Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-r6qrq Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-27T06:28:46.523Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Effect of Protesters’ Gender on Public Reactions to Protests and Protest Repression

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 March 2024

MARTIN NAUNOV*
Affiliation:
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States
*
Corresponding author: Martin Naunov, PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, United States, naunovm@live.unc.edu.

Abstract

This study examines how protesters’ gender shapes public reactions to protests and protest repression. Using an original survey experiment, I demonstrate that protests involving extensive participation by women are perceived as less violent and meriting of repression than male-dominated protests. But perceptions of female protesters vary. Patriarchy-defiant female protesters like feminists are deemed more deserving of repression despite being perceived as equally likely to be peaceful as female protesters who emphasize patriarchy-compliant femininities, such as women who highlight their roles as mothers and wives. This, I show, is because patriarchy-defiant women are viewed as more immoral, which renders their protest accounts less trustworthy when they clash with government propaganda seeking to legitimize repression. These findings underscore the value of disaggregating the binary category of man or woman when examining sentiments toward political agents and of considering stereotypes when studying perceptions, and ultimately the risks and effectiveness, of protest movements.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of American Political Science Association

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

REFERENCES

Anderson, Ashley. 2021. “‘Networked’ Revolutions? ICTs and Protest Mobilization in Non-Democratic Regimes.” Political Research Quarterly 74 (4): 1037–51.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Anzia, Sarah F., and Bernhard, Rachel. 2022. “Gender Stereotyping and the Electoral Success of Women Candidates: New Evidence from Local Elections in the United States.” British Journal of Political Science 52 (4): 1544–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Atkeson, Lonna Rae, Adams, Alex N., and Alvarez, R. Michael. 2014. “Nonresponse and Mode Effects in Self-and Interviewer-Administered Surveys.” Political Analysis 22 (3): 304–20.Google Scholar
Ayoub, Phillip, Page, Douglas, and Whitt, Sam. 2021. “Pride amid Prejudice: The Influence of LGBT+ Rights Activism in a Socially Conservative Society.” American Political Science Review 115 (2): 467–85.Google Scholar
Aytaç, S. Erdem, Schiumerini, Luis, and Stokes, Susan. 2018. “Why Do People Join Backlash Protests? Lessons from Turkey.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62 (6): 1205–28.Google Scholar
Bandura, Albert. 1999. “Moral Disengagement in the Perpetration of Inhumanities.” Personality and Social Psychology Review 3 (3): 193209.Google Scholar
Barnes, Tiffany D., and O’Brien, Diana Z.. 2018. “Defending the Realm: The Appointment of Female Defense Ministers Worldwide.” American Journal of Political Science 62 (2): 355–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bauer, Nichole M. 2015. “Emotional, Sensitive, and Unfit for Office? Gender Stereotype Activation and Support Female Candidates.” Political Psychology 36 (6): 691708.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beissinger, Mark R. 2007. “Structure and Example in Modular Political Phenomena: The Diffusion of Bulldozer/Rose/Orange/Tulip Revolutions.” Perspectives on Politics 5 (2): 259–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blair, Graeme, Cooper, Jasper, Coppock, Alexander, and Humphreys, Macartan. 2019. “Declaring and Diagnosing Research Designs.” American Political Science Review 113 (3): 838–59.Google Scholar
Blair, Graeme, Coppock, Alexander, and Moor, Margaret. 2020. “When to Worry about Sensitivity Bias: A Social Reference Theory and Evidence from 30 Years of List Experiments.” American Political Science Review 114 (4): 12971315.Google Scholar
