Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction by Jeremy Jennings
- Select bibliography
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- Note on the text
- Note on the translation
- Reflections on violence
- Introduction: Letter to Daniel Halévy
- Foreword to the third edition
- Introduction to the first publication
- I Class struggle and violence
- II The decadence of the bourgeoisie and violence
- III Prejudices against violence
- IV The proletarian strike
- V The political general strike
- VI The ethics of violence
- VII The ethics of the producers
- Appendix I Unity and multiplicity
- Appendix II Apology for violence
- Appendix III In defence of Lenin
- Index
- Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought
VI - The ethics of violence
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction by Jeremy Jennings
- Select bibliography
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- Note on the text
- Note on the translation
- Reflections on violence
- Introduction: Letter to Daniel Halévy
- Foreword to the third edition
- Introduction to the first publication
- I Class struggle and violence
- II The decadence of the bourgeoisie and violence
- III Prejudices against violence
- IV The proletarian strike
- V The political general strike
- VI The ethics of violence
- VII The ethics of the producers
- Appendix I Unity and multiplicity
- Appendix II Apology for violence
- Appendix III In defence of Lenin
- Index
- Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought
Summary
I. Observations of P[aul] Bureau and of P[aul] de Rousiers. – The era of martyrs. – Possibility of maintaining the cleavage with very little violence, thanks to a catastrophic myth.
II. Old habits of brutality in schools and workshops. – The dangerous classes. – Indulgence for crimes of cunning. – Informers.
III. Law of 1884 passed to intimidate conservatives. – Part played by Millerand in the Waldeck-Rousseau ministry. – Motives behind present ideas on arbitration.
IV. Search for the sublime in morality. – Proudhon. – No moral development in trade unionism. – The sublime in Germany and the catastrophic conception.
There are so many legal precautions against violence and our education is directed towards so weakening our tendencies towards violence that we are instinctively inclined to think that any act of violence is a manifestation of a return to barbarism. If industrial societies have so often been contrasted favourably with military ones, it is because peace has always been considered the greatest of blessings and the essential condition of all material progress: this last point of view explains why, since the eighteenth century and almost without interruption, economists have been in favour of strong central authorities and have troubled little about political liberties. Condorcet levels this reproach at the followers of Quesnay, whilst Napoleon III had probably no greater admirer than Michel Chevalier.
It may be asked whether there is not a little stupidity in the admiration of our contemporaries for gentle methods; I see, in fact, that several authors, remarkable for their perspicacity and their interest in the ethical side of every question, do not seem to have the same fear of violence as our official professors.
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- Chapter
- Information
- Sorel: Reflections on Violence , pp. 175 - 214Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1999