¹ See The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, ed. S. Irvine, AS Chronicle: a Collaborative Edition 7 (Cambridge, 2004), s. a. 1023. and R. R. Darlington, P. McGurk and J. Bray, eds., The Chronicle of John of Worcester, II: the Annals from 450 to 1066 (Oxford, 1995), 508. Notably, John fails to mention Wulfstan’s connection to Worcester. It may be that John’s disregard and the chronicler’s omission reflect the same posthumous rejection of Wulfstan’s legacy at Worcester that led the thirteenth-century compiler of the Worcester Cathedral Cartulary to characterise him as reprobus. See R. R. Darlington, ed., The Cartulary of Worcester Cathedral Priory (Register 1), RS 76, ns 38 (London, 1968), 1. For broader discussions of Wulfstan’s life and career, see A. Rabin, ‘Wulfstan at London: Episcopal Politics in the Reign of Æthelred’, ES 97 (2016), 186–206; A. Rabin, The Political Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York (Manchester, 2015), pp. 9–16; A. Orchard, ‘Wulfstan the Homilist’, The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. M. Lapidge, J. Blair, S. Keynes and D. Scragg (London, 2001), pp. 494–5; D. Whitelock, Some Anglo-Saxon Bishops of London (London, 1974); D. Bethurum, ‘Wulfstan’, Continuations and Beginnings: Studies in Old English Literature, ed. E. G. Stanley (London, 1966), pp. 210–46; D. Whitelock, Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (New York, 1966), pp. 7–17; D. Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan at York’, Franciplegius: Medieval and Linguistic Studies in honor of Francis Peabody Magoun, Jr., ed. J. B. Bessinger (New York, 1965), pp. 214–31; Whitelock, D., ‘A Note on the Career of Wulfstan the Homilist’, EHR 52 (1937), 460–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² ‘Here is my place of rest, here shall I remain through the ages’. The account of the translation occurs in Liber Eliensis ii.87, Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake, Camden Soc. 3rd s 92 (London, 1962), 155–7. On this passage, see A. Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer, and Rewriter’, The Old English Homily: Precedent, Practice, and Appropriation, ed. A. Kleist, Stud. in the Early Mid. Ages 17 (Turnhout, 2007), 311–41, at 311–12; J. Crook, ‘Vir optimus Wlfstanus: the Post-Conquest Commemoration of Archbishop Wulfstan at Ely Cathedral’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York: the Proceedings of the Second Alcuin Conference, ed. M. Townend, Stud. in the Early Mid. Ages 10 (Turnhout, 2004), 501–24, at 503.

³ ‘[F]irst out of the others in the series’. Liber Eliensis ii.87, ed. Blake, p. 157. It should be noted that Wulfstan lost this privileged position in 1771 when his bones were translated to their current resting place in the chantry chapel of Bishop Nicholas West. Upon the opening of Wulfstan’s tomb in 1769 at the beginning of the Restoration, a complete femur was found (which has been used to hypothesise that the archbishop was 1 m 715 (5 feet 7½ inches) and a bronze pin, now in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries. See Crook, ‘Vir optimus Wlfstanus’, pp. 517–18.

⁴ Wilcox, J., ‘Wulfstan and the Twelfth Century’, Rewriting Old English in the Twelfth Century, ed. Swan, M. and Treharne, (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 87–97 Google Scholar.

⁵ M. F. Giandrea, Episcopal Culture in Late Anglo-Saxon England, AS Stud. 7 (Woodbridge, 2007), 37; P. Wormald, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan and the Holiness of Society’, Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West: Law as Text, Image, and Experience (London, 1999), pp. 225–52, at 225–6; Wilcox, ‘Wulfstan and the Twelfth Century’, pp. 96–7; J. Hill, ‘Reform and Resistance: Preaching Styles in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, De l‘homélie au sermon: histoire de la prédication médiévale, ed. J. Hamesse and X. Hermand (Louvain-La-Neuve, 1993), pp. 15–46, at 20; J. Wilcox, ‘The Dissemination of Wulfstanʼs Homilies: the Wulfstan Tradition in Eleventh-Century Vernacular Preaching’, England in the Eleventh Century: Proceedings of the 1990 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. C. Hicks (Stamford, 1992), pp. 199–217, at 201–2.

⁶ Orchard, ‘Wulfstan the Homilist’, p. 495; J. T. Lionarons, The Homiletic Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan: a Critical Study (Woodbridge, 2010), p. 10; Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer, and Rewriter’, pp. 311–41, at 320.

⁷ C. E. Karkov and G. H. Brown, ‘Introduction’, Anglo-Saxon Styles, ed. C. E. Karkov and G. H. Brown (Albany, NY, 2003), pp. 1–11, at 1–3; N. Howe, ‘What We Talk About When We Talk About Style’, Anglo-Saxon Styles, ed. Karkov and Brown, pp. 169–78, at 171; Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, p. 17. See also Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer, and Rewriter’, p. 320; Wilcox, J., ‘The Wolf on Shepherds: Wulfstan, Bishops, and the Context of the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos ’, Old English Prose: Basic Readings, ed. Szarmach, P. (New York, 2000), pp. 395–418 at 409 Google Scholar; P. Wormald, ‘Wulfstaniana True and False’, Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West: Law as Text, Image and Experience (London, 1999), pp. 247–51; J. Wilcox, ‘Napierʼs “Wulfstan” Homilies XL and XLII: Two Anonymous Works from Winchester?’, JEGP 90 (1991), 1–19 at 10, 17–19.

⁸ Karkov and Brown, ‘Introduction’, pp. 4–5.

⁹ Wilcox, ‘Wolf on Shepherds’, pp. 395–6, 412.

¹⁰ J. Hill, ‘Ælfric, Authorial Identity and the Changing Text’, The Editing of Old English: Papers from the 1990 Manchester Conference, ed. D. Scragg and P. Szarmach (Woodbridge, 1994), pp. 177–90. On this point, see also J. T. Lionarons, ‘Textual Appropriation and Scribal (Re)Performance in a Composite Homily: the Case for a New Edition of Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, Old English Literature in its Manuscript Context, ed. J. T. Lionarons (Morgantown, WV, 2004), pp. 67–94; Robinson, F. C., ‘Old English Literature in its Most Immediate Context’, in his The Editing of Old English (Oxford, 1994), pp. 3–24 Google Scholar.

¹¹ Hill, ‘Authorial Identity’, pp. 179–80.

¹² B. Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant: a Critical History of Philology, trans. B. Wing (Baltimore, MD, 1999), p. 22.

¹³ Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant, p. 34.

¹⁴ Giandrea, Episcopal Culture, pp. 37–8. On this point, see also J. Dagenais, ‘That Bothersome Residue: toward a Theory of the Physical Text’, Vox Intertexta, ed. A. N. Doane and C. B. Pasternack (Madison, WI, 1991), pp. 246–62, at 254.

¹⁵ P. Wormald, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan: Eleventh-Century Statebuilder’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 9–27, at 10.

