¹ The political parties and groups in each House, together with their membership, if any, on May 1, 1948, and May 20, 1947, the latter in parentheses, were as follows: House of Representatives (466)—Democratic Liberal (Liberal until Mar. 15, 1948), 150 (129); Social Democrat, 123 (144); Democrat, 92 (132); People's Coöperative, 30 (31); Social Renovation, 21; Independent Club, 10 (18); Japan Farmers, 7 (8); Japan Liberal, 6; Communist, 4 (4); non-affiliated, 4; vacancies, 19; House of Councillors (250)—Ryokufukai (Green Breeze), 87 (91); Social Democrat, 46 (47); Democratic Liberal (Liberal until Mar. 15, 1948), 45 (44); Democrat, 45 (42); Independent Club, 14 (19); Communist, 4 (4); non-affiliated, 4 (3); vacancies, 5. “… political parties are centered around personalities, with the boss-henchmen relationship still widespread. These personalities lack consistent political policies and ideals … [hence] it is possible for them to split up readily or to band together…” Kinichi, Saionji, “Why Does the Political Situation Not Become Stabilized?,” Sekai Jeep (monthly magazine), Mar., 1948.Google Scholar

² Constitution, Art. 41.

³ Exception: “The bill intended to increase the salaries for themselves was the only one to which the legislators of both Houses literally gave unanimous consent during the stormy 1st session.” Kyodo Press Service, Dec. 11, 1947.

⁴ The other 20: Foreign Affairs, Public Safety, Land Planning, Judiciary, Education, Culture, Public Welfare, Labor, Agriculture-Forestry, Fisheries, Commerce, Mining-Industry, Electricity, Transportation, Communications, Finance, Budget, Audit, Library, Discipline. Diet Law, Art. 42.

⁵ First organized as the Consultative Council in 1904 to bring about the downfall of the Ito cabinet, this body of party agents, on Jan. 31, 1939, adopted the title of Interparty Negotiating Conference and framed the Regulations under which it still functions. Art. 1 authorizes the speaker to convene party delegates “to confer on matters deemed necessary by the speaker.” Art. 2 stipulates that each bargaining body must have 25 or more members. Art. 5 requires the presence of at least one representative from each bargaining body before the Conference can sit. Art. 6 requires that the “proceedings … shall be decided unanimously.” Art. 7 binds all parties to Conference decisions. Art. 8 permits an agent of each small party to “listen to the proceedings” and, with the speaker's consent, to express opinions. In 1947, the House of Councillors organized an Interparty Conference, which adopted these regulations, excepting Art. 2. (Information furnished by the secretaries-general of the Houses.) The Diet Law, Art. 55, states: “The gicho shall fix the calendar of proceedings and give advance notice of same to the House.” Early in May, 1948, the Houses jointly proposed to dispense with the Interparty Conference by adding the following clause to Art. 55 of the Diet Law: “In fixing the calendar, the gicho may consult only with, but need not be bound by the decisions of, a sub-committee of the House Steering Committee.” Supported by all parties, this amendment is expected to win Diet approval.

⁶ House of Representatives, Secretary-General's notes on Interparty Conference Proceedings, Apr. 5, 1948 (stenographic records of these meetings are not taken). The resolution of condolence was given priority.

⁷ Switching to the arch-conservative Democratic Liberal party in Apr., 1948, left-wing Socialist Moriyama Takehiko, acrimoniously perhaps, explained: “I think the Socialist party is fascistic. All matters are decided by the Central Executive Committee and the other members have no voice in anything.” Shin Hochi, Apr. 20, 1948. Jiji Press reported, Mar. 19, 1948: “During the past 11 months, a total of 285 members of the House of Representatives criss-crossed from one party to another in search of the best political cushion to fall back upon.” During this period, one member started as a Liberal, left the party and became an independent, later affiliated with the Doshi Club (rebel Democrats), and wound up in the Democratic Liberal party, whence he started. Ibid.

⁸ This is by custom only. Yamazaki Takeshi, Liberal, on assuming the speakership in 1946, resigned from his party but rejoined it before the general election of Apr., 1947. Speaker Matsuoka Komakichi, Socialist, retained his party membership during the first and second Diet sessions. The parties in power would not accept an opposition member for speaker or vice-speaker for fear he might entertain a motion of no-confidence in the cabinet at an inopportune moment. The latter point was explained to the writer by Prime Minister Ashida Hitoshi.

