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5731 results in Natural resource and environmental economics

Page 73 of 287

  • 15 - Conclusion

    • By David Potts, Senior Lecturer at the University of Bradford and former Head of Bradford Centre for International Development.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 289-292

  • Summary

    Tanzania is changing continuously. Much has been learnt but the need for further research always remains. This book has raised a lot of questions, and I hope it has provided some answers, as well as restated some important lessons. This conclusion draws together some of the main issues and arguments, and provides some pointers towards future research.

    There are around five times as many people in Tanzania as there were at independence, and their average income is about double the value at independence. At independence only just over 5 per cent of the population were living in the urban areas. By 2016 this had increased to over 32 per cent. Inequality has increased slightly, but the poorest 10 per cent have experienced similar percentage increases in income to the richest group. However, the second, third and fourth deciles have fared worse, suggesting some increase in relative poverty. The contribution of agriculture to GDP declined fairly steadily until 2007, but it has not changed much since then. Adult literacy has increased steadily until recently, and the gender gap has decreased significantly. Life expectancy has increased steadily, and is now 50 per cent greater than at independence.

    Tanzania still retains some of the appearance of a parliamentary democracy and so far competitive elections have always taken place, albeit in a media context that favours the ruling party. However, there are increasing concerns about irregularities in the conduct of elections, intolerance of political dissent, suppression of the media and the treatment of minorities such as the LGBT community. The reputation of Tanzania as a reasonably fair, tolerant and open society is at risk if some of the current trends are allowed to continue.

    Chapters 2 and 3 concur in many respects on the issues facing Tanzania, although they arrive at their conclusions by different approaches. Their key conclusions relate to the fairness of distributional outcomes, the closely related issue of corruption and the potential dangers of arbitrary measures taken by an authoritarian government. However, official justification of such measures to the public may be dressed up as measures to counter corruption. Is it too much to hope that the government could respond to public concerns about corruption without intimidation of political opponents?

  • 6 - Contract Farming in Tanzania: Experiences from Tobacco and Sunflower

    • By Joseph Kuzilwa, Professor of Economics (International Monetary Economics) at Mzumbe University, Tanzania., Bahati Ilembo, Lecturer in Statistics at Mzumbe University in Tanzania., Daniel Mpeta, Lecturer in the Institute of Rural Development Planning, Dodoma., Andrew Coulson, University of Birmingham, where he worked from 1984, but continues his link with its International Development Department.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 116-139

  • Summary

    Contract farming, where farmers sign contracts that commit them to growing specific crops or products and selling them to specific purchasers, is an important part of agriculture in developed countries. They are found in some situations in developing countries, when ‘outgrowers’ contract to supply an estate or company, which runs a processing operation such as a tea or sugar factory, or when exporters are committed to supply high-value crops for export, such as cut flowers or spices. Their relative importance is likely to continue to increase.

    Farmers also sign contracts when they accept inputs on credit. The contracts specify that they will sell their crops to a cooperative or trading organization that has arranged credit, which will deduct the costs of the inputs supplied from the money paid to the farmers for their crops.

    This chapter investigates some of the issues that have arisen when contract farming has been attempted in Tanzania. It draws on data from two research studies, which sampled farmers who were growing flue-cured tobacco, where contracts have been institutionalized for more than fifty years, and sunflower where contracts were introduced but did not survive as a significant component of the marketing system. From these studies and desk research, the chapter draws conclusions about what is needed to sustain and further develop contract farming in Tanzania.

    Background

    Eaton and Shepherd start their widely quoted briefing note by pointing out that contracts are not new and cover many situations. Thus any system of share-cropping, in which a landlord is entitled to a share of the harvest, implies a contract. T. J. Byres shows that the Greeks had systems of share-cropping more than 2,500 years ago (Byres 1983; 3). Some of the most exploitative share-cropping was in the Southern states of the USA in the last half of the nineteenth century. More recently, in Africa, farmers, recruited in the 1950s to the Gezira irrigation scheme on the Nile in the Sudan, signed contracts that required them to grow cotton and sell it to the scheme. The World Bank-funded schemes to support farmers growing a number of crops in Tanzania in the 1970s and 1980s included credit supported by contracts. Contracts are also fundamental to agri-business, when processing companies contract with large farms, but also when large farms or marketing agents contract with smaller outgrowers (Watts 1994: 26–8; Eaton & Shepherd 2001: 1–2).

