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SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain

  • Sean F. McEnroe (a1)


Through much of the history of the Americas, political life took place in two spheres: the colonial realm, in which a complex population of Indians, Africans, and Iberians interacted within the civic framework of European institutions; and the extra-colonial realm, in which largely indigenous populations beyond the reach of imperial authority maintained separate political systems. Encounters across this divide were sometimes peaceful and symbiotic, but at other times violent. Many historical discussions of interethnic conflict presume a general and persistent difference in power between these two groups. On Mexico's northern frontier of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, however, the relative advantage enjoyed by colonial versus extra-colonial peoples shifted radically depending on the moment and place of encounter. This article proposes that differences in topography and ecology, often between places not far removed in absolute distance, produced inversions in the relative power enjoyed by indigenous and settler populations. The cultivation of maize was common to the refuge zones of settlers and northern Indians alike: unassimilated Indian bands concealed and protected their crops in difficult-to-find mountain valleys; settler communities, both Spanish and Indian, protected crops close to their respective concentrations of population and militiamen. Both colonial and extra-colonial peoples subsisted on cattle, and the demand for vast pasture spaces produced inevitable conflict. Thus, the geography of the north produced areas of security and vulnerability for all parties.



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My thanks to the following people for comments on early drafts of this article: William Taylor, Mary Karasch, Margaret Chowning, James Scott, Susan Deeds, Rafael Folsom, Julia Sarreal, Dana Velasco Murillo, and George Milne. Thanks also to the anonymous peer reviewers for The Americas.

1. Sara Ortelli has demonstrated the connections between the seasonal rounds dictated by climate and the patterns of cattle-raiding in Nueva Vizcaya during the period treated in this article. Ortelli, , Trama de una guerra conveniente: Nueva Vizcaya y la sombra de los Apaches (1748–1790), (Mexico: Colegio de México, 2007), pp. 187199.

2. On regional geography, see Gerhard, Peter, The North Frontier of New Spain, rev. ed. (Norman: Uni¬versity of Oklahoma Press, 1993); Ducey, Michael T., A Nation of Villages: Riot and Rebellion in the Mexican Huasteca, 1750–1850 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2004), pp. 119; Osante, Patricia, Orígenes del Nuevo Santander (1748–1772), (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas, 1997), chapt. 1; de Estadística, Servicios Nacionales, Geografía, e Informática, , Síntesis geográfica de Nuevo León (Mexico: 1981); and Martínez Serna, José Gabriel, “The Society of Jesus, Viticulture, and the Rise and Decline of an Indian Frontier Town: Santa María de las Parras, Nueva Vizcaya, 1598–1822,” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Texas Press (2009), chapts. 12.

3. Schroeder, Susan, “Introduction: The Genre of Conquest Studies,” in Indian Conquistadors: Indige¬nous Allies in the Conquest of Mesoamerica, eds. Matthew, Laura E. and Oudijk, Michel R. (Norman: Univer¬sity of Oklahoma Press, 2007). Many re-evaluations of the power dynamics between Europeans and Indians have followed White, Richard, The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991). On Spanish classification of indigenous violence as rebellion, flight, or banditry, see Cramaussel, Chantal, “La rebelión tepehuana de 1616: análisis de un dis¬curso” in La Sierra Tepehuana: asentamientos y movimientos de població;n, eds. Cramaussel, and Ortelli, Sara (Zamora, Michoacán: Colegio de Michoacán, 2006), pp. 181187. Ganson, Barbara in The Guarani under Spanish Rule in Rio de la Plata (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 125136, and Wight-man, Anne in Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1570–1720 (Durham: Duke Uni¬versity Press, 1990)have enriched and problematized understandings of indigenous mobility in and out of colonial spaces, emphasizing choice and opportunism as well as fear and flight.