¹⁶ On Wulfstan’s canon, see Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 16–20; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 23–42; S. M. Pons-Sanz, Norse-Derived Vocabulary in Late Old English Texts: Wulfstan’s Works, a Case Study (Odense, 2007), p. 25; Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 26–7; P. Wormald, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century (Malden, 1999), pp. 330–66, 387–97; Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’, pp. 199–217, at 200–1; Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, pp. 17–28; D. Bethurum, The Homilies of Wulfstan (Oxford, 1957), pp. 387–97.

¹⁷ Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’, pp. 395–6. See also Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, pp. 67–94, at 87.

¹⁸ Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’, pp. 215–16; H. Ogawa, Studies in the History of Old English Prose (Tokyo, 2000), pp. 263–85; Ogawa, H., ‘Aspects of “Wulfstan Imitators” in Late Old English Sermon Writing’, Studies in English Historical Linguistics and Philology: a Festschrift for Akio Oizumi, ed. Fisiak, J. (Frankfurt-am-Main, 2002), pp. 389–403.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 31–2, 210; Bethurum, Homilies, p. 38; K. Jost, Wulfstanstudien (Bern, 1950), pp. 211–16.

²⁰ J. T. Lionarons, ‘Textual Identity, Homiletic Reception, and Wulfstanʼs Sermo ad Populum’, RES 55 (2004), 157–82. See also below, pp. 12–13.

²¹ Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 10–11; Giandrea, Episcopal Culture, p. 37; S. Keynes, ‘An Abbot, an Archbishop, and the Viking Raids of 1006–7 and 1009–12’, ASE 36 (2007), 151–220, at 170; Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 14–15; Wilcox, ‘Wolf on Shepherds’, pp. 395–6; Hill, ‘Reform and Resistance: Preaching Styles in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, p. 20; A. G. Kennedy, ‘Cnut’s Law Code of 1018’, ASE 11 (1983), 57–81, at 64. Joyce Tally Lionarons has also pointed out out that Wulfstan is not necessarily unusual in allowing his texts to circulate anonymously: ‘Attributions of authorship might be omitted in manuscripts if they were deemed unnecessary to establish the auctoritas of a work’. Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, p. 69.

²² Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 55, 85–6; D. Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan and the So-Called Laws of Edward and Guthrum’, EHR 56 (1941), 1–21. On a related note, Wormald notes that Wulfstan also went to considerable effort to write texts with as little reference to their specific context as possible. See Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 9–27, at 14.

²³ The statistics here and above are based on data from the Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England database (PASE) for Church functionaries of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries: https://pase.ac.uk.

²⁴ M. Garrison, ‘The Social World of Alcuin: Nicknames at the Carolingian Court’, Alcuin of York, Scholar at the Carolingian Court: Proceedings of the Third Germania Latina Conference held at the University of Groningen, May, 1995, ed. L. A. J. R. Houwen and A. A MacDonald (Groningen, 1995), pp. 59–80, at 61.

²⁵ Hill, ‘Authorial Identity’, p. 180; Wilcox, ‘Dissemination of Wulfstanʼs Homilies’, pp. 201–2.

²⁶ ‘I […] have inscribed this in writing’. On this passage, see P. Wormald, ‘Law Books’, The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, ed. R. Gameson (Cambridge, 2011), p. 530.

²⁷

The poem has been edited in Bethurum, Homilies, pp. 377–8. On the poem, see Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer and Rewriter’, pp. 328–9; Wormald, ‘Holiness of Society’, p. 28; Ker, N., ‘The Handwriting of Archbishop Wulfstan’, England Before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. Clemoes, and Hughes, K. (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 315–31Google Scholar, at 326–7.

²⁸ ‘[P]eace, long life and health’. For these verses, see Bethurum, Homilies, p. 378.

²⁹ ‘[T]he wisdom of your most sweet speech’. The letter has been edited in Bethurum, Homilies, pp. 376–7.

³⁰ ‘[T]he sweet sound of your language’. On this letter, see Richards, M. P., ‘Wulfstan and the Millenium’, The Year 1000: Religious and Social Response to the Turning of the First Millenium, ed. Frassetto, (New York, 2002), pp. 41–8, at 41 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ See below, pp. 19–21.

³² On the elements of Wulfstan’s style, see Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 16–20; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 10–11; Wilcox, ‘Wolf on Shepherds’, p. 395; J. R. Schwyter, ‘Syntax and Style in the Anglo-Saxon Law-Codes’, Verschriftung-Verschriftlichung: Aspekte des Medienwechsels in verschiedenen Kulturen und Epochen, ed. C. Ehler and U. Schaefer (Tübingen, 1998), pp. 189–231, at 201–4; A. Orchard, ‘Crying Wolf: Oral Style and the “Sermones Lupi”’, ASE 21 (1992), 239–64; Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, pp. 37–45; A. McIntosh, ‘Wulfstan’s Prose’, PBA 35 (1949), 109–42.

³³ ‘And if wizards or magicians, conjurors or prostitutes, murderers or perjurers be found anywhere in this land, they are to be zealously expelled from the realm’. Text taken from A. Rabin, Wulfstan: Old English Legal Writings, Dumbarton Oaks Med. Lib. 66 (Cambridge, 2020), 160–79, at 64.

³⁴ Wormald, ‘Law Books’, p. 529.

³⁵ Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, p. 10; Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer, and Rewriter’, pp. 321–2.

³⁶ Dorothy Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan’s Authorship of Cnut’s Laws’, EHR 70 (1955), 72–85, at 75.

³⁷ McIntosh, ‘Wulfstan’s Prose’, pp. 112, 123.

³⁸ Godden, M. R., ‘Apocalypse and Invasion in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, From Anglo-Saxon to Early Middle English: Studies Presented to E.G. Stanley, ed. Godden, M. R., Gray, D. and Hoad, T. (Oxford, 1994), pp. 130–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 143–62; S. Dien, ‘Sermo Lupi ad Anglos: the Order and Date of the Three Versions’, NM 76 (1975), 561–70. Similar arguments to Dien’s have been made by Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 149–56; J. Wilcox, ‘Wulfstanʼs Sermo Lupi ad Anglos as Political Performance: 16 February 1014 and Beyond’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 375–96; S. Hollis, ‘The Thematic Structure of the Sermo Lupi’, Old English Literature, ed. R. M. Liuzza (New Haven, 2002), pp. 182–204. For an alternate solution, see Keynes, ‘An Abbot, an Archbishop and the Viking Raids of 1006–7 and 1009–12’, pp. 103–13.

³⁹ Pons-Sanz, Norse-Derived Vocabulary, p. 19; M. R. Godden, ‘The Relations of Wulfstan and Ælfric: a Reassessment’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 353–74, at 369; P. Clemoes, ‘Review of The Homilies of Wulfstan, ed. Dorothy Bethurum’, MLR 54 (1959), 1–2.

⁴⁰ Lionarons, ‘Wulfstanʼs Sermo ad Populum’, p. 157.

⁴¹ B. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England (London, 1840), pp. 422–40.