  • 14 - Extractive Industry Revenues and their Expenditure in Local Government Authorities: The Case of the Gold Service Levy in Geita District Council in Tanzania

    • By Honest Prosper Ngowi, Professor of Economics at Mzumbe University, Dar es Salaam Campus College., David Potts, Senior Lecturer at the University of Bradford and former Head of Bradford Centre for International Development.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 273-288

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Mineral revenues have become increasingly important in Tanzania but questions have been asked about the extent to which they contribute to the development of the areas in which the minerals are located and to the wider economy. This chapter reviews some of the issues relating to the contribution of mineral wealth to the Tanzanian economy by investigating the case of the gold service levy in Geita District and its impact on the local community.

    Local Government Authorities (LGAs) in Tanzania play a critical role in delivering governance and social and economic services directly to the people. Such services include infrastructure of all kinds, education, health, water, security and sanitation. According to the Local Government Act No. 9 of 1982 and the Policy on Local Government Reform of 1998, LGAs are supposed to identify and improve local revenue mobilization and to identify potential areas for investment to promote sustainable economic and social development activities in their respective jurisdictions.

    Resource-rich LGAs usually expect local economies to benefit from the extraction of resources including oil, gas and mineral investments. Unfortunately, this has not always been the case. These LGAs have either been denied the fiscal space to collect revenues or do not always know how to take advantage of extractive activities to enhance sustainable economic development. Local investments in natural resources such as minerals and gas should in principle provide opportunities for LGAs to strengthen their revenues and to use the same for provision of public goods and services. It is in the context of the above that this chapter was prepared, partly based on a study by Ngowi (2015).

    Minerals and Development

    Mineral wealth has been viewed as a mixed blessing in relation to development. While the income and foreign exchange generated contributes to the national balance of payments as well as to government revenue and to employment, the extent of positive impact depends critically on who gets the revenue and how it is used to strengthen both the local and national economy. Very often the mineral extraction process is managed by a large foreign company, and the share of the benefits that remains in the country depends on the agreements made. There is significant potential for corruption that may affect both the share that remains within the country and the share of the remainder that accrues to the local population.

  • 9 - Competitiveness in African Manufacturing: Some Evidence from Tanzania

    • By John Weiss, Emeritus Professor of Development Economics at the University of Bradford and an independent economic consultant., Hossein Jalilian, Reader in Development Economics at the University of Bradford and specializes in applied quantitative methods.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 182-198

  • Summary

    Introduction

    There is a long tradition in economics that argues that manufacturing industry is critical for economic growth, particularly at relatively low income per capita (Weiss 2011). This ‘engine of growth argument’ rests on several features of the sector:

  • • Output per worker (productivity) is normally considerably higher than in agriculture or services (although not in mining) so that structural change in favour of manufacturing raises the overall productivity of an economy.

  • • Productivity growth in manufacturing has historically been more rapid than in other sectors owing to greater technical change and learning effects.

  • • Manufacturing is the sector where there is greater scope for specialization as outputs grows.

  • • Its linkages with other parts of the economy are greater than for any other aggregate sector.

  • • As a key tradable sector, manufacturing expansion allows access to the world market and faces better demand prospects there than primary exports.

    • The normal historical pattern has been that, in poor countries, the share of manufacturing in total economic activity is very low, but that as growth occurs and workers move out of agriculture, it rises rapidly. Once a threshold income level is passed the relative share of manufacturing starts to decline as demand shifts towards services. Thus for example, in 2005, manufacturing was 9 per cent of GDP in Ghana, 30 per cent of GDP in a middle- income economy like Malaysia and averaged 16 per cent in the OECD economies (Smirzai 2013: Table 1.2). It is at the transition from low to middle income status that the engine of growth effect can be expected to be greatest owing to the greater scope for a productivity boost as workers shift out of agriculture.