Bouvard, Marguerite Guzman. 1994. Revolutionizing Motherhood: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Brader, Ted, De Sio, Lorenzo, Paparo, Aldo, and Tucker, Joshua A.. 2020. “‘Where You Lead, I Will Follow’: Partisan Cueing on High‐Salience Issues in a Turbulent Multiparty System.” Political Psychology 41 (4): 795812.Google Scholar
Brambilla, Marco, and Riva, Paolo. 2017. “Predicting Pleasure at Others’ Misfortune: Morality Trumps Sociability and Competence in Driving Deservingness and Schadenfreude.” Motivation and Emotion 41 (2): 243–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brambilla, Marco, Sacchi, Simona, Rusconi, Patrice, Cherubini, Paolo, and Yzerbyt, Vincent Y.. 2012. “You Want to Give a Good Impression? Be Honest! Moral Traits Dominate Group Impression Formation.” British Journal of Social Psychology 51 (1): 149–66.Google Scholar
Chenoweth, Erica. 2019. “Women’s Participation and the Fate of Nonviolent Campaigns: A Report on the Women in Resistance Dataset.” One Earth Future Foundation. https://oneearthfuture.org/sites/default/files/documents/publications/Womens_Participation_Nonviolent_Campaigns_Digital_0.pdfGoogle Scholar
Chenoweth, Erica, and Marks, Zoe. 2022. “Revenge of the Patriarchs: Why Autocrats Fear Women.” Foreign Affairs 101 (2): 103–16.Google Scholar
Chenoweth, Erica, and Stephan, Maria J.. 2011. Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict. New York: Columbia University Press.Google Scholar
Chong, Dennis. 2014. Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Clifford, Scott, and Gaskins, Ben. 2016. “Trust Me, I Believe in God: Candidate Religiousness as a Signal of Trustworthiness.” American Politics Research 44 (6): 1066–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Codur, Anne-Marie, and King, Mary E.. 2015. “Women in Civil Resistance.” In Women, War, and Violence: Topography, Resistance, and Hope, eds. Kurtz, Mariam and Kurtz, Lester, 401–46. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.Google Scholar
Cohen, Cathy J. 2009. The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Conrad, Courtenay, Hill, Daniel, and Moore, Will. 2018. “Torture and the Limits of Democratic Institutions.” Journal of Peace Research 55 (1): 317.Google Scholar
Dafoe, Allan, Zhang, Baobao, and Caughey, Devin. 2018. “Information Equivalence in Survey Experiments.” Political Analysis 26 (4): 399416.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Davenport, Christian, Soule, Sarah A., and Armstrong, David A.. 2011. “Protesting While Black? The Differential Policing of American Activism, 1960 to 1990.” American Sociological Review 76 (1): 152–78.Google Scholar
Eagly, Alice H., and Karau, Steven J.. 2002. “Role Congruity Theory of Prejudice toward Female Leaders.” Psychological Review 109 (3): 573.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Eagly, Alice H., and Mladinic, Antonio. 1989. “Gender Stereotypes and Attitudes toward Women and Men.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 15 (4): 543–58.Google Scholar
Edwards, Pearce, and Arnon, Daniel. 2021. “Violence on Many Sides: Framing Effects on Protest and Support for Repression.” British Journal of Political Science 51 (2): 488506.Google Scholar
Einwohner, Rachel L., Kelly-Thompson, Kaitlin, Sinclair-Chapman, Valeria, Tormos-Aponte, Fernando, Weldon, S. Laurel, Wright, Jared M., and Wu, Charles. 2021. “Active Solidarity: Intersectional Solidarity in Action.” Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 28 (3): 704–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Feinberg, Matthew, Willer, Robb, and Kovacheff, Chloe. 2020. “The Activist’s Dilemma: Extreme Protest Actions Reduce Popular Support for Social Movements.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 119 (5): 1086.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Finkel, Eli J., Bail, Christopher A., Cikara, Mina, Ditto, Peter H., Iyengar, Shanto, Klar, Samara, Mason, Lilliana, et al. 2020. “Political Sectarianism in America.” Science 370 (6516): 533–36.Google Scholar
