¹ For bibliographic references in the area of political attitudes and socialization, see Robinson, John P., Rusk, J. G. and Head, K. B., Measures of Political Attitudes (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Survey Research Center, 1968)Google Scholar; Dawson, Richard E., “Political Socialization,” in Robinson, James A., ed., Political Science Annual, 1966 (Indianapolis, Ind.: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1966), pp. 1–84Google Scholar; Langton, Kenneth P., Political Socialization (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1969)Google Scholar; and Adler, Norman and Harrington, Charles, The Learning of Political Behavior (Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1970).Google Scholar

² Since parties and elections are usually corrupt or nonexistent, the “political dynamics” in many developing countries are described in terms of elite competition for the top offices in the state. Three good studies of elites in the Middle East are: Frey, Frederick W., The Turkish Political Elite (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Zonis, Marvin, The Political Elite of lran (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1971)Google Scholar; and Dekmejian, R. Hrair, Egypt under Nasser: A Study in Political Dynamics (Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press, 1971).Google Scholar

³ See Matthews, Donald R., The Social Background of Political Decision-Makers (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1954)Google Scholar; Almond, Gabriel A. and Verba, Sidney, The Civic Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the various election studies in Western democracies.

⁴ The usual technique employed is to “describe” the character of the Jew by using quotes and references from the Old Testament, the Koran, the Talmud and the “Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion,” an anti-Jewish tract. Among books of this nature, almost all of which appeared since the 1967 war, are: al-Rajihi, Abduh, al-Shakhsiyya al-Isra'iliyya [The Israeli Personality] (Alexandria: M.K. Press, 1968)Google Scholar; Ahmed, Ibrahim Khalil (an ex-Anglican minister converted to Islam), Isra'il wa-al-Talmud [Israel and the Talmud] (Cairo: al-Wa'i al-Arabi Press, Oct., 1967)Google Scholar; and Yusuf el-Hajj, Kamal, Hawl Falsafat al-Sahiuniyya [On Zionist Philosophy] (Beirut: n.p., late 1967).Google Scholar

⁵ The importance of the school as a socializing agent has been studied extensively. See, for instance, Hess, Robert D. and Torney, Judith V., The Development of Political Attitudes in Children (Chicago: Aldine, 1967)Google Scholar; and Coleman, James S., ed., Education and Political Development (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1965).Google Scholar See also the selections on the school in Roberta Sigel, S., Learning about Politics (New York: Random House, 1970).Google Scholar It is worth noting, however, that Kenneth Prewitt and Joseph Okello-Oculi argue that manifest political socialization in schools is not sufficient to “help resolve the critical needs of nation-building” in Uganda and other new nations. See their “Political Socialization and Political Education in the New Nations,” in Sigel, p. 609.

⁶ Two related questions were asked, one of them open-ended, the other not. They were (1) List in the order of their importance, beginning with number one for the most important, the major issues facing the Arab world today; and (2) List in the order of their importance, beginning with number one for the most important, the major threats facing the Arab world today: Communism and communist infiltration ―; Reactionary and traditional forces ―; Zionism and the state of Israel ―; Fascism ―; Military dictators and adventurers ―; Imperialism ―; Other (please specify) ―.

⁷ See, in particular, el-Jisr, Basim and Sayegh, David, Lubnan wa-at-Tahaddi al-Isra'ili [Lebanon and the Israeli Challenge] (Beirut: Dar al-Funun Press, 1968)Google Scholar; and Lubnan wa-al-'Amal al-Fida'i al-Filistini [Lebanon and the Palestinian Commando Movement] (Beirut: Dar al-Ilm Iil-Malayin, 1969)—the latter being a collection of essays by some members of the Development Studies Club.

⁸ In particular, see the publications of Al-Kataeb (Phalanges Libanaises) political party.

⁹ A good collection of Arab nationalist writings in English may be found in Karpat, Kemal H., ed., Political and Social Thought in the Contemporary Middle East (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968).Google Scholar For the opinions of Arab communists and Marxists, see Qazan, Fuad, al-Thawra al-Arabiyya wa-Isra'il [The Arab Revolution and Israel] (Beirut: Dar at-Talia, 1968).Google Scholar The Moslem fundamentalist viewpoint may be gleaned from al-Munajjid, Salaheddine, A'midat al-Nakba [The Pillars of the Disaster] (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Jadid, 1968)Google Scholar; and Lawand, Ramadan, al-Insan al-Arabi baad al-Karithetein, 1948–1967Google Scholar [The Arab Personality after the Two Catastrophes, 1948–1967] (Kuwait: Maktabet al-Amel, n.d., late 1967?). The main spokesman for development as a solution is Zuraiq, Constantine, Ma'na al-Nakba [The Meaning of the Disaster] (Beirut: Dar al-Ilm lil-Malayin, 1948)Google Scholar; and Ma'na al-Nakba Mujaddadan [The Meaning of the Disaster Renewed] (Beirut: Dar al-Ilm Iil-Malayin, 1967). A good brief account of the resistance movement in English is found in Hudson, Michael C., “The Palestine Arab Resistance Movement: Its Significance in the Middle East Crisis,” Middle East Journal, 23 (Summer, 1969). 291–307.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Since the 1930s, American Jews have strongly supported the Democratic Party. See Fuchs, Lawrence H., The Political Behavior of American Jews (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1956).Google Scholar See also Campbell, Angus, Converse, Philip E., Miller, Warren E., and Stokes, Donald E., The American Voter (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1960), pp. 301–302.Google Scholar

