Introduction

Since the early 1990s, the demand for Parental Leave and formal ECEC services has been increasing in all European countries as more women have entered the labour market (Annesley, 2007). Although the EU Directive on Parental Leave has obliged member states to introduce appropriate legislation, significant differences in this leave can still be found among countries in relation to eligibility, duration, levels of payment and flexibility (Koslowski et al, 2016). The aim of this chapter is to explore whether the often-used approach ( à la Esping- Andersen) to identify welfare regimes according to their unique and mutually exclusive characteristics helps us to adequately understand this variation in the way Parental Leave is implemented across countries. The chapter is part of a wave of new analyses offering a theoretical link between the arena of welfare policies and the wider configuration of socio-economic, cultural and institutional frameworks within which the different welfare regimes are placed (Hall and Soskice, 2001; Den Dulk et al, 2013). In particular, the central argument is that reflection on Parental Leave must be conceptualised within a broader framework of structural dimensions (such as care-work resources provided either publicly or privately, as well as family structures) and cultural resources (such as ideas about care tasks).

Theoretical approach

As noted by Hinrichs (2000), the choice to focus on a specific policy area permits more precise observations of the existence of stability or change within the broader field of work–life balance policies. This choice seems methodologically appropriate where the aim is to capture any elements of convergence or, conversely, differentiation of leave policies, avoiding the risk of analysing these policies ‘from above’, which might favour the impression of ‘regime stability’ (Natali and Rago, 2010, p.63). However, this restriction of the object of analysis leaves the comparative researcher with a problem, as a given policy area rarely, if ever, exists in isolation. Parental Leave policies are, on the one hand, related to a wider range of policies (in particular, work–life balance, education, health, fertility and social mobility policies); while on the other hand, they interface with the actors (and their cultures) related to other political and institutional arenas.

Therefore, this analytical approach requires a change of perspective with respect to theoretical models of the welfare regime, such as that proposed by Esping-Andersen (1990).