4. Adelman, Jeremy and Aron, Stephen, “From Borderlands to Borders: Empires, Nation-States, and the Peoples in Between in North American History,American Historical Review 104:3 (June 1999), pp. 814841; Weber, David J. and Rausch, Jane M., eds., Where Cultures Meet: Frontiers in Latin American His¬tory (Wilmington, Del.: Jaguar Books, 1994); Truett, Samuel, “Epics of a Greater America: Herbert Eugene Bolton’s Quest for a Transnational American History,” in Interpreting Spanish Colonialism: Umpires, Nations, and Legends, eds. Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher and Nieto-Phillips, John (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005).

5. On the relationships between physical geography and diplomacy, see Binnema, Theodore, Common and Contested Ground: A Human and Environmental History of the northwestern Plains (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001); Hàmalàinen, Pekka, “The Politics of Grass: European Expansion, Ecological Change, and Indigenous Power in the Southwest Borderlands,William and Mary Quarterly 67:2 (April 2010), pp. 173208; Hàmalàinen, , The Comanche Empire (New Haven: Yale, 2008); and Deeds, Susan, Defi¬ance and Deference in Colonial Mexico: Indians under Spanish Rule in Nueva Vizcaya (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003). The parallels between the northern plains of Mexico and the pampas of South America are considered in Weber, David J., Bárbaros: Spaniards and Their Savages in the Age of Enlightenment (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005). There are interesting similarities between the functions of terrain and “escape crops” as observed by Scott, James in highland Asia and those in New Spain: The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale, 2009), chapt. 6. Radding, Cynthia addresses the power relationships produced by both physical and political geography in Landscapes of Power and Identity: Comparative Histories in the Sonoran Desert and the Forests of Amazonia from Colony to Republic (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), pp. 166168. She considers the sometimes similar political and military properties of two very different geographies: the arid plains of northern Mexico and the dense tropics of eastern Bolivia.

6. Aguirre, Gonzalo Beltrán, Regiones de refugio: el desarrollo de la comunidad y el proceso dominical en mestizo América (Mexico: Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, 1967); Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed. Cynthia Radding points to river gorges, dense forests, alpine terrain, and harsh deserts as places of refuge for Indians in colonial frontier environments, Landscapes of Power and Identity, p. 186. I realize that “relative advantage” is in some ways an awkward neologism, but I wish to avoid the impression that one party domi¬nated diplomacy in all times and places, and also to avoid the specific Ricardian meanings of “comparative advantage.”

7. For an excellent account of rebellion in the traditional vein, see Mario, Roberto Salmón, Indian Revolts in Northern New Spain (1680—1786), (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1991). Deeds, Susan, “First-Generation Rebellions in Seventeenth-Century Nueva Vizcaya,” in Native Resistance and the Pax Colonial in New Spain, ed. Schroeder, Susan (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), shows a wide range of Indian responses to Spanish violence and Spanish authority, some within the traditional definition of rebellion, others not. There is a substantial historiography on frontier violence in the north of New Spain. Among the works that explore the persistence of warfare in the region and many of its cultural properties is Powell, Philip Wayne, Mexico’s Miguel Caldera: The Taming of America’s First Frontier, 1548–1597 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977). For the eighteenth century, see Moorhead, Max L., The Apache Frontier in Northern New Spain, 1769–1791 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968); Griffen, William B., Apaches at War and Peace: The Janos Presidio, 1750–1858 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988); and Weber, David J., The Spanish Frontier in North America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), pp. 204235. The classic long-term examination of this theme may be found in Spicer, Edward H., Cycles of Con¬quest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533–1960 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962).

8. Taylor, William B., Drinking, Homicide, and Rebellion (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976); Scott, James C., The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and Weapons of the Weak: The Everyday Forms of PeasantResistance (New Haven: Yale, 1985); Brooks, James F., Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Car¬olina, 2002). On the history of the language of violence, see Rabasa, José, Writing Violence on the Northern Frontier: The Historiography of Sixteenth-Century New Mexico and Florida and the Legacy of Conquest (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000). The collection of articles presented in War in the Tribal Zone: Expanding States and Indigenous Warfare, eds. Ferguson, R. Brian and Whitehead, Neil L. (Santa Fe, N.M.: School of American Research Press, 2000) points out that across many environments and periods the prox¬imity of expanding state structures to tribal structures often creates persistent conditions of violence.