⁹ Art. 16. Jimmin, June 25, 1947, editorialized: “There was no partiality shown in the recent appointment of the chairmen of the standing committees, who were determined on the basis of technical knowledge and experience.” The Kanazawa Hokkoku Mainichi, June 5, 1947, commented on the same subject: “… men of ministerial class or of greater ability should be placed as chairmen…. From this point of view, the nomination of chairmen of the standing committees in both Houses, made public on June 3, fulfilled our expectations.” From Asahi, June 4, 1947: “… yesterday the chairmen and members of the 21 standing committees were selected, and the nerve centers of the new National Diet came into existence.”

¹⁰ On the surface, party conflict is less pronounced in the House of Councillors than in the House of Representatives. Plenary sessions in the former are, by contrast, orderly and dignified, a carry-over from the House of Peers, whose tradition of decorum is cherished. Actually, the Democrats, Liberals, Socialists, and Communists—comprising 140 of the 250 members of the second chamber, are as rabidly partisan as their legislative brethren in the opposite wing. Ostensibly a group of independents, the 87 members of the Ryokufukai (Green Breeze Society) are known partisans, expected to join the party of their preference sooner or later.

¹¹ Cabinet appointees of chokunin rank under the Meiji constitution, these important officials are now employees of the Houses. If the incumbent secretaries-general, carried over from the old régime, have not entirely abandoned their bureaucratic habits, they have skillfully and patiently coached the National Diet tyros in the use of the new parliamentary procedures. Ozaki Yukio, member of the Diet continuously since 1890 and its most outspoken critic, bluntly observed that members of the first National Diet lack “knowledge of how to run the Diet. The Speaker of the Lower House seems to be an intelligent man, but as he knows scarcely anything about the procedure of the Diet, he is forced to conduct business in line with the instructions of the Secretary-General and other bureaucrats.” Shin Hochi, July 31, 1947.

¹² Compelled by his party to resign the chairmanship of the budget committee of the House of Representatives because, as he confessed, “… my behavior has caused not only the fall of the Katayama cabinet but a schism within our party at a time when it is urgently necessary for us to unite closely as a perfect opposition party to face the next elections,” Suzuki Mosaburo said: “I am certain that my attitude as ehairman of the budget committee toward raising railway fares and postal rates … conformed with the general wishes of the people and the decision of our party's national convention. It was by no means permissible under the authority of the National Diet and the responsibility of a government party blindly to swallow the budget bill in question when there were other financial sources available.” Tokyo Shimbun, Feb. 14, 1948.

¹³ Details explained to writer by various Diet members and officials.

¹⁴ Diet Law, Art. 42, 51, 103, 104, 106; Constitution, Art. 85: “No money shall be expended … except as authorized by the Diet.”

¹⁵ At the outset of the first Diet session, replying to a correspondent's question concerning this new Diet function, Speaker Matsuoka prophesied: “We can now investigate at our will and I believe we will be rather active.” Yomiuri, June 24, 1947. During the succeeding eleven months, a total of 63 junkets was made by Diet standing committees.

¹⁶ First page headline, Nippon Times, Aug. 13, 1947: “Man-in-the-Street Has His Say At Hearings on Adultery Issue: Teachers, Office Workers, Farmers, Authors, and Others Asked to Testify.” Although this was the first time the people ever participated in the legislative process, the press covered the hearing as if it had been a commonplace Diet occurrence.

¹⁷ Diet Law, Art. 78.

¹⁸ The earlier free discussion sessions drew some interesting newspaper comment. Asahi, July 8, 1947: “… the lower House held its first free discussion on July 7 … the sweltering galleries were filled to capacity … every political party seemed to have picked its most spirited speakers … Contrary to expectations, the free discussion lacked vigor … After adjournment … someone made the criticism that it was like the radio program “The Man In The Street.” Nevertheless, the fact that national assemblymen … should reveal their true positions in a public hall filled with spectators is good for the development of democracy;” Jiji Press, July 8, 1947: “… Mrs. Togano made her debut as the first woman speaker of this session, but her speech failed to impress the assembly;” Shin Hochi, July 13, 1947: “If this system is introduced into local assemblies, self-governing bodies, labor unions, and all other organizations, it will do much for the progress of democratic politics…. This is the best chance for the Diet … to get rid of its old customs and traditions and devise a new procedure for expressing individual opinions;” Asahi, July 31, 1947: “… since this system is a new feature of our parliamentary government, we believe that the standard of free debate will rise;” Jimmin, Aug. 6, 1947: “… members have wasted these ten days by holding free discussions and meetings.”

¹⁹ Explained to writer by Asanuma Inejiro, secretary-general, Socialist party, and chairman of the House of Representatives Steering Committee.

