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Aspects of Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions are discussed and criticized. Problems are pointed out in three general areas: the latitude Kuhn allows in the concept paradigm, his views on the nature of scientific change, and his notion of incommensurability and the accompanying problems of relativism. The utilization of Kuhn's model by archaeologists is then critiqued, with a focus on the varying interpretations of the paradigmatic state of the discipline. Finally, consideration is given to the recent changes in archaeology that have led to the claim that there has been a scientific revolution in the field. It is argued that those ostensibly fundamental changes are neither revolutionary nor particulary beneficial to a scientific archaeology.
Two prehistoric mortuary sites, one from the Archaic and one from the Mississippian period, are compared with regard to the importance of age and sex as status-bearing variables. Statements about social organization in the two societies are examined using mortuary data, specifically, grave-good inclusions with burials. Cluster analyses at Indian Knoll in Kentucky and Dickson Mounds in Illinois show significant differences in cluster formation which can be interpreted in social organizational terms. These interpretations pertain both to the importance of age and sex and to wider principles of organization. Indian Knoll is found to be less egalitarian in organization than expected; Dickson Mounds, less hierarchical than expected.
A burial at Vegueta on the central Peruvian coast contained pottery assignable to two regional styles. This association supplements other evidence for widespread interaction during the Middle Horizon. These distributional patterns are compatible with the hypothesis that several powerful commercial centers existed at this time, rather than the kind of political integration implied by the Huari Empire.
While Hall's (1977) recent paper addressed the origins of calumet symbolism, it did little to explain (or even to acknowledge) the rapid expansion in the usage of the Hako-type calumet and its accompanying ceremony after the opening of the historic period. It is suggested here that this calumet emerged in the role of a stability-enhancing mechanism within precisely those societies that were experiencing rapid sociocultural change and fragmentation. Both the calumet and the tobacco pipe, singly and in combination, constituted cultural elements that had had long identification with the sacred sphere. Not only were calumets and pipes and native tobacco preserved in the new situation, but their conservative ritual significance was greatly emphasized and formalized until they increasingly came to symbolize and embody the old way of life. Archaeological and historical data are used to support this argument.
Monographs and other recent works are reviewed to highlight several trends in Old World archaeology that seem to be of more than passing interest to archaeologists whose primary research interests are in the Americas. Included in this review are works involving natural historical studies applied to archaeology; current works involving lithic and ceramic technology, spatial analysis, and intrasite and intersite community studies; and recent works on questions of early food production and selected other topics. This paper, the first of an anticipated annual exchange between the Archaeological Institute of America and the Society for American Archaeology, emphasizes prehistoric studies; subsequent contributions will treat a fuller range of Old World archaeological interests.
A satisfactory and explicit definition of the Fremont has not been produced in over 50 years of research—a failure which suggests that no comprehensive entity exists. Attempts to define a Fremont through the use of trait lists have failed, although such lists have provided the basis for three apparently conflicting theories of origin. Analyses of subsistence economies and settlement patterns suggest that no comprehensive entity exists and that all three origin theories may possibly be valid. A Sevier "culture," based on marsh collecting and supplemented by corn agriculture, can be defined in the eastern Great Basin. A Fremont "culture," based on corn agriculture and supplemented by hunting, can be defined on the Colorado Plateau. A third unnamed, but possibly Plains-related, culture may be defined to the north of these. These "cultures" are distinctive enough to be separated on the same taxonomic level as are the Anasazi and the Sinagua.
The relative frequencies of intact skeletal joints in accumulations of mammalian remains can be used to produce models of the ways skeletons break apart in different circumstances. Information concerning disarticulation in the natural environment permits the detection in archaeological situations of features that may be due to prehistoric human butchery practices. The sequence of disarticulation of excavated Bison occidentalis butchered by North American Paleoindians is compared with that derived from natural assemblages of modern African Topi, Damaliscus korrigum.
Trace element analysis is a widely used procedure for determining the original source of archaeological materials. Although many articles have discussed analytical procedures and archaeological applications of the results, comparatively little attention has been given to the intermediate step of determining the appropriate procedure for assigning an artifact to a source once the trace element composition of both is known. This paper discusses several different procedures for assigning artifacts to sources and compares these procedures on the basis of their accuracy and the types of identification errors they make. Special attention is paid to discriminant analysis, which appears to be the best procedure for identifying sources of chert artifacts.
An investigation of ceramic models of maize is reported. Nineteen races are identified on 35 Moche jars. A review of the literature is presented. Methodological considerations and problems in the classification of archaeological maize are discussed. The maize races depicted are described and discussed in terms of their archaeological significance. The findings indicate that by A.D. 800, the north coast of Peru was a center of cultural exchange among diverse groups from a wide geographical area.
A Fortran computer program is presented that converts Lowland Maya Calendar Round dates to their equivalent Long Count dates, and the reverse, for the period 1139 B.C. - A.D. 2012 [18.104.22.168.0 to 22.214.171.124.0.]. Additional features include a calculation of the number of days that separate the submitted Long Count date from the completion dates of the prior three important calendric cycles [Sacred Round, Civil Year, and Calendar Round]. This program supplements an earlier Long Count-Gregorian conversion program [Sidrys et al. 1975].
A computer program for converting dates from the Mayan Long Count to the Gregorian calendar and vice versa is presented. The program also computes and prints the date's Julian Day Number, position in the Mayan Sacred Round, and Lord of the Night.
The reduction of Maya dates to their Gregorian equivalents is easily accomplished by the use of an inexpensive microcomputer. A program in the widely used basic language is presented, along with another to print a series of possible long counts for a given calendar round position.
In an effort to reach a potential archaeological audience within the public sector, a film program was presented through the Extension Division at two campuses of the University of California. Described are some of the benefits and pitfalls involved in using the film festival format, along with the results of a questionnaire designed to generate data on audience make-up and motivation.
The no-collection strategy in archaeology is examined from the perspective of site integrity, artifact analysis, pothunting, irreplaceable resources, and curation and is found to be destructive of the data base for present and future archaeological applications.