    Experience in sub-Saharan Africa has not matched this positive story. The sector remains relatively small with much of it vulnerable to competition from imports. This chapter discusses evidence on recent Tanzanian experience in the context of industrialization in Africa more generally, drawing in some instances on empirical work by the authors. It considers industrialization in Tanzania from the perspective of economic competitiveness, and therefore should be seen as complementary to the broader discussion of the political economy of industrial development in Tanzania given in Chapter 8. We look at African experience, before turning to the Tanzanian case, and then present some empirical evidence from firm-level surveys of manufacturers in Tanzania before concluding the chapter.

  • 10 - ‘Good Life Never Comes Like Dreams’: Youth, Poverty and Employment in Arusha

    • By Nicola Banks, Lecturer in Global Urbanism and Urban Development at the Global Development Institute, University of Manchester.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 199-213

  • Summary

    Introduction

    Two demographic trends are changing Africa's population and poverty dynamics. Its population is forecast to treble over the next forty years (UNDP 2012), and its populations are increasingly urban and increasingly young. All but three African countries have over 40 per cent of their adult population in the 15 to 29 age category, and by 2035 the majority of Africans will be living in cities (Guengant & May 2013). The ‘power’ of youth brings both possibilities and challenges, nowhere more evident than in sub-Saharan Africa, and governments must prepare more effectively for their futures (Burgess 2005).

    Cities, in particular, are a main stage for young lives across the continent (Hansen 2015). Dynamic city contexts heighten youth aspirations through their offer of economic opportunities and higher wages, infrastructure, better access to education and services, and perceptions of ‘modernity’. These factors make migration a phenomenon closely linked with youth, particularly young men (Crivello 2011; Jeffrey 2011; Honwana 2012). But a ‘crisis of youth’ looms as an increasing number of young Africans find it difficult to gain education and employment or meet standard of living aspirations (Jones & Chant 2009). Young Africans are not finding that these urban benefits and promises are translating into better social and economic mobility for their generation. Unemployment rates for youth are higher than for adults across the whole continent (Thurlow 2015). The new labour markets, education systems and consumer cultures that have accompanied urbanization mean that traditional, linear moves from youth to adulthood are unlikely (Valentine 2003; Worth 2009).

    Tanzania's youth population will not peak until 2030, and with half of its population already under the age of 25, it already has the tenth largest youth population in the world (Lam 2006). Ambitions and aspirations have fuelled a wave of youth migration to urban centres (Burton 2010). One in every three children born in Tanzania today will be living in towns or cities by the time they are 20 years old (Riggio 2012). Yet cities are difficult places to be young and poor. Tanzania has struggled to translate its economic growth into significant poverty reduction (Arndt et al. 2015).

  • 1 - Introduction – Tanzanian Development: A Comparative Perspective

    • By David Potts, Senior Lecturer at the University of Bradford and former Head of Bradford Centre for International Development.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 1-11

  • Summary

    Tanzania today is in a much stronger position economically than at any time in the past, yet, as with many African countries, it is evident that this economic improvement is not evenly spread. Many people still struggle to achieve an acceptable standard of living and the rate of population increase remains relatively high, diluting the impact of economic growth on the improvement of living standards. This book examines the development of Tanzania from a range of perspectives and disciplines as well as different issues and sectors. Comparisons are also made with other relevant countries in a number of chapters.

    Tanzania has maintained some form of parliamentary democracy continuously since independence, with competitive elections under a single party until 1994 and with a multi-party system subsequently. However, the advent of multi-party democracy has not, so far, resulted in any change of government, and claims of irregularities in the 2015 elections were made by Chadema, the main opposition party. The increasing significance of revenue derived from mineral wealth has also highlighted issues related to corruption. The authoritarian response taken by the government under President Magufuli, ostensibly to tackle corruption issues, has implications for wider issues of democracy and human rights and has been criticized, both by opposition parties and by Amnesty International.