⁴² Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 101–2; R. Trilling, ‘Sovereignty and Social Order: Archbishop Wulfstan and the Institutes of Polity’, The Bishop Reformed: Studies of Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages, ed. J. Ott and A. Trumbore Jones (Aldershot, VT, 2007), pp. 58–85, esp. at 74–5.

⁴³ See F. Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 3 vols. (Halle, 1903–1916), I, 473. See also Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 82–3; R. Dammery, ‘Editing the Anglo-Saxon Laws: Felix Liebermann and Beyond’, The Editing of Old English: Papers from the 1990 Manchester Conference, ed. D. Scragg and P. Szarmach (Woodbridge, 1994), pp. 251–61, at 56.

⁴⁴ Dammery, ‘Editing the Anglo-Saxon Laws’, p. 257.

⁴⁵ Lionarons, ‘Wulfstanʼs Sermo ad Populum’, pp. 157–82.

⁴⁶ Lionarons, ‘Wulfstanʼs Sermo ad Populum’, pp. 165–8.

⁴⁷ Lionarons, ‘Wulfstanʼs Sermo ad Populum’, p. 175.

⁴⁸ McIntosh, ‘Wulfstanʼs Prose’, pp. 109–42. See also I. M. Hollowell, ‘On the Two-Stress Theory of Wulfstan’s Rhythm’, PQ 61 (1982), 1–11.

⁴⁹ McIntosh, ‘Wulfstanʼs Prose’, pp. 112, 116. McIntosh acknowledges that the first to notice Wulfstan’s two-stress phrases was E. Einenkel, ‘Der Sermo Lupi ad Anglos ein Gedicht’, Anglia 7 (1884), 200–3.

⁵⁰ McIntosh, ‘Wulfstanʼs Prose’, p. 114.

⁵¹ McIntosh, ‘Wulfstanʼs Prose’, p. 121. See also T. Cable, ‘Constraints on Anacrusis in Old English Meter’, MP 69 (1971), 97–104, at 101–2.

⁵² K. Jost, Die ‘Institutes of Polity, Civil and Ecclesiastical’: ein Werk Erzbischof Wulfstans von York, ed. B. Fehr (Bern, 1959), pp. 34–6. The first prining of a Wulfstan homily in verse occurs in Einenkel, ‘Sermo Lupi ad Anglos’, pp. 200–3.

⁵³ D. Whitelock, ‘Review of Die Institutes of Polity, Civil and Ecclesiastical’: ein Werk Erzbischof Wulfstans von York by K. Jost’, RES 12 (1961), 61–6, at 66.

⁵⁴ A. Orchard, ‘On Editing Wulfstan’, Early Medieval English Texts and Interpretations: Studies Presented to Donald G. Scragg, ed. E. Treharne and S. Rosser (Tempe, AZ, 2002), pp. 311–40. Orchard has advanced similar arguments in A. Orchard, ‘Re-editing Wulfstan: Whereʼs the Point?’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 63–91; Orchard, ‘Crying Wolf’, pp. 239–64.

⁵⁵ Orchard, ‘On Editing Wulfstan’, p. 315.

⁵⁶ Orchard, ‘On Editing Wulfstan’, p. 315.

⁵⁷ See T. A. Bredehoft, ‘The Boundaries Between Verse and Prose in Old English Literature’, Old English Literature in its Manuscript Context, ed. J. T. Lionarons (Morgantown, WV, 2004), pp. 139–72, at 162–4.

⁵⁸ Editing Ælfric’s writing as verse is hardly a new phenomenon, as illustrated in Ælfric’s Lives of the Saints, I, ed. Skeat, W. W. (Oxford, 1881; reprint, 1966); Ælfric’s Lives of the Saints, II, ed. Skeat, W. W. (Oxford, 1900)Google Scholar. Subsequent editors treated Ælfric’s works as prose, most notably Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Second Series, ed. M. R. Godden (Oxford, 1979); Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, First Series, ed. P. Clemoes and M. R. Godden, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1997). Nonetheless, the practice has received new impetus from its use in such volumes as M. McGillivray, Old English Reader (Peterborough, ON, 2011), pp. 51–66 (where Wulfstan’s homilies are explicitly referred to as verse) and Ælfric: Lives of the Saints, ed. M. Clayton and J. Mullins, 3 vols., Dumbarton Oaks Med. Lib. 58–60 (Cambridge, MA, 2019).

⁵⁹ Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 17–18.

⁶⁰ M. Bateson, ‘A Worcester Cathedral Book of Ecclesiastical Collections Made About 1000 A.D.’, EHR 10 (1895), 712–31. For a list and discussion of manuscripts, see H. Sauer, ‘The Transmission and Structure of Wulfstanʼs “Commonplace Book”’, Old English Prose: Basic Readings, ed. P. Szarmach and D. A. Oosterhouse (New York, 2000), 339–93; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 12–22.

⁶¹ D. Bethurum, ‘Archbishop Wulfstanʼs Commonplace Book’, PMLA 57 (1942), 916–29.

⁶² On this point, see M. Elliott, ‘Wulfstan’s Commonplace Book Revised: the Structure and Development of “Block 7”, on Pastoral Privilege and Responsibility’, Jnl of Med. Latin 22 (2012), 1–48, at 1–2; Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 9–27; Sauer, ‘Transmission and Structure’, pp. 339–93; R. Fowler, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’s “Commonplace Book” and the Canons of Edgar’, MÆ 32 (1963), 1–10.

⁶³ On this point I am indebted to Sam Holmes of the University of London.

⁶⁴ On the evolution of Anglo-Saxon Studies, see A. J. Frantzen, Desire for Origins: New Language, Old English, and Teaching the Tradition (New Brunswick, NJ, 1990) and J. D. Niles, The Idea of Anglo-Saxon England, 1066-1901 (Chichester, 2015).

⁶⁵ Archbishop Matthew Parker, De antiquitate Britannicæ ecclesiae & priuilegiis ecclesiae Cantuarensis, cum archiepiscopis eiusdem (London, 1572). On Parker, see M. McMahon, ‘Matthew Parker and the Practice of Church History’, Confessionalisation and Erudition in Early Modern Europe: an Episode in the History of the Humanities, ed. N. Hardy and D. Levitin (Oxford, 2019), pp. 116–52.

⁶⁶ Archbishop Matthew Parker, A Testimony of antiquity, shewing the ancient Faith of the Church of England, touching the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of the Lord, here publickly preached, and also received, in the Saxons’ time, above seven hundred years ago (London, 1568), p. 9. See McMahon, ‘Matthew Parker’, pp. 124–5.

⁶⁷ The account of Wulfstan and summary of the Sermo lupi can be found in Parker, De antiquitate, pp. 89–90.

⁶⁸ ‘evils in men’.

⁶⁹ ‘much too wordy’.

⁷⁰ ‘clerical apostates’.

⁷¹ ‘rejected their own harsher rule’.

⁷² ‘from this deterioration of Christian life and integrity, disgrace and infamy have come to this nation’.