²⁰ These tactics were used by the Socialist party in opposing the Election Law Amendment Bill during the closing days of the 92nd session. Headline in Nippon Times, Mar. 28, 1947 Google Scholar: “Fists Fly in Diet as Liberals Clash with Cabinet Foes; Lower Chamber is Thrown into Pandemonium; 2 Members Suffer Severe Contusions.” The same issue went on to say: “A free-for-all in the House of Representatives Election Law Amendment Bill Committee Wednesday, evoking memories of the old party politics days, resulted in some casualties and a lawsuit against the Socialist Party…. The fight began when Yamamura Shinjiro, Liberal, made a motion to cut short the speech of Satake Haruki, Socialist…. Both Government and Opposition members sprang to their feet and blows began to rain … the argument overflowed into the corridors…. Meanwhile, the Interparty Conference meeting Wednesday failed to reach agreement…. The Liberal and Progressive parties issued a joint statement bitterly criticizing the ‘unconstitutional’ action of the Opposition members in resorting to violence and inexcusable interference with the Committee proceedings … in direct contradiction of tne principles of parliamentary politics.”

²¹ Title of editorial in Nippon Times, Nov. 25, 1947. These tactics were employed by the Liberal party and a fifth of the Democrats in an effort to defeat the Temporary State Control of Coal Mining Bill during the closing days of the first session of the National Diet. Headline in Mainichi, Nov. 23, 1947 Google Scholar: “Violence and Swearing Mark Three Days of Diet Brawls.” The article continued: “When Speaker Matsuoka asked for the presentation of an interim report by Chairman Ito of the Mining-Industry Committee at a plenary session held on the afternoon of November 22, about 15 Liberals rushed to the Speaker's seat, throwing the Diet into great confusion. Imamura of the Liberal Party rushed to the rostrum and grappled with guards. When he was ordered by the Speaker to leave the hall, all Liberals opposed the order, loudly accusing the Speaker of ‘arbitrariness’…. On the night of November 21 … a plenary session began as late as 9:40 and the Liberals resorted to delaying tactics. Seven had cast their votes when the Speaker declared adjournment of the meeting at 12:00 p.m…. Oyama Ikuo, who came home recently from his long exile in America, stated: ‘At first I could not believe that such bad behavior could happen in the democratic Diet … but now I … know that the report is true. It makes me very ashamed!”

²² This explanation was made to the writer by a number of Liberal party leaders. But Asahi, Nov. 25, 1947, raised another point: “What we wish to consider especially on this occasion i3 whether such acts on the part of Diet members are not rooted deeply in the very fabric of our national traits…. The sorry psychology that takes these things to be only a daily commonplace is presumably at the back of all minds among the Japanese…. Unless we thoroughly correct this vicious habit … there is a fertile soil for the reappearance of fascism.”

²³ Employed or supported by a political party, these “non-parliamentary members of political parties”—ex-Diet members, former bodyguards of cabinet ministers, hangers-on—constitute the administrative staff, assisting with election campaigns, downtown shopping for members, correspondence, and other odds and ends. It has been customary for each party to employ twenty or more ingaidan, supplying them with coat-lapel insignia for entering and leaving the Diet building unmolested by the guards. On Aug. 5, 1946, one of these bullies roughed-up a Diet guard, an incident dramatized by the press a month later, when a Yomiuri reporter learned of it. Nippon Times, Sept. 10, 1946.

²⁴ Also referred to as kuromaku (“black curtain,” hence back-of-the-scenes manipulators, or just plain wire-pullers) and oyabun (master, hence political boss, boss of ingaidan, one who unselfishly gives away money). Investigating behind-the-scenes money donations by one Tsuji Karoku, to 80 or more Diet candidates in Apr., 1947, the House of Representatives Illegal Property Transactions Special Investigating Committee, during Apr., 1948, revealed that Tsuji had received several millions of yen for this purpose. The president of a large industrial firm testified: “I accommodated Mr. Tsuji with one million yen around Aug., 1947, and two million yen during and after the war…. Since I was 21 years of age, I have looked upon him, so to speak, as my father. He teases me for his pocket money. Last August my firm was in difficulty, but I managed to give him one million yen by letting an office building and by contracting debts…. I think Mr. Tsuji made use of the money … to clear his debts … his lavishing money for political parties and states men is his disagreeable hobby.” House of Representatives, Minutes of the Illegal Property Transactions Special Investigating Committee, Apr. 7, 1948. “Hatoyama, ex-president of the Liberal Party … received one million yen from Tsuji to build himself a new house … even the rent for the room of a restaurant which the Liberal Party uses as its headquarters has been paid by such ill-gotten money. People have always entertained various doubts about the supply of funds to political parties, but they certainly must not have guessed that the political world was corrupt to this extent.” Jimmin, Apr. 17, 1948.