    Although largely stable internally, Tanzania has been affected at various times by conflict and instability in some neighbouring states. This has induced immigration from the countries affected by conflicts, including Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique, as well as migration from Malawi mainly for economic reasons. Adverse economic consequences have also been experienced from the Uganda war (1978–9) and political disagreements with Kenya leading to the break-up of the East African Community from 1977 to 2000.

    A number of important books have been published on Tanzania over the years. In the 1970s Lionel Cliffe and John Saul published their two volumes on Socialism in Tanzania (Cliffe and Saul 1972 and 1973). Their twin volumes covering both politics and the economy were important sources for students of Tanzania in the 1970s, generally sympathetic to the aims of Tanzanian socialism (ujamaa).

  • 3 - Reflections on the Tanzanian Trajectory: Decline and Recovery

    • By Michael F. Lofchie, Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 32-57

  • Summary

    The U-shaped arc of Tanzania's post-independence economic trajectory is broadly familiar. It divides into two periods of unequal length. After a brief period of growth immediately following independence, Tanzania entered an era of economic decline that lasted for about twenty years, from the mid-1960s through the mid-1980s. This was followed by economic reforms that have led to three decades of economic expansion, from the mid-1980s to the present. Several questions suggest themselves: What caused the economic decline? Why did it persist for so long? Why did Tanzania change its policies in the mid-1980s? And, what has the change meant for ordinary Tanzanians?

    Introduction

    Academic discussions of Tanzania frequently begin – and often end – with consideration of the influence of founder-president Julius Nyerere. His humanistic socialism portrayed a self-reliant society that would devote its resources to improving economic conditions for the poorest Tanzanians. Nyerere's philosophical idealism provides ongoing subject-matter for nostalgic discussions in scholarly conferences and required reading in university classes on African politics. It also provides a counter-culture of social justice against which some Tanzanians judge the current administration. Some narrators abet this imagery by portraying the Tanzanian story as one of Nyerere's personal idealism brought low by a fatal combination of forces including self-interested political opponents, the class interests of those who might lose out under socialism, and the corrosive force of individual acquisitiveness (Mwakikagile 2009).

    Not all agree. Coulson (2013) directs attention to the dissonance between Nyerere's vision and the dismal reality of an economy whose failings placed its most valued components, universal access to primary education and basic health services, at risk. Tanzania's decline is well documented. The World Bank's classic study of Africa's economic crisis, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: An Agenda for Action (World Bank 1981), known as the Berg Report, singled out Tanzania alongside Ghana as one of Africa's leading examples of poor economic performance. The Berg Report (p. 26) emphasized the loss of foreign exchange earnings caused by a decline in agricultural exports:

    During the last 15 years, the volume of exports in Tanzania has declined dramatically. In 1980, the total exports of the country's major commodities (cotton, coffee, cloves, sisal, cashew nuts, tobacco and tea, which account for two-thirds of the nation's export earnings) were 28 percent lower than in 1966 and 34 percent lower than in 1973.

  • 11 - International Aid to Tanzania – with some comparisons from Ghana and Uganda

    • By Michael Tribe, Economics Department of Makerere University College when it was part of the University of East Africa.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 214-241

  • Summary

    Introduction

    This chapter analyzes international aid (Official Development Assistance or ODA) to Tanzania over the period from 1980 to 2012 and makes comparisons with Ghana and Uganda, countries that are also significant recipients of aid and have experienced similar pressures from donors for policy reform. It considers the implications of some issues arising from the ODA statistics and reviews relevant literature, including official publications, relating to the Tanzanian ‘aid experience’. Particular attention is paid to the impact of aid on economic growth and poverty reduction. Specific Tanzanian ‘aid issues’ are discussed including Budget Support, corruption and alignment with the principles of the Paris Declaration.