⁷³ ‘not specific to that age’.

⁷⁴ ‘it pertained to life, to the need to beget virtue, and to returning us to the divine will’.

⁷⁵ G. Hickes, Linguarum Vett. Septentrionalium Thesaurus Grammatico-Criticus et Archaeologicus, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1703–1705).

⁷⁶ H. Wanley, Antiquae literaturae septentrionalis liber alter seu Humphredi Wanleii, librorum vett. septentrionalium, qui in Angliae bibliothecis extant, nec non multorum vett. codd. septentrionalium alibi extantium catalogus historico-criticus, cum totius thesauri linguarum septentrionalium sex indicibus (Oxford, 1705). On Wanley, see M. McC. Gatch, ‘Humfrey Wanley (1672–1726)’, in Medieval Scholarship: Biographical Studies on the Formation of a Discipline, ed. H. Damico (London, 2013), pp. 45–58; H. Gneuss, ‘Humphrey Wanley Borrows Books in Cambridge’, Trans. of the Cambridge Bibliographical Soc. 12 (2001), 145–60; K. Sisam, ‘Humfrey Wanley’, in his Studies in the History of Old English Literature (Oxford, 1953), pp. 259–77.

⁷⁷ Wanley, Librorum veterum septentrionalium, p. 140.

⁷⁸ Wanley, Librorum veterum septentrionalium, pp. 141–3.

⁷⁹ Wanley, Librorum veterum septentrionalium, p. 141.

⁸⁰ Wanley, Librorum veterum septentrionalium, p. 141.

⁸¹ Wanley, Librorum veterum septentrionalium, pp. 140–1.

⁸² It is worth noting in this context that the Thesaurus itself also contained an edition by William Elstob of the Sermo lupi first published in 1701. See G. Hickes, Dissertatio epsitolaris, in Linguarum veterum septentrionalium thesaurus grammatico-criticus et archaeologicus (Oxford, 1705), pp. 99–106.

⁸³ Caine, C. M., ‘George Hickes and the “Invention” of the Old English Dialects’, RES 61 (2010), 729–48Google Scholar; Gneuss, ‘Humphrey Wanley Borrows Books’, pp. 146–8; S. Lerer, ‘The Anglo-Saxon Pindar: Old English Scholarship and Augustan Criticism in George Hickes’s Thesaurus’, MP 99 (2001), 26–65; M. E. Green, ‘Aristarchus Redux: the Satirists vs the Scholars in the Early Eighteenth Century’, Bull. of the Rocky Mountain Mod. Lang. Assoc. 27 (1973), 35–44, esp. at 38–40.

⁸⁴ Napier, Wulfstan. On Napier, see N. R. Ker and M. Lapidge, ‘Arthur Sampson Napier, 1853–1916’, Interpreters of Early Medieval Britain, ed. M. Lapidge (Oxford, 2002), pp. 91–118.

⁸⁵ A. Napier, Wulfstan: Sammlung der ihm zugeschrieben homilien nebst Untersuchungen über ihre Echtheit (Berlin, 1883).

⁸⁶ Napier, Wulfstan, p. ix.

⁸⁷ W. Lambarde, Archaionomia: siue de priscis anglorum legibus libri sermone Anglico, vetustate antiquissimo, aliquot abhinc seculis conscripti, atq[ue] nunc demum, magno iurisperitorum, & amantium antiquitatis omnium commodo, è tenebris in lucem vocati. Gulielmo Lambardo interprete. Regum qui has leges scripserunt nomenclationem, & quid praeterea accesserit, altera monstrabit pagina. (London, 1568). On Lambarde, see R. J. S. Grant, Lawrence Nowell, William Lambarde, and the Laws of the Anglo-Saxons (Amsterdam, 1996); W. Dunkel, William Lambarde, Elizabethan Jurist: 1536–1601 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1965).

⁸⁸ See R. Brackmann, The Elizabethan Invention of Anglo-Saxon England: Lawrence Nowell, William Lambarde and the Study of Old English (Woodbridge, 2012), pp. 196–223; Grant, Lawrence Nowell, pp. 18–22.

⁸⁹ Abraham Wheelocke published a revised version of the Archaionomia in 1644, though without significant changes to Lambarde’s text.

⁹⁰ D. Wilkins, ed., Leges Anglo-Saxonicae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles (London, 1721). On Lambarde’s use of Nowell’s transcriptions, see Sisam, ‘The Authenticity of Certain Texts in Lambardʼs Archaionomia 1568’, in his Studies in the History of Old English Literature, pp. 232–59.

⁹¹ A late nineteenth-century school of legal thought founded on the belief in a common origin for all Germanic law. Members of the Historische Rechtsschule viewed commonalities between Germanic law codes as evidence of this origin and divergences as evidence of historical corruption. See H.-P. Haferkamp, Die Historische Rechtsschule (Frankfurt-am-Main, 2018); S. Jurasinski, Ancient Privileges: Beowulf, Law, and the Making of Germanic Antiquity (Morgantown, WV, 2006), p. 18.

⁹² R. Schmid, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1858).

⁹³ It should be noted that Schmid, despite the new orientation of his project, was limited by his lack of direct access to Old English legal manuscripts, which forced him to rely on transcriptions and facsimile reproductions.

⁹⁴ Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, p. iii. On Thorpe, see P. Pulsiano, ‘Benjamin Thorpe (1782–1870)’, Medieval Scholarship: Biographical Studies on the Formation of a Discipline, ed. H. Damico (London, 2013), pp. 75–92.

⁹⁵ Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, p. iii.

⁹⁶ Liebermann, Gesetze. On Liebermann, see A. Rabin, ‘Monsters in the Library: Karl August Eckhardt and Felix Liebermann’, OUPBlog (2014): http://blog.oup.com/2014/08/leges-Anglo-Saxonum-eckhardt-liebermann/; A. Rabin, ‘Felix Liebermann and Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen’, English Law Before Magna Carta: Felix Liebermann and Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. S. Jurasinski, L. Oliver and A. Rabin, Medieval Law and its Practice 8 (Leiden, 2010), 1–8.

⁹⁷ Maitland, F. W., ‘The Laws of the Anglo-Saxons’, Quarterly Rev. 200 (1904), 139–57, at 152Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Liebermann’s misattribution was replicated in F. L. Attenborough, The Laws of the Earliest English Kings (Cambridge, 1922) and A. J. Robertson, The Laws of the Kings of England from Edmund to Henry I (Cambridge, 1925).

⁹⁹ See, for instance, Liebermann, Gesetze, I.236 and I.42. All together, Liebermann identifies fifteen overlaps between the homilies edited by Napier and the Old English laws. In the Sachglossar that makes up volume II of the Gesetze, he cites twelve instances of words shared between the laws and the homilies. In the Gesetze’s final volume, published eight years after volume two and twelve years after volume one, he lists no less than sixty-one rhetorical, lexicographical and thematic connections with the homilies.

¹⁰⁰ F. Liebermann, ‘Wulfstan und Knut’, Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literatur 103 (1899), 47–54. On this point, see also Jost, Wulfstanstudien, pp. 73–4.

