Over the last four decades a number of powerful social and economic trends have begun to significantly impact both class politics and how we may theorize it. These socioeconomic trends have been exacerbated even further in the aftermath of the economic crisis of 2008–9, resulting in the re-mobilization of a wide array of popular movements crystallizing with Occupy and Syriza. Bourgeois insecurity has become more acute as evidenced by rising inequality marching in lockstep with climbing public and private policing employment since at least the 1970s. Increased inequality has also coincided with greater rates of exploitation; significant decreases in union membership; and the intensification of the everyday economic insecurity of workers, especially part-time and precarious workers, who have taken on more and more debt in order to maintain a standard of living comparable to previous generations. Emerging into popular consciousness at this time has also been the economic and social insularity of the 1 percent – an awareness that has produced a renewal of critique aimed at addressing how, in the wake of the Great Recession, there has been no clear political alternative to the retrenchment of neoliberalism through austerity and further global economic uncertainty. This generalized insecurity has taken place alongside the rhetorical rise of the “war on terror” layered over the top of an already existing “war on drugs” and a “war on crime” with their concomitant race, class, and gender implications. Warmaking as a form of peace-making or “war as peace” has become an essential facilitator for the proliferation of a security– industrial complex inextricably bound up with capital accumulation and Empire. Mass demonstrations against the ceremonial gathering of corporate and state elites during meetings of the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) or the Group of Twenty (G20) have cast in stark relief the politics of the 99 percent with that of the 1 percent; have drawn visible, geographic boundaries around the permissibility of dissent; and have facilitated the occupation and colonization of urban space for the purpose of “extending the scope of productive labour” and the circuit of capital accumulation. These processes, of course, have a very long history tied to the formation of “police science” and the functional connection between wealth accumulation and the fabrication of a social order.