Fiske, Susan T., Cuddy, Amy J. C., and Glick, Peter. 2007. “Universal Dimensions of Social Cognition: Warmth and Competence.” Trends in Cognitive Sciences 11 (2): 7783.Google Scholar
Glick, Peter, and Fiske, Susan T.. 2001. “An Ambivalent Alliance: Hostile and Benevolent Sexism as Complementary Justifications for Gender Inequality.” American Psychologist 56 (2): 109.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Glick, Peter, Sakallı-Uğurlu, Nuray, Akbaş, Gülçin, Orta, Irem Metin, and Ceylan, Suzan. 2016. “Why Do Women Endorse Honor Beliefs? Ambivalent Sexism and Religiosity as Predictors.” Sex Roles 75 (11): 543–54.Google Scholar
Goodwin, Geoffrey P. 2015. “Moral Character in Person Perception.” Current Directions in Psychological Science 24 (1): 3844.Google Scholar
Goodwin, Geoffrey P., Piazza, Jared, and Rozin, Paul. 2014. “Moral Character Predominates in Person Perception and Evaluation.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 106 (1): 148–68.Google Scholar
Graff, Agnieszka, and Korolczuk, Elżbieta. 2022. Anti-Gender Politics in the Populist Moment. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Grewal, Inderpal. 2022. “Authoritarian Patriarchy and Its Populism.” In Cultures of Populism, ed. Williams, Merle, 122–41. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Haddock, Geoffrey, and Zanna, Mark P.. 1994. “Preferring ‘Housewives’ to ‘Feminists’: Categorization and the Favorability of Attitudes toward Women.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 18 (1): 2552.Google Scholar
Hamilton, Laura T., Armstrong, Elizabeth A., Seeley, J. Lotus, and Armstrong, Elizabeth M.. 2019. “Hegemonic Femininities and Intersectional Domination.” Sociological Theory 37 (4): 315–41.Google Scholar
Harris-Perry, Melissa V. 2011. Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes, and Black Women in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Google Scholar
Heilman, Madeline E. 2001. “Description and Prescription: How Gender Stereotypes Prevent Women’s Ascent up the Organizational Ladder.” Journal of Social Issues 57 (4): 657–74.Google Scholar
Hess, David, and Martin, Brian. 2006. “Repression, Backfire, and the Theory of Transformative Events.” Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11 (2): 249–67.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holman, Mirya R., Merolla, Jennifer L., and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J.. 2022. “The Curious Case of Theresa May and the Public That Did Not Rally: Gendered Reactions to Terrorist Attacks Can Cause Slumps Not Bumps.” American Political Science Review 116 (1): 249–64.Google Scholar
Htun, Mala, and Weldon, S. Laurel. 2012. “The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence against Women in Global Perspective, 1975–2005.” American Political Science Review 106 (3): 548–69.Google Scholar
Huff, Connor, and Kruszewska, Dominika. 2016. “Banners, Barricades, and Bombs: The Tactical Choices of Social Movements and Public Opinion.” Comparative Political Studies 49 (13): 17741808.Google Scholar
Imai, Kosuke, Keele, Luke, Tingley, Dustin, and Yamamoto, Teppei. 2011. “Unpacking the Black Box of Causality: Learning about Causal Mechanisms from Experimental and Observational Studies.” American Political Science Review 105 (4): 765–89.Google Scholar
Jefferson, Hakeem. 2023. “The Politics of Respectability and Black Americans’ Punitive Attitudes.” American Political Science Review 117 (4): 1448–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Krivobokova, Tatiana. 2023. “Fight Like a Girl: Russian Feminists Leading the Resistance Against the Invasion of Ukraine.” HKS Student Policy Review, February 15. https://hksspr.org/fight-like-a-girl-russian-feminists-leading-the-resistance-against-the-invasion-of-ukraine/.Google Scholar
Krumpal, Ivar. 2013. “Determinants of Social Desirability Bias in Sensitive Surveys: A Literature Review.” Quality & Quantity 47 (4): 2025–47.Google Scholar
Kuran, Timur. 1997. Private Truths, Public Lies: The Social Consequences of Preference Falsification. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Leach, Colin Wayne, Ellemers, Naomi, and Barreto, Manuela. 2007. “Group Virtue: The Importance of Morality (vs. Competence and Sociability) in the Positive Evaluation of in-Groups.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 93 (2): 234.Google Scholar