9. This sweeping strategic vision of northern geography was perpetuated far and wide by Bourbon mil¬itary planners. The perspective of a handful of military planners (José de Gálvez, Teodoro de Croix, Nicolas de Lafora) was recorded in such detail and disseminated so widely that anyone who today sets foot in a colo¬nial archive seeking information on the north of New Spain will be buried in legajos describing a particular moment in the development of the northern frontier—the review of strategies and the plans for reform in the period of 1760s to 1790s. The perspective of these imperial writers was global, and our absorption of their broad generalizations has sometimes buried local observations of small-scale diplomacy. de Lafora, Nicolás, Relación del viaje que hizo a los Presidios Internos..., ed. Robles, Vito Alessio (Mexico: Pedro Robredo, 1939); Navarro García, Luís, La política americana de fosé de Gálvez según su “Discurso y reflexiones de un vasallo” (Malaga, Spain: Algazara, 1998); and Weber, David J., The Spanish Frontier in North America, pp. 1013.

10. de Jáuregui Urrutia, Joseph Antonio Fernández [governor and captain–general], Description of Nuevo León, Mexico (1735–1740), eds. McLean, Malcolm D. and Hoyo, Eugenio del (Monterrey: Instituto Tec-nológico de Estudios Superiores [ITESM], 1964), p. 15. The military and missionary projects in Nuevo San¬tander are described in several works: Fidel de, Lejarza P., Conquista espiritual de Nuevo Santander (Madrid: Instituto Santo Toribio de Mogrevejo, 1948); Meade, Joaquín, “Notes on the Franciscans in the Huasteca Region of Mexico” in The Franciscan Missions of Northern Mexico, ed. Sheridan, Thomas E. (New York: Gar¬land, 1991); Herrera, Octavio, Breve historia de Tamaulipas (Mexico: Colegio de México, 1999); and Osante, Patricia, Orígenes del Nuevo Santander (1748–1772), (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma de México, 1997). On Nuevo Léon in the colonial period, see Israel Cavazos Garza, Breve historia de Nuevo León (Mexico: Colegio de México, 1994). On Spanish perceptions of the eastern boundary of Nuevo León as a frontier between colony and barbarism, see Barr, Juliana, “Geographies of Power: Mapping Indian Borders in the ‘Borderlands’ of the Early Southwest,” William and Mary Quarterly 6:1 (January 2011), pp. 56.

11. Fernández de Jáuregui, p. 11.

12. Fernández de Jáuregui, p. 17. On San Cristóbal, see Pedro L. Gómez Danes, San Cristóbal de Gualaguises: haciendas, ranchos y encomiendas, siglo XVIII, Cuadernos del Archivo No. 55, Monterrey, Ν.L., Archivo General de Nuevo León, 1990. On the Pilón settlements, see Danes, Gómez, Las misiones de Purifi¬cación y Concepción (Monterrey, N.L.: Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León [UANL], 1995); Perales, José Jesús Martínez, Montemorelos, Nuevo León (Monterrey: Congreso del Estado, Comité de Archivo y Bib¬lioteca, 2003). On the Barbadillo reforms, see Garza, Israel Cavazos, El lie. Francisco Barbadillo Vitoria: fun¬dador de Guadalupe, Nuevo León (Monterrey: UANL, 1991)