¹⁰¹ On Whitelock, see H. Loyn, ‘Dorothy Whitelock, 1901–1982’, Interpreters of Early Medieval Britain, ed. M. Lapidge (Oxford, 2002), pp. 427–40.

¹⁰² Whitelock, D., ‘Archbishop Wulfstan, Homilist and Statesman’, TRHS 4th ser. 24 (1942), 25–45 Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Whitelock, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’, p. 27.

¹⁰⁴ See especially Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, pp. 24–5; Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan’s Authorship of Cnutʼs Laws’, pp. 72–85; D. Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan and the Laws of Cnut’, EHR 63 (1948), 433–52; Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan and the So-Called Laws of Edward and Guthrum’, pp. 1–21.

¹⁰⁵ D. Whitelock, ed., Councils and Synods with Other Documents Relating to the English Church: 871–1066, I.i (Oxford, 1981); D. Whitelock, English Historical Documents, I: c. 500–1042 (Oxford, 1979).

¹⁰⁶ Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan and the So-Called Laws of Edward and Guthrum’, p. 6.

¹⁰⁷ Whitelock, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’, p. 26.

¹⁰⁸ Whitelock, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’, p. 39; Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, p. 10. For a different theory regarding Wulfstan’s promotion, see Rabin, ‘Wulfstan at London’, pp. 186–206.

¹⁰⁹ The translation is taken from Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, pp. 16–7. For the original Latin, see Liber Eliensis II.87, ed. Blake, p. 156.

¹¹⁰ Whitelock, Sermo Lupi, p. 17.

¹¹¹ K. Jost, ‘Einige Wulfstantexte und ihre Quellen’, Anglia 56 (1932), 26–315.

¹¹² K. Jost, ‘Wulfstan und die angelsächische Chronik’, Anglia 47 (1923), 105–23. Jost’s conclusions have been challenged in S. Pons-Sanz, ‘“A Paw in Every Pie”: Wulfstan and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Again’, Leeds Stud. in Eng. ns 38 (2007), 31–42.

¹¹³ Jost, Wulfstanstudien.

¹¹⁴ Jost, Wulfstanstudien, pp. 183–270.

¹¹⁵ Jost, Wulfstanstudien, pp. 94–104.

¹¹⁶ ‘the pedantic sport of a compiler’. Quoted from Whitelock, ‘Wulfstan’s Authorship of Cnut’s Laws’, p. 77.

¹¹⁷ D. Bethurum Loomis, ‘Regnum and Sacerdotium in the Early Eleventh Century’, England Before the Conquest: Studies in Primary Sources Presented to Dorothy Whitelock, ed. P. Clemoes and K. Hughes (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 129–47; D. Bethurum, ‘Six Anonymous Old English Codes’, JEGP 69 (1950), 449–63; Bethurum, ‘Archbishop Wulfstanʼs Commonplace Book’, pp. 916–29.

¹¹⁸ D. Bethurum, ‘Stylistic Features of the Old English Laws’, MLR 27 (1932), 263–79.

¹¹⁹ Bethurum, Homilies.

¹²⁰ See, for instance, Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 22–7; Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s Sermo ad Populum’, p. 166; Orchard, ‘Re-editing Wulfstan: Whereʼs the Point?’, pp. 63–4; Wilcox, ‘Wolf on Shepherds’, p. 396.

¹²¹ The modern tendency to diminish Bethurum’s accomplishments has been criticised in M. M. Gatch, ‘Review of J. T. Lionarons, The Homiletic Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan: a Critical Study’, Speculum 87 (2012), 253–4. It is telling that Jane Chance’s two-volume Women Medievalists and the Academy (Madison, WI, 2005) includes no scholar educated either in the American south or at a non-Ivy-League/Oxbridge-calibre institution. It also omits scholars employed at institutions centred on teaching rather than research.

¹²² C. E. Hohler, ‘Some Service Books of the Later Saxon Church’, Tenth Century Studies: Essays in Commemoration of the Millenium of the Council of Winchester and the ‘Regularis Concordia’, ed. D. Parsons (London, 1975), pp. 68–87, at 75.

¹²³ Hohler, ‘Some Service Books of the Later Saxon Church’, p. 225, n. 59.

¹²⁴ Sisam, ‘The Relationship of Æthelred’s Codes V and VI’, pp. 278–87.

¹²⁵ Sisam, ‘Authenticity’, pp. 232–59. See also P. Wormald, ‘The Lambarde Problem: Eighty Years On’, in his Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West (London, 1999), pp. 139–78.

¹²⁶ Ker, ‘The Handwriting of Archbishop Wulfstan’, pp. 315–31; N. Ker, ‘Hemmingʼs Cartulary’, Studies in Medieval History Presented to F. M. Powicke, ed. R. W. Hunt, W. A. Pantin and R. W. Southern (Oxford, 1948), pp. 49–75.

¹²⁷ See especially Wormald, Making and the essays collected in P. Wormald, Legal Culture in the Early Medieval West: Law as Text, Image, and Experience (London, 1999). For Wormald’s specific critique of Maitland, see P. Wormald, ‘Maitland and Anglo-Saxon Law: beyond Domsday Book’, PBA 89 (1996), 1–20.

¹²⁸ Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 21–4; P. Wormald, ‘Frederick William Maitland and the Earliest English Law’, Law and Hist. Rev. 16 (1998), 1–25; J. Campbell, ‘The Late Anglo-Saxon State: a Maximum View’, in his The Anglo-Saxon State (New York, 2000), pp. 1–30.

¹²⁹ Wormald, Making, pp. 464–5.

¹³⁰ Wormald, ‘Holiness of Society’, pp. 225–52, at 244–52.

¹³¹ Wormald, ‘Statebuilder’, pp. 9–27; Wormald, Making; Wormald, ‘Holiness of Society’, pp. 225–52; P. Wormald, ‘Aethelred the Lawmaker’, Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. D. Hill, BAR British Series 59 (Oxford, 1978), 47–80.

¹³² Wormald, Making, p. 450.

¹³³ Wormald, Making, p. 464.

¹³⁴ Wormald, Making, p. 465.

¹³⁵ J. Wilcox, ‘The Wolf at Work: Uncovering Wulfstan’s Compositional Method’, Manuscripts in the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms: Cultures and Connections, ed. C. Breay and J. Story (Dublin, 2021), pp. 141–53; A. Rabin, ‘Evidence for Wulfstan’s Authorship of the Old English Að’, NM 111 (2010), 43–52; M. Clayton, ‘The Old English Promissio Regis’, ASE 37 (2008), 91–150; J. E. Cross and A. Hamer, eds., Wulfstan’s Canon Law Collection, Anglo-Saxon Texts 1 (Woodbridge, 1999); D. Scragg, Dating and Style in Old English Composite Homiles (Cambridge, 1998); Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’, pp. 199–217; Wilcox, ‘Napierʼs “Wulfstan” Homilies XL and XLII: Two Anonymous Works from Winchester?’, JEGP 90 (1991), 1–19; Kennedy, ‘Cnutʼs Law Code of 1018’, pp. 57–81; D. Scragg, ‘Napierʼs “Wulfstan” Homily XXX: its Sources, its Relationship to the Vercelli Book and its Style’, ASE 6 (1977), 197–211.

