¹ The Potsdam Proclamation of July 26, 1945, provides the basis for initial directives issued to occupation authorities regarding control of political forces. The basic initial post-surrender directive to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers for the Occupation and Control of Japan, dated Nov. 1, 1945, is published in Documents and State Papers, United States Department of State, Vol. I, No. 1, Apr., 1948, pp. 32–45.

² For a brief analysis of the purge, see Quigley, Harold S., “The Great Purge in Japan,” Pacific Affairs, Sept., 1947, pp. 299–308.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ The Seiyukai finally split, after prolonged factional strife, in February, 1939, forming two large separately organized branches and one small group of neutrals. Nakajima Chikuhei, a retired naval officer and wealthy airplane manufacturer close to the industrialists exploiting the munitions program, led the largest group of 96. Kuhara Fusanosuke, wealthy mining entrepreneur, joined forces with Hatoyama's group of 30–35 followers to head 71 members. The neutrals numbered originally 11, and were composed of the ambitious who sought to offend neither faction. The Hatoyama group had by far the best and cleanest legislative record of the conservative groups between 1937 and 1943.

⁴ The Doko Kai was dominated by 18 Hatoyama Seiyukai members; 11 members were Minseito, 4 Shakai Taishuto (Social Mass party) men, one was an independent, and three were without clear affiliation. It was dissolved in May, 1942, when the Imperial Rule Assistance Political Society was formed. (Diet Secretariat Records Office.)

⁵ Minseito veterans Kawasaki Katsu and Saito Takao had provisionally agreed to join the Hatoyama party in Sept., 1945, but withdrew when the Ugaki move was launched. Saito was important as a “post-card name” to the Progressives, desperate for something to give the party a specious air of liberalism. Ozaki Yukio lent his name originally to the party as an adviser, but his long-standing anti-party position blocked any active affiliation. Professor Minobe Tatsukichi, noted for his organic theory of the state, was also an adviser. Socialist Katayama Tetsu was the only founder of the Social Democratic party who was a member of the Doko Kai; however, Hatoyama had had associations with other Social Democrats in the 1943 fight against the Tojo strengthening of the peace preservation laws. It appears probable that, while no agreement to join the Liberal party was ever given, an understanding may have been reached, after the purge directive, to coöperate against the Progressives in the next government. This is broadly hinted at by Nishio Suehiro in an unreported speech to the Social Democratic convention on Jan. 16, 1946, and was confirmed by statements of Liberal party leaders to this writer.

⁶ Information given by Kono Mitsu, Social Democrat, Ando Masazumi, Liberal, and Tsurumi Yusuke, Progressive, to writer, Mar.–Apr., 1948.

⁷ The name “Liberal” was selected for two major reasons, the lesser being its pleasing sound in Occupation ears. More fundamental was its evocative appeal to early Seiyukai history in its identification with the Itagaki Taisuke Liberal party founded in 1881 in the crusading days of Meiji politics. As the Kenseito, it helped to form the Seiyukai in 1900. See Quigley, H. S., Japanese Government and Politics (New York, 1932), pp. 201–211.Google Scholar

⁸ Party divisions and rivalry in the Seiyukai forced a search for funds in all directions. To suppose that the party relied on the Mitsui Zaibatsu is a gross oversimplification. In this period of factionalism, the Hatoyama Seiyukai was under special pressure, since it was least intimate with the military bureaucracy after 1937.

⁹ Supreme Commander Allied Powers, Summation of Non-Military Activities in Japan and Korea, Feb., 1946, p. 33.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid., Nov., 1945, pp. 27, 31. Hatoyama favored curtailing the powers of the House of Peers and increasing those of the House of Representatives. His views were considerably more liberal than those of the Progressives. (Hatoyama to writer.)

¹¹ The Imperial Rule Assistance Political Society was formed of practically all Diet members elected in the Tojo election of 1942. It was organized in May, 1942, to overcome the objections to the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, the government, and the bad taste left by the outrageously controlled 1942 election. The Great Japan Political Society was organized on Mar. 13, 1945, and was dissolved in Sept., 1945.