13. Fernández de Jáuregui, pp. 20–21. This pattern of displacement, flight, raiding, and return is sketched out in the reports of northern governors. See “Report which the Governor made to Don Antonio Vizarrón y Eguiarreta, Viceroy of New Spain, about the best way to defend the country against the Indians, Monterrey, 12 June 1738” in Fernández de Jáuregui Urrutia. On the history of Guadalupe, see Garza, Israel Cava-zos, Ciudad Guadalupe, Nuevo León en la historia y la crónica (Monterrey, N.L.: UANL, 2000). McEn¬roe, , From Colony to Nationhood in Mexico: Laying the Foundations, 1560–1840 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2012) treats the relationship between Tlaxcalans, Borrados, and other northern groups at length. The relationship between Tlaxcalans and northern peoples in regional settlement is also addressed extensively in Sheridan, Cecilia, Anónimos y desterrados: la contienda por el sitio que llaman de Quauyla, siglos XVI–XVIII (Mexico: CIESAS, 2000). The names for Rayados (that is, Indians with painted faces) and Bor¬rados (those with piercings or perhaps tattoos) are typical of the phenotypical ethnonyms used by Spaniards in the north. Scholars have long considered the possibility that the Indians here referred to as Rayados are the same group elsewhere called Jumanos. Nancy Hickerson characterizes Jumanos as a population of early herders, raiders, and distance traders who were largely displaced from that economic niche by Apaches. Jack B. Forbes, “Unknown Athapaskans: The Identification of the Jano, Jocome Jumano, Manso, Suma, and Other Indian Tribes of the Southwest,” Ethnohistory 6:2 (Spring 1959), pp. 97–159; Hickerson, , The Jumanos: Hunters and Traders of the South Plains (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994); and Hickerson, , “The Ser¬vicios of Vicente de Zaldívar: New Light on the Jumano War of 1601,Ethnohisotry 43:1 (Winter 1996), pp. 127144. Salinas, Martin, Indians of the Rio Grande Valley: Their Role in the History of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990), pp. 8791, leaves unresolved the question of whether the Borrados of eastern and western Nuevo León constituted one ethnic group, but determines that the Borrados of the lower Rio Grande were an entirely separate ethnicity. On the Rayados of Tamaulipas in relation to sedentary indigenous groups, see Osante, Orígenes de Nuevo Santander, pp. 22–33.

14. The past two decades have seen an explosion of scholarship on the interactions of sedentary and mobile populations. David J. Weber, Bárbaros: Spaniards and their Savages in the Age of Enlightenment, Radding, Cyn¬thia, Wandering Peoples: Colonialism, Ethnic Spaces, and Ecological Frontiers in Northwestern Mexico, 1700–1850 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997); Nómadas y sedentarios en el norte de México, eds. Hers, Marie-Areti et al. (Mexico: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas et al., 2000); Guy, Donna J. and Sheridan, , Contested Ground: Comparative Frontiers on the Northern and Southern Edges of the Spanish Empire (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1998); Susan Deeds, Defiance and Deference in Colo¬nial Mexico; Adams, David B., “Embattled Borderland: Northern Nuevo León and the Indios Bárbaros, 1686–1870,Southwestern Historical Quarterly 95:2 (1991), pp. 205220; García, Martha Rodríguez, His-torias de resistencia y exterminio: los indios de Coahuila durante el siglo XIX (Mexico: CIESAS, 1995); Griffen, William, Indian Assimilation in the Franciscan Areas of Nueva Vizcaya (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1979); and García, Rodriguez, La guerra entre bárbaros y civilizados: el exterminio del nómada en Coahuila, 1840–1880 (Saltillo, Coah.: CESHAC,1998).

15. On the institutional relationship between the crown, Tlaxcalan colonizers, and northern peoples, see de Jesús Dávila Aguirre, José, La colonización tlaxcalteca y su influencia en el noreste de la Nueva España (Saltillo: Colegio Coahuilense de Investigaciones Históricas, 1977); Adams, David B., Las colonias tlaxcaltecas de Coahuila y Nuevo León en la Nueva España: un aspecto de la colonización del norte de México (Saltillo: Archivo Municipal de Saltillo, 1991); Sego, Eugene B., Aliados y adversarios: los colonos tlaxcaltecas en la fron¬tera septentrional de Nueva España (San Luis Potosi: Colegio de San Luis; Tlaxcala: Gobierno del Estado de Tlaxcala; San Luis Potosí: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de San Luis Potosí, 1998); del Bosque, Ildefonso Dávila, Los cabildos tlaxcaltecas: ayuntamientos del pueblo de San Esteban de la Nueva Tlaxcala desde su establecimiento hasta su fusión con la villa del Saltillo (Saltillo: Archivo Municipal, 2000); Adams, David B., “At the Lion’s Mouth: San Miguel de Aguayo in the Defense of Nuevo León, 1686–1820,Colonial Latin Amer¬ican Historical Review 9:3 (2000), pp. 324346; Butzer, Elisabeth, Historia social de una comunidad tlaxcal¬teca: San Miguel de Aguayo (Bustamante, N.L., 1686–1820), (Saltillo: Archivo Municipal, 2001); Prieto, Cecelia Sheridan, “’Indios madrineros’: colonizadores tlaxcaltecas en el noreste novohispano,Estudios de His¬toria Novohispana 24 (January-February 2001); and McEnroe, From Colony to Nationhood, chapts. 1—4.