¹³⁶ Harvey, P. D. A., ‘ Rectitudines Singularum Personarum and Gerefa ’, EHR 108 (1993), 1–22 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; H. P. Tenhaken, Das Nordhumbrische Priestergesetze (Dusseldorf, 1979).

¹³⁷ Rabin, Wulfstan: Old English Legal Writings; Rabin, Political Writings; Clayton, ‘The Old English Promissio Regis’, pp. 148–50; Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s Sermo ad Populum’, pp. 179–82; T. N. Hall, ‘Wulfstan’s Latin Sermons’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 93–140; Orchard, ‘On Editing Wulfstan’, pp. 328–30; Cross and Hamer, Wulfstan’s Canon Law Collection; Kennedy, ‘Cnutʼs Law Code of 1018’, pp. 57–81; Tenhaken, Das Nordhumbrische Priestergesetze; R. Fowler, Wulfstan’s Canons of Edgar, EETS 266 (Oxford, 1972); D. H. Turner, The Claudius Pontificals, Henry Bradshaw Society main ser. pub. 97 (Chichester, 1964).

¹³⁸ Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’, pp. 199–217; Wilcox, ‘Wulfstan and the Twelfth Century’, pp. 83–97; Ogawa, Studies, pp. 263–85; Ogawa, ‘Aspects of “Wulfstan Imitators”’, pp. 389–403.

¹³⁹ R. Dance, ‘Sound, Fury, and Signifiers; or Wulfstanʼs Language’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 29–62.

¹⁴⁰ See above, 11–12.

¹⁴¹ M. K. Lawson, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan and the Homiletic Element in the Laws of Æthelred II and Cnut’, EHR 107 (1992), 565–86.

¹⁴² See S. M. Pons-Sanz, ‘For Gode and for worolde: Wulfstanʼs Differentiation of the Divine and Worldly Realms through Word-Formation Processes’, ES 85 (2004), 281–96; Pons-Sanz, Norse-Derived Vocabulary; Pons-Sanz, ‘A Paw in Every Pie’, pp. 31–42.

¹⁴³ See https://echoe.uni-goettingen.de/. For an example of the Wulfstan-related scholarship being produced by the ECHOE project, see W. Rudolf, ‘Wulfstan at Work: Recovering the Autographs of London, British Library, Additional 38651, fols. 57r–58v’, Anglo-Saxon Micro-Texts, ed. U. Lenker and L. Kornexl (Berlin, 2019), pp. 267–306. See also Wilcox, ‘Wolf at Work’, pp. 148–50.

¹⁴⁴ J. Barrow, ‘Wulfstan and Worcester: Bishop and Clergy in the Early Eleventh Century’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 141–60; J. Hill, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan: Reformer?’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 309–24; C. A. Jones, ‘Wulfstanʼs Liturgical Interests’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 325–52; Godden, ‘Relations’, pp. 353–74; E. G. Stanley, ‘Wulfstan and Ælfric: “the true Difference between the Law and the Gospel”’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 429–43; Hill, ‘Reform and Resistance: Preaching Styles in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, pp. 15–46. See also C. Insley, ‘Why 1016 Matters; or, the Politics of Memory and Identity in Cnut’s Kingdom’, Conquests in Eleventh-Century England: 1016, 1066, ed. L. Ashe and E. J. Ward (Woodbridge, 2020), pp. 21–2; Rabin, ‘Wulfstan at London’, pp. 186–206.

¹⁴⁵ C. Cubitt, ‘Reassessing the Reign of King Æthelred the Unready’, Anglo-Norman Studies: Proceedings of the Battle Conference 42 (2019), 1–28; L. Roach, ‘Apocalypse and Atonement in the Politics of Æthelredian England’, ES 95 (2014), 733–57; A. Williams, The World Before Domesday: the English Aristocracy, 900–1066 (London, 2008); C. Cubitt, ‘Bishops and Councils in Late Saxon England: the Intersection of Secular and Ecclesiastical Law’, Recht und Gericht in Kirche und Welt, ed. W. Hartman and A. Grabowsky (Munich, 2007), pp. 151–68; Keynes, ‘An Abbot, an Archbishop and the Viking Raids of 1006–7 and 1009–12’, pp. 151–20; P. Stafford, ‘Political Ideas in Late Tenth-Century England: Charters as Evidence’, Law, Laity and Solidarities: Essays in Honour of Susan Reynolds, ed. P. Stafford, J. Nelson and J. Martindale (Manchester, 2001), pp. 68–82; A. Williams, Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England, c. 500–1066 (New York, 1999); P. Stafford, Unification and Conquest: a Political and Social History of England in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries (London, 1989); S. Keynes, The Diplomas of King Æthelred ‘the Unready’, 978–1016 (Cambridge, 1980); P. Stafford, ‘The Reign of Ethelred II, a Study in the Limitations on Royal Policy and Action’, Ethelred the Unready, ed. Hill, pp. 15–46; P. Stafford, ‘The Laws of Cnut and the History of Anglo-Saxon Royal Promises’, ASE 10 (1971), 173–90.

¹⁴⁶ Lionarons, Homiletic Writings; A. Cowen, ‘Byrstas and bysmeras: the Wounds of Sin in the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 397–411; N. Howe, Migration and Mythmaking in Anglo-Saxon England (Notre Dame, 2001), esp. pp. 8–32 and 108–42; C. Lees, Tradition and Belief: Religious Writing in Late Anglo-Saxon England (Minneapolis, MN, 1999); M. M. Gatch, Preaching and Theology in Anglo-Saxon England: Aelfric and Wulfstan (Toronto, 1977).

¹⁴⁷ A. Orchard, ‘The Library of Wulfstan of York’, The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, I: c. 400–1100, ed. R. Gameson (Cambridge, 2012), 694–700; M. Elliott, ‘Ghaerbaldʼs First Capitulary, the Excerptiones Pseudo-Ecgberhti, and the Sources of Wulfstanʼs Canons of Edgar’, N&Q 57 (2010), 161–4; R. R. Bremmer, Jr., ‘The Reception of Defensorʼs “Liber scintillarum” in Anglo-Saxon England’, ‘‥un tuo serto di fiori in man recando’. Scritti in onore di Maria Amalia D’Aronco, ed. P. Lendinaria (Udine, 2008), pp. 75–89; Orchard, ‘Wulfstan as Reader, Writer, and Rewriter’, pp. 311–41; J. E. Cross and A. Hamer, ‘Source Identification and its Recovery: the British Library Wulfstan MS. Cotton Nero A.i 131v-132r’, Scriptorium 50 (1996), 132–7; J. E. Cross, ‘Atto of Vercelli, “De Pressuris Ecclesiasticis”, Archbishop Wulfstan, and Wulfstanʼs Commonplace Book’, Traditio 48 (1993), 237–46; J. E. Cross and A. Brown, ‘Wulfstan and Abbo of Saint-Germain-de-Prés’, Medievalia 15 (1993 for 1989), 71–91; J. E. Cross and A. Brown, ‘Literary Impetus for Wulfstanʼs Sermo Lupi’, Leeds Stud. in Eng. 20 (1989), 270–91; J. E. Cross, ‘Wulfstan’s Incipit de Baptismo (Bethurum VIIIA): a Revision of Sources’, NM 90 (1989), 237–42; R. K. Emmerson, ‘“Epistola” to “Sermo”: the Old English Version of Adsoʼs Libellus de Antichristo’, JEGP 82 (1983), 1–10; J. Pinckney Kinard, A Study of Wulfstan’s Homilies: their Style and Sources (Baltimore, 1897).