¹² General Ugaki, favorite war minister in Minseito cabinets, had had political ambitions since 1931. As premier-designate in 1937, he had failed to organize a cabinet when the army refused to name a minister of war. Ugaki retired from post-surrender politics when it became clear that military men were de trop in the new era. He has since been purged.

¹³ Officially termed the Japan Progressive party. See Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 6, 1945; Nippon Times, Nov. 19, Dec. 7, 1945.

¹⁴ Original party lists were drawn without always first obtaining members' consent; for that reason, apparent party strength was fluctuating. Of the original 288 names posted, 20 later changed affiliation once or oftener.

¹⁵ No general elections were held after the split in the Seiyukai before the parties were dissolved in June–Aug., 1940. See Japan Year Book, 1942.

¹⁶ Pre-organization lists prepared by Tsurumi Yusuke, Nov., 1945.

¹⁷ Summation of Non-Military Activities in Japan and Korea, Dec., 1945, p. 25; Mainichi Shimbun, Dec. 19, 1945.

¹⁸ Asahi Shimbun, Nov. 17, 1945, carries the party platform in brief.

¹⁹ In all, 18 Diet members resigned between Dec. 1 and 17, 1945; of these, only one was a Progressive. The reduction from 288 to 270 represents quite accurately the over-sanguine listing by party founders. (Diet Secretariat records.)

²⁰ Leaders in pre-war Minseito agreed on this evaluation in statements to the writer, Apr., 1948.

²¹ The Minseito lost to the Seiyukai by 2 seats in the Seiyukai-controlled election of 1928, swamped it in 1930, lost badly in the Manchurian-Seiyukai election of 1932, and won handily in 1936 and 1937. See Japan Year Book for election results.

²² Of the 18, 3 were Minseito, 6 Hatoyama Seiyukai, 5 first-term members, 1 Nakajima Seiyukai, the rest in minor groups.

²³ Summation of Non-Military Activities in Japan and Korea, Feb., 1946, p. 33.

²⁴ Hatoyama was the only politician of national stature purged by a special SCAP directive. He was cited for his position as chief secretary in the Tanaka cabinet, 1927–29, his restraints upon the schools as minister of education, his book of European travel, his 1942 election-statement, and his oppression of a farm movement. His supporters remain amazingly loyal, contending that he was a victim of a whirlwind leftist newspaper smear campaign which utterly ignored his consistent opposition to military régimes between 1936 and 1943, his support of constitutional government, and his parliamentary record over the same period. It is a fact that the most consistent supporters of parliamentary rights were among his intimate followers.

²⁵ Ando Masazumi was considered the chief loss among “parliamentarians” by party leaders.

²⁶ Ono had been an ingaidan to Hara Kei, a position combining the functions of trusted liaison man, messenger, and organization whip among both parliamentary and non-parliamentary groups.

²⁷ Yoshida accepted the position on three conditions, all of which posited that his occupancy would be temporary. He was not elected president until Aug. 18, 1946.

²⁸ Three of the four Liberals purged after the 1946 election were leading figures. The Socialists, notably, lost more men, but they were not major leaders. In the post-1947 election purges, 9 Liberals were removed, among them such leaders as Kita Reikichi, noted economist, Tanikawa Noboru, an experienced career official, and Ishi Mitsujiro, former Asahi executive and recent cabinet member under Yoshida. No top level Democrat or Socialist—save Hirano Rikizo—was removed after the election. While this apparently biased application of the purge ultimately hurt the Liberals, their opponents claim that it gave that party unfair electioneering advantage during the crucial April of 1947.

²⁹ Summation of Non-Military Activities, Japan, Jan., 1947.

³⁰ Notably Okubo Tomejiro, former mayor of Tokyo, and Hanashi Shingoro.

³¹ Inukai Ken to writer, Dec., 1947. The plural ballot system, coupled with large plural-member constituencies, provided the voter with at least two votes in all but 14 electoral districts, in which he had three. Designed to aid new and minority parties against established organizations on the right, it resulted in capricious voting which makes analysis of election figures difficult. The writer's chauffeur, for instance, voted for a Liberal and a Communist; many of the 39 women elected admittedly owed their election to second-choice “courtesy” ballots.

³² Notably in Kumamoto prefecture, Kyushu.