16. On colonial systems, see Gerhard, Peter, The North Frontier of New Spain, rev. ed. (Norman: Uni¬versity of Oklahoma Press, 1993); Gerhard, , A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain, rev. ed. (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1993); Archer, Christon I., The Army in Bourbon Mexico, 1760–1810 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977); del Carmen Velásquez, Maria, Tres estudios sobre las Provincias Internas de Nueva España (Mexico: Colegio de México, 1979); García, Luis Navarro, Las Provin¬cias Internas en el siglo XIX (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1965); Canales, Isidro Vizcaya, En los albores de la independencia: las Provincias Internas de Oriente durante la insurrección de don Miguel Hidalgo (Monterrey: ITESM, 1976).

17. On Indian social structures, see Frye, David, “The Native Peoples of Northeastern Mexico,Cam¬bridge History of Native Peoples of the Americas, vol. 2, eds. Adams, Richard E. and Macleod, Murdo J. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). On creative diplomatic integration among Indian groups, see Anderson, Gary Clayton, The Indian Southwest, 1580–1830: Ethnogenesis and Reinvention (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999); and Deeds, Defiance and Deference. On the basis of the writings of Martín de Zavala, Israel Cavazos Garza in Breve historia de Nuevo León, pp. 15–16, describes seventeenth-century Nuevo León as including over 200 rancherías or naciones.

18. On the territorialization of Indian political authority under the Spanish colonial regime, see McEn¬roe, , “A Sleeping Army: The Diplomatic and Military Origins of Interethnic Civic Structures on Mexico’s Colonial Frontier,Ethnohistory 59:1 (Winter 2012), pp. 109139.

19. On regional commerce, see Offutt, Leslie, Saltillo 1770–1810: Town and, Region in the Mexican North (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2001); Cuello, José, El noreste y Saltillo en la historia colonial de México (Saltillo: Archivo Municipal, 1990). Both the practice of Indians leaving settlements to gather seasonal foods and their long-distance deployments are discussed in the Carta del licenciado Francisco de Barbadillo Vitoria alcalde de corte de la Audiencia de Mexico, August 6, 1717, found in the Archivo General de Indias: Guadalajara 166, No. 8.

20. Several of these cyclical resettlement stories are recounted in McEnroe, “A Sleeping Army,” pp. 109–139.

21. Fernández de Jáuregui, pp. 96–100. For a discussion of topography in relation to state control, resistance, and flight in the context of the southeast Asian highlands, see Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed, p. 5.

22. Military reports from the early eighteenth century were attentive to these geographical issues. They took note especially of Indians’ use of mountains and canyons as safe havens: “Expediente sobre la pacificación de los Indios del Nuevo Reino de León, 1718–1722,” Archivo General de Indias (hereafter AGI), Audiencia de Guadalajara legajo 166, fols. 1–243. Tobosos appear in the legal, military, and mission records of the north¬east throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but there is no scholarly consensus on the extent to which the Tobosos who crop up in different periods and regions were a unitary ethnic group, a confeder¬ation of groups, or distinct groups erroneously given the same name by Spanish observers. Maria Luisa Reyes Landa and Arturo Guevara Sánchez describe Tobosos as heterogeneous bands of similar groups subsisting on hunting, gathering, limited agriculture, trading, and raiding. They suspect that the Tobosos who appear early in the records of Nueva Vizcaya, later in the records of Nuevo Santander, and ultimately in the records of the nineteenth-century north were from unrelated ethnic groups, but with very similar practices of war and com¬merce. Reyes Landa, Maria Luisa and Sanchez, Arturo Guevara, El viejo camino a Chiguagua: avances en el estu¬dio de la cultura de tobosos y grupos afines (Chihuahua, Chih.: Instituto Chihuahuense de la Cultura, 2008), pp. 75157.

