¹ Lipset, Seymour Martin, Political Man (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1959)Google Scholar, Chapter 3.

² In addition to the work involved, political resistance may prevent survey work. See Irving L. Horowitz, “The Life and Death of Project Camelot,” and Silvert, Kalman H., “American Academic Ethics and Social Research Abroad,” both reprinted in U.S. Congress, House of Representatives, 89th Cong. 2nd Sess., International Education: Past, Present, Problems, and Prospects (Washington: GPO, 1967)Google Scholar.

³ Our proposition finds considerable justification in the discussion of Gurr, Ted in “Psychological Factors in Civil Violence,” World Politics, 20 (Jan., 1968), 245–278CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also his article in the present issue of this Review.

⁴ The correlation is much better on a worldwide basis. See Lipset, op. cit., Chapter 2; Russett, Bruce M., Trends in World Politics (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965)Google Scholar, Chapter 8; and Almond, Gabriel and Coleman, James C., Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959)Google Scholar.

⁵ Rostow, Walt W., The Stages of Economic Growth (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1960), pp. 4–6Google Scholar.

⁶ Deutsch, Karl W., “Social Mobilization and Political Development,” this Review, 55 (Sept., 1961), 493–514Google Scholar.

⁷ Lewis, Oscar, “The Culture of Poverty,” Scientific American, 215 (Oct., 1966), 19–26CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed. The “culture of poverty,” in the terms of our discussion, is the culture belonging to the uprooted and poor population in a socially mobilized society. The participants in this culture, while themselves only partially mobilized, can be swept quickly into political movements that appeal to their objective and psychological needs.

⁸ Almond, Gabriel, “A Developmental Approach to Political Systems,” World Politics, 18 (Jan., 1965), 183–214CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Russett, op. cit., pp. 121–135.

¹⁰ Schultz, Theodore W., The Economic Value of Education (New York: Columbia University Press, 1963)Google Scholar. A discussion of the importance of education in the economic development of Central America is presented in McCamant, John F., Development Assistance in Central America (New York: Praeger, 1968)Google Scholar, Chapter 7.

¹¹ LaPalombara, Joseph and Werner, Myron, Political Parties and Political Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Huntington, Samuel P., “Political Development and Political Decay,” World Politics, 18 (April, 1965), 386–430CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ It is usual at this point to make an apology for Latin American statistics. Without a doubt the statistics used in this essay are not entirely reliable, but they have been gathered through standardized procedures developed by the Organization of American States and the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and other United Nation Agencies. The emphasis on planning since 1960 has given considerable impulse to the improvement of the statistical procedures. Therefore we think that whatever inaccuracies exist are not of such magnitude as to discredit their use. For a fuller discussion of the use of aggregate data see, McGranahan, Ronald V., “Comparative Social Research in the United Nations,” in Merritt, Richard L. and Rokkan, Stein (eds.), Comparing Nations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ The population standard deviation was used in preference to the sample standard deviation. The formula for the mean is:

M = Σ×i/N

The formula for the standard deviation is:

¹⁵ A multiple regression analysis could be made if there were available system stability scores arrived at independently of the analysis here. Unfortunately none are available, and even if a multiple regression were possible it would not identify the real causal relationships. At this point, one can only judge whether the correct weight has been given the factors by whether the final score fits the historical qualitative data on Latin American politics.

¹⁶ Russett, op. cit., pp. 112–114.

¹⁷ Almond, Gabriel and Powell, Bingham, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (New York: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), p. 195Google Scholar.

¹⁸ This was brought out in Almond, Gabriel and Verba, Sidney, The Civic Culture (New York: Little, Brown and Co., 1965), pp. 66–67Google Scholar. Almond and Verba found “… a pattern of high system affect coupled with a rejection of actual performance of the government,” and that, “Mexican pride in nation, thus, does seem to depend to some extent on the continuing symbolic identification with the Mexican Revolution.”

¹⁹ Data taken from same sources as for Tables 2 and 3 except that per capita gross domestic product was figured from data in United Nations Statistical Yearbook 1963.

²⁰ Illán, José M., Cuba-Datos sobre una Economia en Ruinas (Florida, 1963, privately published)Google Scholar.

²¹ For a fuller description see Seers, Dudleyet al., Cuba: The Economic and Social Revolution (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1964)Google Scholar.

²² Ruttenberg, Charles, “Measures of Civil Violence,” in Gurr, Ted, The Conditions of Civil Violence: First Tests of a Causal Model (Princeton: Center of International Studies, 1967)Google Scholar.

²³ Russett, Bruce M., et al., World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964)Google Scholar.