²⁵ In a Socialist party caucus held on Nov. 24, charges were made that “coal mine operators were threatening Representatives supporting the bill within the sacred walls of the National Assembly…. By this, it became clear that the confusion, violence, and drag-out tactics employed by the Liberal Party since Nov. 20 were all a part of a prearranged plan. Moreover, it is clear that these actions were conducted under the close supervision of the coal-mine operators.” Tokyo Mimpo, Nov. 26, 1947. A Socialist member reported: “We went over to the lobby of the Liberal Party…. When we got there, there were some coal-mine operators standing around … and they challenged us with, ‘If you're looking for a fight, here are five of us coal men. We'll take you on at any time!’” Ibid.

²⁶ This was accomplished principally through shokutaku (non-official staff), full-time employees of banks, insurance companies, industries, and control associations, who occupied offices in the different ministry buildings and participated in the plans and operations of these executive agencies. By Cabinet Order No. 56, promulgated Mar. 16, 1948, the shokutaku system was abolished.

²⁷ Decision on the prime ministership was in absolute doubt until 3:00 p.m., May 23, when a “Big Four” conference broke the four-day deadlock over the chief executive's post. Yoshida had remained the betting favorite until the last minute. A straw in the wind was the selection the previous evening of a Socialist for speaker of the House of Representatives, with the support of the strong Ashida faction of the Democrats and of the People's Coöperatives. Ashida maneuvered the Liberals out of the picture and at the same time prevailed upon the Socialists to keep left-wingers out of the cabinet. Daily articles in Nippon Times, May 10–25, 1947.

²⁸ Constitution, Art. 69.

²⁹ The cabinet had decided to increase railway and postal rates by cabinet order for the purpose of raising money with which to pay all government workers a bonus of eight-tenths of a month's salary. But the increased revenues could not be paid until appropriated for that purpose by the Diet. For sound economic and political reasons, the left-wing Socialists in the House of Representatives budget committee were determined to defeat this appropriation measure at all costs. Had Katayama pressed the issue any further, the House of Representatives would have voted against him—an action which would have constituted a vote of no-confidence in the cabinet. Mainichi, Feb. 9, 1948.

³⁰ In a statement explaining his resignation, Katayama referred to “difficulties of the internal situation of political parties…. The decision to resign without resorting especially to dissolving the National Diet at this time is due to a serious consideration for the existing situation both within and outside the Cabinet.” Nippon Times, Feb. 11, 1948.

³¹ Proceedings of the House of Representatives, No. 19, Feb. 21, 1948; Proceedings of the House of Councillors, No. 13, Feb. 21, 1948. Constitution, Art. 67: “If the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors disagree [on the designation of the prime minister] and if no agreement can be reached even through a joint committee … the decision of the House of Representatives shall be the decision of the Diet.” A joint committee of the Houses met briefly on Feb. 23 and disagreed, thereby completing the requirements for the designation of Ashida by the Diet.

³² Yomiuri, Mar. 4, 1948.

³³ “True constitutional principles” is a reference to the normal course under the old system, wherein “political power did not always go to the first party, nor did a government resign en bloc simply because it had lost the majority in the Diet. On the contrary, a party cabinet, even if commanding a majority in the Diet, was apt to resign en bloc if it came to a deadlock. Then the opposition party, generally a minority, organized a cabinet, dissolved the Diet, became the first party by holding a general election, and remained in power until it failed. This was the usual procedure of party politics under the old constitution.” Mainichi, Feb. 10, 1948. The “Constitution Safeguarding Movement” was launched six days after Katayama's resignation by the Liberals, Communists, Shidehara Democrats, Independent Club, Japan Farmers, and the National Farmers Union Club. Members who wore the white rose did so in the belief that it was a symbol of true constitutionalism, having its ropts in the early nineteenth century. The French had used it, they believed, and Diet members wore the flower in 1912 in protest against the unconstitutional behavior of Premier General Katsura Taro. “Ever since,” one veteran politician explained, “the white rose has always bloomed in the dimly lit halls of the Diet building whenever dark political clouds hang menacingly over the Diet, threatening to bring pressure to bear on the constitution.” Jiji Press, Feb. 19, 1948.