23. The documents collected in Hoyo, Eugenio del, Esclavitud y encomienda de los indios en el Huevo Reino de León, siglos XVI y XVII (Monterrey: Archivo General del Estado de Nuevo León, 1985) show that the dangers of engaging with the Spanish were well known to the Indians.

24. Archivo Municipal de Monterrey, Nuevo León: Correspondencia 121, exp. 1, fol. 5.

25. In the context of the South American Chaco region, James S. Saeger has explored the ways that indigenous frontier leaders utilized contacts with the colonial order to elevate their status and influence within their own extra-colonial groups: Saeger, , The Chaco Mission Frontier: The Guaycuruan Experience (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2000). Juliana Barr in “Geographies of Power,” pp. 10–18, encourages us to con¬sider the varied “spaces of control” held by Indians and Spaniards and the diplomatic properties of each. Radding in Landscapes of Power, pp. 186–187, describes the diplomatic properties of certain locations, such as the banks of a river, in providing safety or expressions of good faith.

26. For documentary studies of this type of expedition, see Zavala, Silvio, Entradas, congregas y encomiendas en el Nuevo Reino de León (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 1992). On negotiation, translation, and mediated communications, see Metcalf, Alida, Go-Betweens and the Colonization of Brazil, 1500-1600 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005); Townsend, Camilla, Malintzin’s Choices: An Indian Woman in the Conquest of Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006); Yannakakis, Yanna, The Art of Being In-Between: Native Intermediaries, Indian Identity, and Local Rule in Colonial Oaxaca (Durham: Duke University Press, 2009); and Barr, Juliana, Peace Came in the Form of a Woman: Indians and Spaniards in the Texas Borderlands. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007).

27. Robles, Vito Alessio, Coahuila y Texas en la epoca colonial [1938], 2nd ed. (Mexico: Biblioteca Porrúa, 1978) chapts. 8,23, 26, and 27; Ríos, Eduardo Enrique, Fray Margil de Jesús: Apóstol de América, 2nd ed. (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1955). The mitote, as an indigenous institution that became integral to Spanish-indigenous diplomacy, has much in common with the parlamentos that took place in South American frontier environments. The parlamentos of Araucania, like the diplomacy of northern New Spain, over time produced forms of strategic ethnogenesis and further territorialized indigenous authority. Spanish and indigenous inter-locutors held their deliberations on carefully chosen neutral ground and even constructed architectural spaces for such occasions, in order to express parity, security, and status. Méndez Beltrán, Luz Maria, “La organi¬zación de los parlamentos de indios en el siglo XVIII” in Relaciones fronterizas en la Araucanía, eds. Villalobos, Sergio et al. (Santiago: Universidad Católica de Chile, 1982); Jones, Kristine L., “Warfare, Reorganization, and Réadaptation at the Southern Margins of Spanish Rule: The Southern Margin (1573–1883),Cambridge History of the Native Peoples of the Americas, vol. 3, eds. Saloman, Frank and Schwartz, Stuart (New York: Cam¬bridge University Press, 2000), pp. 156159; and Boceara, Guillaume, “Etnogénesis Mapuche: resistencia y restructuración entre los indígenas del centro-sur de Chile (siglos XVI–XVIII),Hispanic American Histori¬cal Review, 79:3 (August 1999), pp. 425–61.

28. José Cuello, “The Sacred Fire Dance Ritual Complex in Nomadic First-Nation Adaptation to Span¬ish Colonialism on the North Mexican Frontier,” annual meeting of the American Society of Ethnohistory, New Orleans, September 30, 2009. Mitotes as sites of diplomacy, ritual, and interethnic marriages are described in Landa and Guevara Sánchez, El viejo camino a Chiguagua, p. 81.