¹¹ In a 1960 study, it was found that Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. manifested less disagreement on foreign policy than on any other issue. The questions at the time, however, concerned attitudes toward the U.N., military alliances, and foreign aid. A more viable comparison with the Middle East situation would be the attitudes of Americans toward the Second World War. See McClosky, Herbert, Hoffmann, Paul J., and O'Hara, Rosemary, “Issue Conflict and Consensus Among Party Leaders and Followers,” American Political Science Review, 54 (June, 1960), 406–427.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹² For election studies in the U.S., see Berelson, Bernard R., Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and McPhee, William N., Voting (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954)Google Scholar; and Campbell et al.

¹³ Almond and Verba, Civic Culture; and Coleman, Education and Political Development.

¹⁴ For a critical evaluation of the state of Arab colleges and universities as well as the educational process generally, see Zahlan, Antoine, “Traces of the Defeat and Our National Universities” (Arabic), Arab Studies, 11 (Sept., 1968), 61–76Google Scholar; “Science and Backward Countries,” Scientific World, 6 (1967), 5–12; and The Brain Drain: Lebanon and Middle Eastern Countries (Beirut: mimeographed, Nov., 1969).

¹⁵ For an analysis and discussion of pro-Israel and anti-Arab bias in the Western press during and after the 1967 war, see American Institute for Political Communication (AIPC), “Domestic Communications Aspects of the Middle East Crisis,” A Special Report (Washington, D.C., July, 1967)Google Scholar; and Suleiman, Michael W., “American Mass Media and the June Conflict,” in The Arab-Israeli Confrontation of June 1967: An Arab Perspective, ed. Abu-Lughod, Ibrahim (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1970), pp. 138–154.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Hamam, Habib, “A Measure of Alienation in a University Setting,” M.A. thesis (Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1969)Google Scholar, cited in Barakat, Halim, “Alienation and Revolution in Arab Life,” (Arabic), Mawaqif (Beirut), 1 (July-Aug., 1969), 14–44.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Prothro, E. Terry and Melikian, Levon, “Social Distance and Social Change in the Near East,” Sociology and Social Research, 37 (Sept.-Oct., 1952), 3–11Google Scholar; Melikian, Levon, “Social Distance” (Arabic), al-Abhath (Beirut), 18 (March, 1965), 64–77Google Scholar; and Melikian, Levon H. and Diab, Lutfy N., “Group Affiliations of University Students in the Arab Middle East,” Journal of Social Psychology, 49 (May, 1959), 145–159CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In the latter study, Christian Arab students generally ranked the ethnic bond second and religion third, whereas the Moslem respondents generally reversed those rankings.

¹⁸ Prothro, E. Terry and Melikian, Levon, “The California Public Opinion Scale in an Authoritarian Culture,” Public Opinion Quarterly, 17 (Fall, 1953), 353–363.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁹ Cunningham, Robert B., “Political Alienation Among Jordanian Teachers,” paper delivered at the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) Meeting in Chicago, Ill., Dec. 9, 1967Google Scholar and “Patterns of Achievement Orientation Among Jordanian Teachers,” paper delivered at the MESA Meeting in Austin, Texas, Nov. 15, 1968.

²⁰ Although the N's are very small in Table 6, our primary interest is in the trend indicated. Personal interviews and on-the-spot observation strongly support these findings. It should be noted that the political literature is not likely to be much of a guide here because (1) censorship laws and political repression in several Arab countries often discourage, if not completely silence, any unpopular views; and (2) political writers do not always or necessarily reflect accurately the opinions of their coreligionists. Only in Lebanon, where freedom of expression is fairly well tolerated and where sectarian attitudes flourish, is it possible to attempt an ascertainment of the views of the differentiated public from the published political literature.

²¹ Melikian and Diab, p. 159.

²² For evidence from the U.S., see Key, V. O., Politics, Parlies, and Pressure Groups (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1964)Google Scholar; and for Britain, see Blondel, J., Voters, Parties, and Leaders: The Social Fabric ofBritish Politics (Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1965).Google Scholar