    The cases of two of the three countries referred to in this chapter, Tanzania and Ghana, are also discussed in Whitfield (2009). The growth experiences of all three of the countries discussed in this chapter are also referred to in Chapter 1 of this volume. Whitfield and Fraser (2009) make the point that the economies of some of the countries previously regarded as highly aid-dependent have experienced rapid economic growth and are now both less aid-dependent and have access to other sources of funding, particularly China and India. Such changes in the availability of funding options have implications for issues such as policy conditionality, although the reforms already carried out imply that such issues are no longer a major source of disagreement.

    Initially this chapter presents the aid statistics for the three countries in recent years. It then considers their respective records in terms of economic growth and poverty reduction and makes comparisons of the aid experiences and growth outcomes for the three countries. The chapter then proceeds to examine the specific case of Tanzania in detail in relation to the issues of Budget Support, corruption and the specific aid strategies adopted over time before concluding on the Tanzanian experience.

    Aid to Tanzania, Ghana and Uganda

    Table 11.1 shows summary data from the OECD DAC's website (OECD DAC 2014a) for the years 2010 to 2012. In current US$ prices Tanzania's per capita Gross National Income (GNI) has recently been about 20 per cent higher than that of Uganda, and Ghana has a per capita GNI about 2½ to 3 times that of Tanzania and Uganda.

  • 4 - Agricultural Development in Tanzania

  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 58-94

  • Summary

    Introduction A World Bank report from several years ago (World Bank 2012) stated that, despite Tanzania's reasonable growth performance in recent years, the benefits of growth had flowed insufficiently to rural households. That report painted a dismal picture of agricultural performance, the conventional interpretation of the record. In turn, the view that agriculture has been quite stagnant spurs a search for new approaches to ‘transforming’ agriculture (e.g. through the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT)).

    This chapter accepts that:

  • • Since the early 1970s, export crop production has generally performed poorly. The performance of so-called ‘cash’ crops has been one source of the pessimistic view of agricultural performance.

  • • The gap between rural and urban incomes has widened. However, this is a virtually universal characteristic of economic growth at early stages of development. From the point of view of poverty reduction the rural–urban income gap is less important than the actual growth in rural incomes. In a dynamic economy fast growth is likely to be associated with both a widening urban-rural gap and growing rural incomes.

  • • Some rural areas have stagnated or even regressed. This is true of Kagera, which, at independence, was one of the most prosperous parts of Tanzania.

  • • The rate of growth of rural household incomes has fallen short of what is desirable and possibly achievable.

    • Nevertheless, there have been profound changes and significant progress in many aspects of the rural economy, with a realistic economic response to evolving market opportunities, notably through the expansion of food crop supply to urban areas, and significant progress in living conditions.

    If this perception is correct, it is misleading to characterize the rural economy and smallholders as inherently ‘backward’ and unresponsive to potential opportunities. The view sometimes expressed that there is a need for a fundamental change in the ‘mind-set’ of small farmers and promotion of large-scale farming may also be misleading.

    The failure of so many agricultural interventions and projects by government and donors cannot be ascribed to an inherent resistance of small farmers to change. It is not small farmers who have failed to identify and exploit potential development opportunities, but rather the ‘experts’ who have designed and implemented flawed rural programmes.

  • 2 - The Political Economy of Tanzania 1967–2017: Reimagining the State

    • By Andrew Coulson, University of Birmingham, where he worked from 1984, but continues his link with its International Development Department.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 12-31

  • Summary

    This chapter uses the concept of political economy to structure a brief economic history of Tanzania before reviewing Tanzania's current plans and strategies. A short final section examines some of the challenges that face the present leadership.

    Political Economy

    The classical economists, notably Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus, wrote about how wealth was created, and how profit was distributed between classes – landlords, owners of finance, and workers. This they called political economy.