³³ In 1946, the Progressives failed to win any seats in the Hokkaido; the Coöperatives won 7. In Nagano, a former Minseito leader was credited with Coöperative success in one constituency. In Hiroshima, after the application of the purge and the affiliation of independents, the Coöperatives held 6 seats to the Progressives' none. A leading Hiroshima Coöperative, Matsumoto Takizo, is regarded as the heir to a Minseito seat. In Kagoshima, a former Minseito Diet member, Yamamoto Sanehiko, became the post-election president of the Coöperatives, but was purged in Dec., 1946. Miki Takeo, who succeeded him as president, has personal but no organizational ties with the neutral Seiyukai leader, Kanemitsu Tsuneo.

³⁴ Three came from Akita, 4 each from Kyoto and Hyogo, one each from Hiroshima, Ishikawa, Mie, and Fukushima prefectures, where the pre-war Minseito had been predominant. (Diet Secretariat records.)

³⁵ Men with such business or professional affiliations were “of course” elected, leaders of all parties have told the writer.

³⁶ Chief political editor of the Asahi Shimbun to writer, Apr., 1948; Tsurumi Yusuke to writer, Mar., 1948.

³⁷ It is traditional in Japanese politics for each party to designate its “official” candidate in each district, although anyone can run on the ticket.

³⁸ These included provision for housing, transportation, and food. Holders of government posts were more effective electioneers than private citizens. Even the relatively innocuous posts of parliamentary vice-minister and councillor were keenly competed for.

³⁹ The incident was settled by the resignation of Speaker Higai after a no-confidence vote was defeated on Aug. 24, 1946.

⁴⁰ The Liberal party supplied members with much saké and many instructions.

⁴¹ An American correspondent's story in the Nippon Times of Nov. 23, 1947, which appeared in other papers at the same time, linked such organizations and a loosely identified network of other connections into a “hidden government” of subversive intentions. As in the famous “Tsuji case” of Tsuji Karoku, it betrayed considerable ignorance of Japanese traditions and manners as well as of American counterparts. It caused serious consternation in Japanese official circles and led to Diet interpellations on the subject on Nov. 26, 1947. It confused the boss-gang with top level policy planning.

⁴² These, plus two others, retained the name of the Japan Liberal party. (Diet Secretariat records.)

⁴³ Statements of Democratic party leaders to writer, Feb.–Mar., 1948.

⁴⁴ This is made bluntly clear in Yoshida's statements at the time he refused to enter a four-party coalition, May 19, 1947. The same views were expressed in the initial launching by the Liberals of the “national salvation party” drive to unite conservatives, Oct.–Nov., 1947.

⁴⁵ Summation of Non-Military Activities, Japan, Feb., 1948, pp. 37–38.

⁴⁶ Speculation as to Ugaki's clearance from the purge and leadership in a revived rightist conservative party was still current in politically-minded Japanese circles in Apr., 1948, despite Ugaki's 77 years.

⁴⁷ For an interesting if general account of post-war bureaucracy and its traditional power, see Maki, John M., “Rôle of the Bureaucracy in Japan,” Pacific Affairs, Dec., 1947, pp. 391–406.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁸ The Democrats were Kurusu Takao, June, 1947–Feb., 1948, a personal friend of Ashida Hitoshi, and Kitamura Tokutaro, since Mar., 1948.

⁴⁹ See article in next issue by Dr. Harry E. Wildes for a more detailed treatment of this aspect and a different interpretation.

⁵⁰ A special Diet Hoarded Goods Committee was established in July, 1947, and was reorganized in Dec., 1947, as the Illegal Transactions Investigation Committee. See Summation of Non-Military Activities, Japan, Jan., 1948, pp. 29–32; Feb., 1948, pp. 42–44.

⁵¹ Ibid. The Japanese press is currently full of “reports” of such transactions.

⁵² Major moves occurred in Feb., Aug., and Dec., 1946, Feb., 1947; steady pressure has been applied since Oct., 1947. Each period is notable for upsurges of labor unrest or a “threat” of socialistic measures.

⁵³ Tsurumi Yusuke and Seko Koichi to writer, Apr., 1948.

⁵⁴ Ibid.

⁵⁵ Notably in Tochigi, Ibaragi, and Fukushima prefectures; less in Aichi and certain prefectures in southern Japan.