii. p. 303.Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 2} Furtwängler-Reichhold, Pl. CXXXVII; Lenormant, et Witte, De, Elite des mon. céram., lxxxiv. 2Google Scholar; Mon. d. Inst. i. Pl. X.

^{page 97 note 3} Cf. Apollod. 3. 14. 6.

^{page 97 note 4} Or possibly Anteros, another form of the god, concerning whom more below. Himeros, Anteros and Pothos are only variants, which owe their origin to poetic diction and to the artist's love of multiplication of a type which appealed to him.

^{page 97 note 5} Concerning the association of Athena and Eros on the outskirts of the city, cf. Athenaeus, xiii. 561d. ‘The Athenians were so far from thinking that Eros presided over the mere gratification of sensual appetites, that, though the Academy was manifestly consecrated to Athena, they yet erected in that place a statue of Eros and sacrificed to him.’ But cf. Section III below.

^{page 98 note 1} SirFrazer, J. G., Comment, on Paus., iii. p. 72.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 2} Evans, Sir A. in B.S.A. viii. p. 99, Fig. 56.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 3} Loc. cit., p. 100.

^{page 98 note 4} Thus Baethgen, E., De vi ac significatione galli in religionibus et artibus Graecorum et Romanorum, Göttingen, 1887.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 5} E.g. Aristoph. Aves, 276, 483, 707, 883.

^{page 98 note 6} J.H.S. xiv. 1894, p. 342, Fig. 65a. Keller, O., Die Antike Tierwelt, 1913, ii. p. 131Google Scholar, accepts its identification as a cock.

^{page 99 note 1} About the same time the cock first got to China according to Orth in Pauly-Wissowa, , Realenc. viii. 2521, 18Google Scholar; Professor H. A. Giles, however, informs me that in Chinese literature the cock is only mentioned in a work edited ca. A.D. 300, but attributed, without verification, to the twelfth cent. B.C.

^{page 99 note 2} This important sherd, found at Mycenae by Mr. H. Collingham in 1920, is now in the Nauplia Museum. I am indebted to Mr. A. J. B. Wace, who has most kindly supplied me with a drawing, for permission to publish this fragment. It was found in a trial-pit sunk between the Lion gate and the ‘tomb of Clytemnaestra.’

^{page 99 note 3} A. Furtwängler, Die Bronzen von Olympia, Pl. XIII. 212; Pl. XIV. 420.

^{page 99 note 4} Perdrizet, P. in Rev. des Ētudes Anciennes, 1904, vi. p. 15, Fig. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 5} Op. cit., p. 16, Fig. 4.

^{page 99 note 6} Perrot, et Chipiez, , Hist. de l'Art, viii. p. 335, Fig. 146.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 7} Op. cit., p. 439, Fig. 215.

^{page 99 note 8} Op. cit., p. 661, Fig. 339.

^{page 99 note 9} In the Homeric age Athena is always first of the gods to defend kings and princes.

^{page 100 note 1} von Branchitsch, G., Die Panathen. Preisamphoren, 1910, p. 106Google Scholar, would explain the presence of the cocks as a reference to the agonistic character of the vases, the cocks being specially pugnacious birds, and the Athenian youths particularly attached to cock-fighting. This, however, begs the question of the cocks' presence on the tops of columns. Moreover, cock-fighting seems not to have been a common sport before the fifth century, the youths of the previous century having apparently a predilection for cat and dog fights (cf. the relief from wall of Themistocles, J.H.S. xlii., 1922, Pl. VIGoogle Scholar, but the columns on Panathenaic vases were not surmounted by dogs and cats.

^{page 100 note 2} Cf. p. 88, above.

^{page 100 note 3} Cook, A. B., Zeus, ii. p. 1045.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 4} Loc. cit.

^{page 100 note 5} Note also that Asklepios, originally the buried king of Trikka (op. cit., p. 1088), had the cock as his appropriate sacrifice.

^{page 100 note 6} Cf. Perdrizet, P., Rev. des Études Anciennes, 1904, vi. p. 16 f.Google Scholar E. Baethgen, de vi ac signif. galli, etc., 1887, discourses also on the use of the cock in the cult of the dead. Its continued employment in such cult is evidenced by an inscription of imperial date published by Ormerod, H. A. and Robinson, E. S. G., J.H.S., xxxiv, p. 5, 10.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 1} Cf. the admirable article in Roscher, Lex. iv., s.v. Seirenen.

^{page 101 note 2} Op. cit., p. 611, Fig. 4.

^{page 101 note 3} Id., p. 630, Fig. 23.

^{page 101 note 4} Even the lion was seriously thought to be terrified of the chanticleer: Lucretius, , de Rerum Nat., iv. 714.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 5} He is sacred too to the Chthonian gods; cf. the terracotta relief from Western Locri (Farnell, L. R., Cults of the Grk. States, iii, p. 222, Pl. V)Google Scholar where Persephone, seated beside Hades, holds a cock.

^{page 101 note 6} ἀλέκτωρ can hardly be otherwise satisfactorily explained than as a noun formed from ἀλέξω

^{page 102 note 1} S.v. Μέλητος

^{page 102 note 2} These are the dates of Peisistratos' return from Paeonia and of Hippias' expulsion. See my Athens, its History and Coinage, Cambridge, 1924, p. 43, note 4, and Adcock, F. E.. Class. Quart., 1924, xviii, p. 174 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 102 note 3} Cleidemus, , or Clitodemus, , F.H.G. i. p. 364, 20Google Scholar, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 609d.

^{page 102 note 4} Athenaeus, loc. cit.

^{page 102 note 5} Ποικιλομήχαν᾿ ᾿Ερως σοὶ τόνδ᾿ ἰδρύσατο βωμὸν Χάρμος ἐπὶ σκιεροῖς τέρμασι γυμνασίου

^{page 103 note 1} Pausanias, however, mentions in the preceding sentence Charmos, a notable of the sixth century.

^{page 103 note 2} I am indebted to Mr. A. B. Cook for pointing out to me that the suicide and the potter are probably one and the same person.

^{page 103 note 3} Louvre, No. F 38. J. C. Hoppin, Handbook Grk. B.F. Vases, p. 358. et Chipiez, Perrot, Hist. de l'Art, x. p. 200, Fig. 129.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 4} Cf. Thuc. vi. 54.

^{page 103 note 5} It is worth mentioning that the potter Andokides employed to decorate his wares a certain painter whom Beazley, J. D., Attic R.F. Vases in American Museums, Harvard, 1918, p. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar, terms ‘the Andokides painter.’ This painter had a pupil, Oltos by name, who produced one of the earliest Erotes to appear on an R.F. vase (loc. cit. p. 7, Fig. 2). This figure bears comparison with the engraved gems in our Fig. 2 above.

^{page 104 note 1} This is by no means the sole instance of a misnomer applied in ancient times to a work of art. Carcopino, J., in Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire, 1923, p. 289 ff.Google Scholar, has collected not a few examples of statues and pictures misnamed and misunderstood by Greeks as well as by Romans. One Athenian example may suffice. Protogenes of Kaunos painted in the Propylaea a fresco in which were allegorical female figures representing the State triremes Paralos and Hammonias; the latter, however, Pliny informs us (xxxv. 101), was misinterpreted and called Nausicaa.

^{page 104 note 2} There may have been such a statue before the Persian occupation of Athens, replaced later by another which was seen by the authority whom Suidas quoted.