³⁴ House of Representatives Election Law, Art. 10: “Officials and those treated as officials with the exceptions hereafter listed may not combine their offices with membership in the House of Representatives: 1. Cabinet ministers, 2. Chief secretary of the cabinet, 3. President of the Bureau of Legislation, 4. Parliamentary under-secretaries of all ministries, 5. Parliamentary councillors of all ministries, 6. Private secretaries of the premier, 7. Private secretaries of all ministries, 8. Private secretaries to state ministers.” Diet Law, Art. 39: “Members cannot be appointed to committees, advisory posts, non-official staff (shokutaku), or other similar branches of the Government, unless such an appointment is fixed by law or provided by a decision of the Diet.” At the height of the dispute, Yomiuri, June 6, 1947, declared: “… we fear from the depth of our hearts that the posts of parliamentary vice-ministers and councillors have become the targets of job-seekers. In the recent election, it was rumored that the vice-ministership and councillorship were worth 500,000 and 300,000 yen, respectively…. These office-seekers consider that the holding of these government posts will surely mean victory in the next election.”

³⁵ Proceedings of the House of Representatives, No. 39, Apr. 5, 1948; Appendix to Proceedings of the House of Councillors, No. 31, Apr. 7, 1948. Concerning the mad scramble for these posts, Asahi, Mar. 18, 1948, pointed out: “The use of an automobile, a private office equipped with a buzzer with which they can call their subordinates at any time, etc., may be the attraction of the position.” Seiji, Mar. 23, 1948, observed that the objectives claimed for the system “can be readily achieved through the present standing committees composed of Diet members who are authorized to investigate all matters concerning administration. Moreover, the party government system nullifies the need for a special liaison organ between the government and the government parties.”

³⁶ Jiji Press, June 17, 1947.

³⁷ Prime Minister Ashida, together with his finance minister and the attorney-general, argued the case for extending the second Diet session before committees of both Houses. House of Representatives, Minutes of the Steering Committee, Apr. 22, 1948; House of Councillors, Minutes of the Steering Committee, Apr. 26, 1948.

³⁸ Yukan Miyako, Aug. 24, 1947: “The Upper House opposes the original bill approved by the Lower House on the grounds that it tends to encourage bureaucratic despotism by affording ordinance power to establish or abolish government agencies…. The House of Representatives, which approved the bill unconditionally, is to blame for its carelessness…. Therefore, the sole solution is for the Lower House to frankly admit its fault and to accept the opinion of the Upper House…. Both Houses should unite against the cabinet and the bureaucracy.” Shin Yukan, Sept. 2, 1947: “Another noteworthy point is the attack of the opposition parties led by the Liberal Party which caused the Lower House to yield…. The Lower House … planned to defy the Upper House and override the amendment by a two-thirds vote.” The press generally lauded the House of Councillors for putting the cabinet on notice concerning that clause of Article 73 of the constitution which permits the issuance of cabinet orders only “in order to execute the provisions of this Constitution and of the law.”

³⁹ House of Representatives, Minutes of the Budget Committee, Dec. 16, 1947. This statement grew out of the Socialist party executive committee's decision on December 8 “(1) To reform the existing system by breaking the Account Bureau's monopoly of budget deliberations, and (2) To superintend execution of the budget constantly by instituting a Financial Superintendence Committee centered around the National Diet.” Jiji Press, Dec. 9, 1947.

⁴⁰ Meeting of 21 standing committee chairmen, House of Representatives, with the speaker, June 30, 1947. The House of Councillors held a similar meeting a few days later. On July 24, the Transportation Ministry transferred to the Diet 18 foreign-made military vehicles and a number of sedans requisitioned from various ministries. The Ministry also agreed to furnish gasoline, while the Diet hired the chauffeurs. Previously no committee chairman had ever been furnished an official vehicle.

⁴¹ Minutes, Joint Meeting of the Diet Library Committees, June 26, 1947.

⁴² House of Councillors, Minutes of the Steering Committee, Sept. 27, 1947.

⁴³ House of Councillors, Minutes of the Communications Committee, Oct. 2, 1947.

⁴⁴ The Diet on Aug. 1, 1947, demanded that national property surrounding the capitol be taken over as building sites for the projected library, members' offices, members' apartments, standing committee office buildings, etc. By May, 1948, eight of these frame structures were nearing completion.

⁴⁵ House of Representatives, Secretary General's notes on Interparty Conference Proceedings, Feb. 27, Mar. 1, 3, 1948.

⁴⁶ Proceedings of the House of Representatives, No. 11, Jan. 30, 1948. Taking the rostrum in the House to deliver his resignation speech, the accused said: “I am sorry to have caused you trouble … I cannot help believing that there is some politics connected with arresting me while the Diet is in session on the suspicion of fraud … not an uncommon crime and in my opinion not a serious one … I do not see any reason why a Diet member should have to be arrested on this suspicion. I willingly tender my resignation in deference to the position of the members of the Diet, protected by Art. 50 of the Constitution.”