    Karl Marx, in Das Kapital Volume 1, turned this into a determinist theory of development. Societies would proceed, from a state of primitive existence, to feudalism, which would give way to capitalism, which would then pave the way for a socialist revolution in which the working class would take over the state. A capitalist economy would grow when manufacturing entrepreneurs, part of the urban elite or bourgeoisie, invest and create new capacity to create goods. Crises of capitalism would occur when the demand or purchasing power for these goods was not sufficient to buy what could be produced. In his later years, however, Marx recognized that the stages were not predetermined, that some feudal, and some ‘Asiatic’, societies would be stable and might innovate and develop, and hence that each society should be studied on its own terms. A path to socialism was far from inevitable (Shanin 1983; Ramirez 2011; Coulson 2014).

    However, Marxists in the mainstream tradition stayed with the earlier Marx. Lenin, in The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899) and Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917), took determinist theory as given. In the 1950s this approach was applied to third world development in what became known as dependency theory (e.g. Baran 1957; Prebisch 1963; Amin 1977). Colonies were exploited by the capitalist classes of their ruling countries for their raw materials: minerals and agricultural products; and after independence, this exploitation continued through the activities of large multinational companies. The only way to respond to this imperialism (and the neo-colonial imperialism that succeeded it) was for socialist political parties to take over the state, create surpluses, and invest them in factories. Neo-Keynesian economists also argued that these countries had to industrialize, and that, in the short term, the only means to accumulate the surpluses for this was to increase their exports of primary raw materials (Nurkse 1953; Lewis 1955; Rostow 1960).

  • 13 - Economic Leakage as a Constraint on Tourism's Effective Contribution to Local Economic Development in Tanzania

    • By Faustin Kamuzora, Professor of Economic Development with years of experience in academic and policy implementation., Julia Jeyacheya, Senior Lecturer in International Tourism Management at Manchester Metropolitan University.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 258-272

  • Summary

    Introduction

    The structure of the Tanzanian economy has changed significantly since independence, and particularly after economic liberalization in the 1980s and further reforms in the mid-1990s. The gradual move towards a free market economy was transformative for the tourism industry, which showed rapid growth year on year from 1995 onwards. International tourist arrivals in 1995 stood at 295,312, with a sharp increase to 627,325 by 1999. Following a period of decline, arrivals returned to a steady growth of about 10 per cent from 2006, with 644,124 arrivals rising to 1,140,156 in 2014 (Table 13.1. See below, p. 261). Contributions from tourism to employment, GDP and foreign exchange earnings have increased in a similar way over this period. In 2013 the total contributions of tourism to employment, GDP and foreign exchange earnings were 11 per cent, 13 per cent and 18 per cent respectively (WTTC 2015). By 2025, the country aims to attract 8 million international tourists and has recently been awarded a US$100 million loan from the World Bank group to implement a series of projects in four key natural resource areas (Tanzania Investment Centre 2017). Despite these impressive tourism facts and projected figures, the effective contribution of tourism to local socio-economic development can be questioned, as evidence suggests that there is unequal distribution of wealth derived from tourism and precarious employment opportunities (Kinyondo & Pelizzo 2015).

    This chapter begins with an overview of Tanzania's tourism industry from the latter years of the colonial period to the present day. Subsequently, socio-economic trends relating to tourism development in Tanzania since economic liberalization are discussed, followed by a review of the literature on economic leakage and its impact on Tanzania's economy. The chapter goes on to present best practice case studies where the contribution and distribution of tourism benefits are equitable, before ending with some policy-relevant implications.

    A Brief History of Tourism Development in Tanzania

    Tanzania, like much of East and Southern Africa, was a ‘hunters’ playground’ in the late 1800s and early 1900s for the colonial rulers, and indeed the export of ivory and animal skins was a particularly lucrative business. Big game hunting was also an elite sport and attracted high-profile hunters, such as Frederick Selous, Winston Churchill and Theodore Roosevelt, whose motivation to hunt was for prestige and status or for ‘scientific and educational purposes’, rather than financial gain (MacKenzie 1997).

