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7 - Head- versus dependent-marking: the case of the clause

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 February 2010

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Summary

Introduction

In this chapter I wish to consider the implications of juxtaposing three strands of recent syntactic research that have tended to remain independent of each other. Although there are undeniably differences of emphasis and occasionally of principle, it is part of the contention of this chapter (a) that there is much to be gained from an attempt to bring them together, and (b) that there is less of real substance keeping them apart than is perhaps sometimes thought. The approaches in question are:

  1. The line of typological research inaugurated by Nichols (1986), in particular her fundamental distinction between head-marking and dependent-marking languages.

  2. The focus in the recent generative literature on the properties of functional categories and their projections (Chomsky, 1986a; Abney, 1987; Speas, 1990 and a whole host of other references).

  3. The study of the processes of grammaticalization as a mechanism of syntactic change (Heine, Claudi and Hunnemeyer, 1991; Heine and Traugott, 1991; Hopper and Traugott, forthcoming).

I will begin with a brief characterization of each.

Head-marking versus dependent-marking

This typology assumes a theory-independent and cross-linguistic agreement as to which is the head and which the dependent in any given syntactic construction, and then classifies languages according to whether the head-dependent relation is marked on the head or the dependent. Thus, compare the following:

  1. Maltese bin Alia

  2. son of God

  3. Latin filius Dei

  4. son of God

The Maltese noun iben ‘son’ has a special form bin, the so-called construct state, which is required when it has a nominal dependent. The dependent nominal Alia ‘God’ occurs in the same form as it would if it were an independent element.

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Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 1993

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