¹⁴⁸ C. Cubitt, ‘On Living in the Time of Tribulation: Archbishop Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos and its Eschatological Context’, Writing, Kingship and Power in Anglo-Saxon England, ed. R. Naismith and D. A. Woodman (Cambridge, 2017), pp. 202–33; S. Jurasinski, The Old English Penitentials and Anglo-Saxon Law (Cambridge, 2015); J. T. Palmer, The Apocalypse in Early Medieval Europe (Cambridge, 2014), pp. 208–14; Roach, ‘Apocalypse and Atonement’, pp. 743–7; C. Cubitt, ‘The Politics of Remorse: Penance and Royal Piety in the Reign of Æthelred the Unready’, HR 85 (2011), 202–33; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 43–74; J. T. Lionarons, ‘Napier Homily L: Wulfstan’s Eschatology at the Close of his Career’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 413–28; Richards, ‘Wulfstan and the Millenium’, pp. 41–8; Godden, ‘Apocalypse and Invasion’, pp. 130–62.

¹⁴⁹ S. Baxter, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan and the Administration of Godʼs Property’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 161–206; C. Norton, ‘York Minster in the Time of Wulfstan’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 207–34.

¹⁵⁰ Elliott, ‘Wulfstan’s Commonplace Book Revised’, pp. 1–48; G. Mann, ‘The Development of Wulfstanʼs Alcuin Manuscript’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 235–78; T. A. Heslop, ‘Art and the Man: Archbishop Wulfstan and the York Gospelbook’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 279–307; Sauer, ‘The Transmission and Structure of Wulfstanʼs “Commonplace Book”’, pp. 339–93; C. A. Jones, ‘Two Composite Texts From Archbishop Wulfstanʼs “Commonplace Book”: the De ecclesiastica consuetudine and the Institutio beati Amalarii de ecclesiasticis officiis’, ASE 27 (1998), 233–71; J. E. Cross, ‘A Newly-Identified Manuscript of Wulfstanʼs “Commonplace Book”, Rouen, Bibliothèque Municipale, MS. 1382 [U.109], fols 173r–198v’, Jnl of Med. Latin 2 (1992), 63–83; J. E. Cross, ‘Missing Folios in Cotton Nero MS. A.i’, Brit. Lib. Jnl 16 (1990), 99–100.

¹⁵¹ See, for instance, A. Rabin, ‘The Reception of Kentish Law in the Eleventh Century: Archbishop Wulfstan as Legal Historian’, Languages of the Law in Early Medieval England: Essays in Memory of Lisi Oliver, ed. S. Jurasinski and A. Rabin, Medievalia Groningana 22 (Leuven, 2019), 225–40; E. Butler, Language and Community in Early England: Imagining Distance in Medieval Literature (London, 2017), pp. 186–7; Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 36–44; J. P. Gates, ‘Preaching, Politics and Episcopal Reform in Wulfstan’s Early Writings’, EME 23 (2015), 93–116; A. Rabin, ‘Archbishop Wulfstan’s “Compilation on Status” in the Textus Roffensis’, Textus Roffensis: Law, Language, and Libraries in Medieval England, ed. B. Bombi and B. OʼBrien, Stud. in the Early Mid. Ages 30 (Turnhout, 2015), 175–92; A. Lemke, ‘Fear-Mongering, Political Shrewdness or Setting the Stage for a “Holy Society”? Wulfstanʼs Sermo Lupi ad Anglos’, ES 95 (2014), 758–76; M. P. Richards, ‘I–II Cnut: Wulfstanʼs Summa?’, English Law Before Magna Carta: Felix Liebermann and Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. S. Jurasinski, L. Oliver, and A. Rabin (Leiden, 2010), pp. 137–56; J. P. Gates, ‘Ealles Englalandes Cyningc: Cnutʼs Territorial Kingship and Wulfstanʼs Paronomastic Play’, The Heroic Age: a Jnl of Early Med. Northwestern Europe 14 (2010), 34 pp.; A. Rabin, ‘The Wolfʼs Testimony to the English: Law and the Witness in the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos’, JEGP 105 (2006), 388–414. Two of Wormald’s posthumous works should also be added to this list: P. Wormald, ‘Archbishop Wulfstanʼs Canon Collection’, OEN 46 (2016), n.p.; P. Wormald, Papers Prepatory to the Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, II: from Godʼs Law to Common Law, ed. B. OʼBrien and J. Hudson (London, 2014).

¹⁵² T. Lambert, Law and Order in Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford, 2017); J. Hudson, The Oxford History of the Laws of England, II: 871–1216 (Oxford, 2012); M. P. Richards, ‘Anglo-Saxonism in the Old English Laws’, Anglo-Saxonism and the Construction of Social Identity, ed. A. J. Frantzen and J. D. Niles (Gainesville, FL, 1997), pp. 40–59; M. P. Richards, ‘Elements of a Written Standard in the Old English Laws’, Standardizing English: Essays in the History of Language Change, ed. J. B. Trahern (Knoxville, TN, 1989), pp. 1–22; Stafford, Unification and Conquest; M. P. Richards, ‘The Manuscript Contexts of the Old English Laws: Tradition and Innovation’, Studies in Earlier Old English Prose, ed. P. Szarmach (Albany, NY, 1986), pp. 171–92; Stafford, ‘Promises’, pp. 173–90. See also Rabin, Wulfstan: Old English Legal Writings; Rabin, Political Writings.