Lupu, Yonatan, and Wallace, Geoffrey P. R.. 2019. “Violence, Nonviolence, and the Effects of International Human Rights Law.” American Journal of Political Science 63 (2): 411–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Manekin, Devorah, and Mitts, Tamar. 2022. “Effective for Whom? Ethnic Identity and Nonviolent Resistance.” American Political Science Review 116 (1): 161–80.Google Scholar
Marx, Gary T. 2013. “Agents Provocateurs as a Type of Faux Activist.” In Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, eds. Snow, David, della Porta, Donatella, McAdam, Doug, and Klandermans, Bert. https://doi.org/10.1002/9780470674871.wbespm005.Google Scholar
Mason, Christine. 2005. “Women, Violence and Nonviolent Resistance in East Timor.” Journal of Peace Research 42 (6): 737–49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McCammon, Holly J. 2003. “‘Out of the Parlors and into the Streets’: The Changing Tactical Repertoire of the US Women’Suffrage Movements.” Social Forces 81 (3): 787818.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miratrix, Luke W., Sekhon, Jasjeet S., Theodoridis, Alexander G., and Campos, Luis F.. 2018. “Worth Weighting? How to Think about and Use Weights in Survey Experiments.” Political Analysis 26 (3): 275–91.Google Scholar
Montgomery, Jacob M., Nyhan, Brendan, and Torres, Michelle. 2018. “How Conditioning on Posttreatment Variables Can Ruin Your Experiment and What to Do about It.” American Journal of Political Science 62 (3): 760–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Muñoz, Jordi, and Anduiza, Eva. 2019. “‘If a Fight Starts, Watch the Crowd’: The Effect of Violence on Popular Support for Social Movements.” Journal of Peace Research 56 (4): 485–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Naunov, Martin. 2024. “Replication Data for: The Effect of Protesters’ Gender on Public Reactions to Protests and Protest Repression.” Harvard Dataverse. Dataset. https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/KJBFTT.Google Scholar
Oceno, Marzia, Valentino, Nicholas A., and Wayne, Carly. 2023. “The Electoral Costs and Benefits of Feminism in Contemporary American Politics.” Political Behavior 45: 153–73.Google Scholar
Opotow, Susan. 1990. “Moral Exclusion and Injustice: An Introduction.” Journal of Social Issues 46 (1): 120.Google Scholar
Opp, Karl-Dieter, and Roehl, Wolfgang. 1990. “Repression, Micromobilization, and Political Protest.” Social Forces 69 (2): 521–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
OVD-Info. 2022. “Repressions in Russia in 2022.” Report, December 23. https://en.ovdinfo.org/repressions-russia-2022.Google Scholar
Pateman, Carole. 1988. The Sexual Contract. Cambridge, MA: Polity.Google Scholar
Pearlman, Wendy. 2018. “Moral Identity and Protest Cascades in Syria.” British Journal of Political Science 48 (4): 877901.Google Scholar
Principe, Marie. 2017. “Women in Nonviolent Movements.” Special Report, United States Institution of Peace. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR399-Women-in-Nonviolent-Movements.pdf.Google Scholar
Reuter, Ora John, and Szakonyi, David. 2015. “Online Social Media and Political Awareness in Authoritarian Regimes.” British Journal of Political Science 45 (1): 2951.Google Scholar
Robertson, Graeme B. 2010. The Politics of Protest in Hybrid Regimes: Managing Dissent in Post-Communist Russia. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Rosenthal, Lisa, and Lobel, Marci. 2016. “Stereotypes of Black American Women Related to Sexuality and Motherhood.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 40 (3): 414–27.Google Scholar
Saltzer, Sara, and McGrath, Mary C.. 2024. “Voter Bias and the Partisan Gender-Gap in Office.” Political Behavior 46: 473500.Google Scholar
Sanchez, Chelsey. 2020. “The Walls of Moms Got Your Attention, but Mothers Have Always Been Fighting for Change.” Harper’s Bazaar, August 14. https://www.harpersbazaar.com/culture/politics/a33556446/maternal-activism-mother-protests/.Google Scholar