29. Radding, Landscapes of Power and Identity, pp. 166–187.

30. Barr, Peace Came in the Form of a Woman.

31. On indigenous and colonial roads or paths as a site of diplomatic encounter, see Barr, “Geographies of Power,” pp. 11–12.

32. Fernández de Jáuregui describes the long tradition of Spanish estancias employing Indians as long¬distance herders (p. 83). I have found the same practice employed in pueblos de indios and recorded in their mission-town account books, for example, the Hualahuises Mission Accounts and Inventories in the Bancroft Library’s MSS 75/53. On the influence of cattle on northern New Spain, see Melville, Elinor G.K., A Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Uni¬versity Press, 1994); del Hoyo, Eugenio, Señores de ganado: Nuevo Reino de León, siglo XVII (Monterrey: Gobierno del Estado, Archivo General del Estado de Nuevo León [hereafter AGENL], 1987); and Radding, Wandering Peoples. Free-range grazing and feral cattle as a source of conflict are explored in Sarreal, Julia, “Dis¬order, Wild Cattle, and a New Role for the Missions: The Banda Oriental, 1776–1786,The Americas 67:4 (April 2011), pp. 517545.

33. Fernández de Jáuregui, p. 97.

34. On indigenous diplomacy, see Blackhawk, Ned, “The Displacement of Violence: Ute Diplomacy and the Making of New Mexico’s Eighteenth-Century Northern Borderlands,Ethnohistory 54:4 (Fall 2007), pp.723755. For the following century, see Hàmalàinen, The Comanche Empire; Barr, Juliana, “Diplomacy of Gender: Rituals of First Contact in the ‘Land of Tejas,’William and Mary Quarterly 61:3 (July 2004), pp. 393434; Grifïèn, William B., Utmost Good Faith: Patterns of Apache-Mexican Hostilities in Northern Chi¬huahua Border Warfare, 1821–1848 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988); and Griffen, Apaches at War and Peace.

35. “Fundación de presidios, villas y misiones, Monterrey 3 enero 1741”; “Testimonio de la paz que dio Francisco, Indio Apóstata, Capitán de Varias Nasiones, 9 Jan. 1741,” and “Testimonio de la paz que dio Andrés, Indio Capitán de los Cacalotes, 9 enero 1741,” Salce Arredondo Collection, No. 36, Benson Library.

36. Archivo General de Simancas, Secretaría de Guerra 7027, Exp. 1, folios 8-9. Sara Ortelli has pro¬posed that northern leaders’ reports of escalating Apache attacks in the later eighteenth century are attribut¬able less to an actual escalation of violence than to northern governors’ strategies for securing resources and political autonomy. The same question may yet be explored in relation to the Sierra Tamaulipas and other reportedly high-conflict zones. Trama Ae una guerra conveniente, chapt. 3.

37. Archivo General de Simancas, Secretaría de Guerra 7027, Exp. 1, folio 9. Though these numbers of domestic animals seem unbelievable, they are still far short of the peak densities found by Melville, Elinor in the sixteenth-century Valley of Mezquital: Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 51.

38. de Guevara, Don Antonio Ladrón, Noticias Ae los poblados Ael Nuevo Reino Ae León (1738), (Mon¬terrey, N.L.: ITESM, 1969), pp. 629.

39. Flores, Raúl García, “También acá hubo Pames: Nuevo León, 1770-1830, Actas 2:3 (January 2003), p. 24. Also noted by Martínez Perales, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, p. 30.

40. The importance of these Tlaxcalan trade fairs becomes apparent in the records of the early republi¬can era when Indian communities petitioned for legal recognition of market charters even after the legal dis¬solution of the pueblos de indios. Resolutions of the Ayuntamiento of Montemorelos, No. 113, AGENL, Cor¬respondencia de los Alcaldes de Nuevo León, 1821–1826, box 2.

41. 7 August 1725 Memorial por yndios de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, AGI 173, folios 5–6; don Juan de Arellano, May 10, 1724, AGI Audiencia de Guadalajara 173, fol. 6.

SITES OF DIPLOMACY, VIOLENCE, AND REFUGE: Topography and Negotiation in the Mountains of New Spain

  • Sean F. McEnroe (a1)


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