  • 7 - ‘We Just Sell Water – That is All We Do’: Two Cases of Small-scale Irrigation in Tanzania

    • By Anna Mdee, Associate Professor of International Development at the University of Leeds, and a Research Associate of The Overseas Development Institute in London.
  • Edited by David Potts
  • Book:
    Tanzanian Development
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    24 October 2019
    Print publication:
    19 April 2019, pp 140-162

  • Summary

    Introduction

    The quest for agricultural transformation has been a concern in both colonial Tanganyika and post-colonial Tanzania. In a country with a population that relies on agricultural livelihoods the reduction of poverty must necessarily hinge on such transformation. Irrigation is seen as a vital component of improving agricultural productivity, and has been given renewed attention under recent agricultural initiatives. While small-scale indigenous irrigation has a long history, large donor-funded irrigation schemes have not been very successful. and transformation of agriculture through irrigation remains a potential rather than a reality.

    To explore the issue further, this chapter examines the dynamics of irrigation by small-scale farmers in two sites in Tanzania: one is an informal irrigation farmer-led scheme on the Uluguru Mountains; and the other a formalized and donor-supported rehabilitation of a former state rice farm under the cooperative ownership of small-scale farmers. These two cases reveal some critical shortcomings in current institutional arrangements for managing allocations of water in Tanzania, and suggest that, without addressing these, the latent potential of irrigation to transform Tanzanian agriculture will remain latent.

    Irrigation and Agricultural Policy in Tanzania

    Despite the emergence and development of industries, mining, tourism and services, agriculture continues to be significant for Tanzanian development owing to the number of poor people it employs and the strong consumption linkages it has with other sectors (Aman 2005; Coulson 2012; Jenkins 2012). The exact proportion contributed by agriculture to Tanzanian GDP is not universally agreed but ranges from estimates of 25 per cent (UNDP 2012) to around 45 per cent of total GDP (AgWater 2010), and 30 per cent of export earnings (AgWater 2010) to 85 per cent of export earnings (UNDP 2012a). Agriculture continues to provide a significant proportion of the livelihoods of 80 per cent of the population (AgWater 2010; UNDP 2012a; Coulson 2012, 2013). Therefore, support for agricultural development is important for both the nation's overall economic prosperity and for poverty reduction efforts (URT 2005).

    Poor transport infrastructure, a lack of appropriate institutional frameworks, unfavourable market conditions, poor technology adoption, restrictive taxation and tariff regimes, and continued reliance on rain-fed agriculture constrain productivity in the agricultural sector (Aman 2005; AgWater 2010; Jenkins 2012).

  • EDE volume 24 issue 3 Cover and Front matter

  • Journal:
    Environment and Development Economics / Volume 24 / Issue 3 / June 2019
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    16 April 2019, pp. f1-f4
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  • EDE volume 24 issue 3 Cover and Back matter

  • Journal:
    Environment and Development Economics / Volume 24 / Issue 3 / June 2019
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    16 April 2019, pp. b1-b3
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  • The impacts of the Brazilian NDC and their contribution to the Paris agreement on climate change

  • Angelo C. Gurgel, Sergey Paltsev, Gustavo Velloso Breviglieri
  • Journal:
    Environment and Development Economics / Volume 24 / Issue 4 / August 2019
    Published online by Cambridge University Press:
    15 April 2019, pp. 395-412

  • This paper measures the economic impacts of Brazil's climate mitigation strategies contained in its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). To do so, we employ the computable general equilibrium MIT Economic Projection and Policy Analysis model and simulate alternative carbon pricing scenarios (sectoral versus economy-wide carbon markets), set to achieve the country's overall emissions targets announced under the Paris Agreement. The results show relatively cheap emissions reductions from land-use changes and agriculture in the short run: the cost of the Brazilian NDC is predicted to be only 0.7 per cent of GDP in 2030. Further efforts to reduce carbon emissions beyond 2030 would require policy changes, since all the potential emissions reductions from deforestation would be finished and the capacity to expand renewable energy sources would be constrained. In this case, an economy-wide carbon pricing system would help substantially to avoid higher compliance costs.

Page 73 of 287