Schippers, Mimi. 2007. “Recovering the Feminine Other: Masculinity, Femininity, and Gender Hegemony.” Theory and Society 36: 85102.Google Scholar
Schneider, Monica C., and Bos, Angela L.. 2019. “The Application of Social Role Theory to the Study of Gender in Politics.” Political Psychology 40: 173213.Google Scholar
Sharafutdinova, Gulnaz. 2014. “The Pussy Riot Affair and Putin’s Démarche from Sovereign Democracy to Sovereign Morality.” Nationalities Papers 42 (4): 615–21.Google Scholar
Simmons, Erica S. 2019. “How Do We Explain Protest? Social Science, Grievances, and the Puzzle of Collective Action.” In Protest and Democracy, eds. Arce, Moisés and Rice, Roberta, 23–44. Calgary, Canada: University of Calgary Press.Google Scholar
Simpson, Brent, Willer, Robb, and Feinberg, Matthew. 2018. “Does Violent Protest Backfire? Testing a Theory of Public Reactions to Activist Violence.” Socius 4. https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023118803189.Google Scholar
Six, Bernd, and Eckes, Thomas. 1991. “A Closer Look at the Complex Structure of Gender Stereotypes.” Sex Roles 24 (1): 5771.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sjoberg, Laura, Kadera, Kelly, and Thies, Cameron G.. 2018. “Reevaluating Gender and IR Scholarship: Moving beyond Reiter’s Dichotomies toward Effective Synergies.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 62 (4): 848–70.Google Scholar
Slothuus, Rune, and De Vreese, Claes H.. 2010. “Political Parties, Motivated Reasoning, and Issue Framing Effects.” The Journal of Politics 72 (3): 630–45.Google Scholar
Steffens, Melanie C., Niedlich, Claudia, Beschorner, Rosa, and Köhler, Maren C.. 2019. “Do Positive and Negative Stereotypes of Gay and Heterosexual Men Affect Job-Related Impressions?Sex Roles 80 (9): 548–64.Google Scholar
Stellar, Jennifer E., and Willer, Robb. 2018. “Unethical and Inept? The Influence of Moral Information on Perceptions of Competence.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 114 (2): 195.Google Scholar
Strolovitch, Dara Z., and Crowder, Chaya Y.. 2018. “Respectability, Anti-Respectability, and Intersectionally Responsible Representation.” PS: Political Science & Politics 51 (2): 340–44.Google Scholar
Teele, Dawn Langan, Kalla, Joshua, and Rosenbluth, Frances. 2018. “The Ties That Double Bind: Social Roles and Women’s Underrepresentation in Politics.” American Political Science Review 112 (3): 525–41.Google Scholar
Tertytchnaya, Katerina, and Lankina, Tomila. 2020. “Electoral Protests and Political Attitudes under Electoral Authoritarianism.” The Journal of Politics 82 (1): 285–99.Google Scholar
Thomas, Emma F., and Louis, Winnifred R.. 2014. “When Will Collective Action Be Effective? Violent and Non-Violent Protests Differentially Influence Perceptions of Legitimacy and Efficacy among Sympathizers.” Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 40 (2): 263–76.Google Scholar
Vachudova, Milada Anna. 2021. “Populism, Democracy, and Party System Change in Europe.” Annual Review of Political Science 24: 471–98.Google Scholar
Valentino, Lauren, and Nicholson, D. Adam. 2021. “Message Received? The Roles of Emotion, Race, and Politics in Social Movement Perceptions and Support.” Mobilization 26 (1): 4164.Google Scholar
Wang, Dan J., and Piazza, Alessandro. 2016. “The Use of Disruptive Tactics in Protest as a Trade-off: The Role of Social Movement Claims.” Social Forces 94 (4): 16751710.Google Scholar
Wasow, Omar. 2020. “Agenda Seeding: How 1960s Black Protests Moved Elites, Public Opinion and Voting.” American Political Science Review 114 (3): 638–59.Google Scholar
Williams, John E., and Best, Deborah L.. 1990. Measuring Sex Stereotypes: A Multination Study. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.Google Scholar
Williamson, Scott, and Malik, Mashail. 2021. “Contesting Narratives of Repression: Experimental Evidence from Sisi’s Egypt.” Journal of Peace Research 58 (5): 1018–33.Google Scholar
Supplementary material: File

Naunov supplementary material

Naunov supplementary material
Download Naunov supplementary material(File)
File 5.5 MB
Supplementary material: Link

Naunov Dataset

Link