¹⁵³ See, for instance, Sir F. Pollock and F. W. Maitland, The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1911), but also, more recently, H. R. Loyn, The Governance of Anglo-Saxon England, 500–1087 (Stanford, 1984); Richardson, H. G. and Sayles, G. O., Law and Legislation from Aethelberht to Magna Carta (Edinburgh, 1966)Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁴ T. Bolton, Cnut the Great (New Haven, 2017); L. Roach, Æthelred the Unready (New Haven, 2016); T. Bolton, The Empire of Cnut the Great: Conquest and the Consolidation of Power in Northern Europe in the Early Eleventh Century (Leiden, 2009); A. Williams, Æthelred the Unready: the Ill-Counselled King (London, 2003); R. Lavelle, Æthelred II: King of the English, 978–1016 (Stroud, 2002); Lawson, M. K., Cnut: the Danes in England in the Early Eleventh Century (New York, 1993).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ N. Marafioti, ‘Unconsecrated Burial and Excommunication in Anglo-Saxon England: a Reassessment’, Traditio 74 (2019), 55–123; N. Marafioti, ‘The Legacy of King Edgar in the Laws of Archbishop Wulfstan’, Remembering the Medieval Present: Generative Uses of England’s Pre-Conquest Past, 10th to 15th Centuries, ed. J. P. Gates and B. T. O’Camb (Leiden, 2019), pp. 21–40; Roach, ‘Apocalypse and Atonement’, pp. 733–57, at 43–7; L. Roach, ‘Law Codes and Legal Norms in Later Anglo-Saxon England’, Hist. Research 86 (2013), 465–86; Gates, ‘Ealles Englalandes Cyningc: Cnutʼs Territorial Kingship and Wulfstanʼs Paronomastic Play’; Richards, ‘Wulfstan’s Summa’, pp. 137–56; S. Jurasinski, ‘Reddatur Parentibus: the Vengeance of the Family in Cnutʼs Homicide Legislation’, Law and Hist. Rev. 20 (2002), 157–80. See also S. Hollis, ‘“The Protection of God and the King”: Wulfstanʼs Legislation on Widows’, Wulfstan, Archbishop of York, ed. Townend, pp. 443–60; B. O’Brien, ‘Conquest and the Law’, Conquests in Eleventh-Century England, ed. Ashe and Ward, pp. 41–64.

¹⁵⁶ Gates, ‘Preaching, Politics and Episcopal Reform in Wulfstan’s Early Writings’, pp. 93–116; Cubitt, ‘Politics of Remorse’, pp. 179–92; I. Moilanen, ‘The Concept of the Three Orders of Society and Social Mobility in Eleventh-Century England’, EHR 131 (2016), 1331–1352; N. Marafioti, ‘Punishing Bodies and Saving Souls: Capital and Corporal Punishment in Anglo-Saxon England’, Haskins Soc. Jnl 20 (2008), 39–57; C. Cubitt, ‘Bishops, Priests and Penance in Late Saxon England’, EME 14 (2006), 41–63; T. E. Powell, ‘The “Three Orders” of Society in Anglo-Saxon England’, ASE 23 (1994), 103–32; Kennedy, ‘Cnutʼs Law Code of 1018’, pp. 57–81. See also Reinhard, B., ‘Cotton Nero A.i and the Origins of Wulfstan’s Polity ’, JEGP 119 (2020), 175–89.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ See Wilcox, ‘Dissemination’; Wilcox, ‘Wulfstan in the Twelfth Century’; and O’Brien, B., ‘The Instituta Cnuti and the Translation of English Law’, ANS 25 (2003), 177–97.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Cf. Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant, pp. 2–7; Hill, ‘Authorial Identity’, pp. 179, 81; Robinson, ‘Print Culture and the Birth of the Text: a Review Essay’, in his The Editing of Old English (Oxford, 1994), pp. 36-44.

¹⁵⁹ Cf. Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, pp. 67–8; Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant, p. 22.

¹⁶⁰ Cf. Karkov and Brown, ‘Introduction’, p. 5; Howe, ‘What We Talk About’, p. 176; Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant, p. 22; Hill, ‘Authorial Identity’, p. 183; Dagenais, ‘Bothersome Residue’, pp. 248, 254.

¹⁶¹ Cf. Karkov and Brown, ‘Introduction’, pp. 3–4.

¹⁶² Napier, Wulfstan, pp. 169–72. The text has been translated in Rabin, Political Writings, pp. 131–2.

¹⁶³ ‘when the great army came to this land’. VIIa Æthelred, Pr.

¹⁶⁴ Rabin, Political Writings, p. 130; Lionarons, Homiletic Writings, pp. 31–2; Bethurum, Homilies, p. 38; Jost, Wulfstanstudien, pp. 211–16.

¹⁶⁵ Napier, Wulfstan, p. ix, n. 169.

¹⁶⁶ Napier, Wulfstan, p. 171.

¹⁶⁷ ‘And at each service, the whole community, prostrate with outstretched arms before God’s altar, is to sing the psalm “Lord, how they are multiplied” and the Prayers and Collect’.

¹⁶⁸ ‘Archbishop Wulfstan humbly greets his lord, King Cnut, and the lady Ælfgifu. And I make known to you both, dear ones, that we have acted precisely according to the command that came from you to us regarding Bishop Æthelnoth. That is, we have now consecrated him. Now I ask, for the love of God and for all God’s saints, that you may show proper honour to God and to the holy priesthood, in that he may be entitled to the things to which the others were previously – Dunstan the Good, and many others: namely that this man may also be entitled to his rights and prerogatives. That will be to your benefit before God and also be honourable before the world’. S 1386, ed. F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs (Manchester, 1952), no. 27, pp. 182–3 [hereafter ASWrits]. See also Whitelock, Councils and Synods, no. 62, p. 449.

¹⁶⁹ ASWrits, no. 171, pp. 448–9. Pierre Chaplais echoes Harmer’s judgement on the text’s authenticity and goes so far as to suggest that the writ may even have originated as the documentary record of an oral pronouncement, which, if true, makes the absence of Wulfstan’s usual oral style particularly telling. See Pierre Chaplais, ‘The Authenticity of the Royal Anglo-Saxon Diplomas of Exeter’, Bull. of the Inst. of Hist. Research 39 (1966), 1–34.

¹⁷⁰ See, for instance, ASWrits nos. 50, 109, 110 and 115.

¹⁷¹ On the conventions of pre-Conquest legal and administrative prose, see the recent discussion in A. Fenton, ‘The Functions of Writs in England Before the Norman Conquest’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, Cambridge Univ., 2020), esp. pp. 7–11 and 86–122.

¹⁷² Cerquiglini, In Praise of the Variant, p. xii. See also Dagenais, ‘Bothersome Residue’, p. 254.

¹⁷³ Robinson, ‘Context’, p. 16. Joyce Tally Lionarons has recently made a similar point: ‘The end result of such editorial practice is that modern readers read a fundamentally different work than that encountered by medieval readers’, Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, p. 68.

¹⁷⁴ ‘Therefore, as often as the need arises, let us immediately proclaim a fast of three days’.

¹⁷⁵ VII Æthelred 2: ‘And we have decreed that very Christian who has reached adulthood is to fast for three days on bread, water and raw vegetables’. VIIa Æthelred 1: ‘Now we ordain that the whole realm [consume] only bread, herbs and water in shared penance for three days’.

¹⁷⁶ Hill, ‘Authorial Identity’, p. 179. On this point, see also Lionarons, ‘Wulfstan’s De Temporibus Antichristi’, p. 72.

¹⁷⁷ Karkov and Brown, ‘Introduction’, pp. 3–4.